AMDH Chiapas Bulletin No. 1
(amdh@laneta.apc.org)
Mon, 3 Apr 95 22:44:16 PDT
MEXICAN ACADEMY FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
BOLETIN ESPECIAL
C H I A P A S
WEEKLY BOLLETIN No. 1
FEBRUARY-MARCH 1995
Presentation
The armed conflict in the southern state of Chiapas has turned into
a detonator of the mexican society and its political system. The
respect and enforcement of human rights is an unavoidable demand in
building peace, solving the grave problems in our country and for
the transition to democracy.
In this context, the Mexican Academy of Human Rights resumes
with this issue the publication of its Chiapas Special Bulletin, with
the purpose of providing systematized information in the form of a
summary of the most relevant events. We will also be dealing with
a variety of human rights topics.
The bulletin will include a "chronological sunthesis" of the
most important events; a "follow up of news, to corroborate or
elaborate on the information in order to attain veracity and
objectivity; and a section called "space for the exchange of
information among the NGO's.
Editorial
Once again, this time with more serious threats to Human Rights,
the Chiapas' conflict is attracting Mexico's attention and that of
the international community. It is once more demanding the
intensified efforts of all sectors of the society interested in a
civilized and democratic solution to this conflict.
More clearly than before, these sectors constitute the
majority. According to the "citizen poll" organized last February
26 by Alianza C-vica, whose sole realization constitutes a landmark
in the awakening of the Mexican Civil Society, more than 90%
declared that "the government must once again start the dialogue
and negotiations, and discard military and judicial actions to
solve the Chiapas' conflict".
Certainly, participation in the poll was low due, to a great
extent, to the fact that this is the first democratic drill of this
kind in Mexico's history. However, it is equally true that citizen
participation left all previous estimations well behind. In any
case, there are other indicators (marches, movilizations, hunger
strikes, caravans, press insertions) that show that the majority of
Mexicans do not want war, either in Chiapas or in any other place.
A greater consensus on this point, alongside the thriving and
greater maturity of Mexican non-governmental organizations stand
out amidst the various positive elements that surround the Chiapas'
conflict. Contrarily to what it was at the beginnning, back in
January 1994, today there seems to be greater potential,
particularly civic, for a fruitful solution of the conflict.
At the same time, however, there are more negative elements
that, as a whole, complicate the task of safeguarding human rights,
starting with the right to life and peace. The first of these
elements has to do with the unexpected breaking of the truce held
during long and difficult months, among other things, thanks to the
efforts of the National Mediation Commission (Conai), headed by
Bishop Samuel Ruiz. Nevertheless, innumerable declarations and the
efforts of President Zedillo in favor of a negotiated solution,
suddenly seemed to impose over the repressive solution. Last
February 9, Chiapas again witnessed the deploy of military forces;
but now in largest numbers than in January 1994 and, additionally,
accompanied by detention orders issued against those with whom
negotiation was sought; that is, "Zapatista" movement (EZLN)
leaders.
Citizen demonstrations for peace immediately acquired new
strength, practically without interruption to this date. A couple
of weeks later there were governmental signs (at least a temporary
interruption of detention orders, a halt in the Armys advance)
linked to a political solution. What is true is that there have
eversince been ambivalent situations and even open contradictions
among declarations and facts. Late in February new military
progress was reported, alongside issues supposedly related to the
"Zapatista" movement; an apparently incremental harassment against
agencies committed with peace efforts, solidarity and other noble
causes; disparage campaigns that verge on aggressions to characters
such as Samuel Ruiz and, finally, a systematic manipulation, if not
a real siege, of information.
Even during this ambivalent stage, the balance is no doubt
threatening for the cause of Human Rights, linked as never before
to the need for Mexico's democratic transition. When the Chiapas'
conflict started, numerous violations to the civil and political
rights were registered, basically against "Zapatistas" (arbitrary
arrests, torture, persecution). Now violence tends to spread to
non-belligerant sectors, the same as in the case of economic,
social and cultural human rights. Specially important are the
forceful displacements of whole populations and the consequent
damages related to housing, employment, health and even education,
not to mention new violations to the cultural identity of
indigenous groups, now in their very roots: the forceful separation
from their land.
There is still time for the victory of reason and justice,
only attainable through a non-military solution of the Chiapa's
conflict. However, this demands the revitalization of democratic
and peace endeavors, starting with an effort to make a reality of
the right that societies have to timely and truthful information.
Fundamentally, this is what the continuation of this Special
Chiapas Bulletin attempts to contribute.
CHIAPAS CHRONOLOGY (10 TO 28 OF FEBRUARY, 1995)
February 10
President Ernesto Zedillo said in his message that: "The evidence
has helped to demonstrate that the origin, composition of the
leadership and purposes of the group are neither popular, nor
indigenous or of the people of Chiapas. They come from a guerrilla
group derived from a previous one integrated back in 1969 in
another state of the Mexican Republic, called National Liberation
Force, who were in favor of armed conflict as a means to take
political power".
Sedition, mutiny, rebellion, conspiracy, terrorism, bearing
and trafficking with fire arms for exclusive Mexican Army use are
the charges that the Office of the Attorney General of the Republic
made against the alleged EZLN leaders, among them Rafael Sebasti n
Guill n Vicente, whom Attorney Antonio Lozano Gracia identified as
Second Commander Marcos. He also informed about two operations
effected in Veracruz and the Federal District, during which large
"arsenals" were confiscated that, he assured, were "in the hands of
groups related with the EZLN". Consequently, he will "devote
himself to find and arrest those allegedly responsible, in order to
present them before the judge to whom the cause was referred".
President Zedillos' declaration, alongside the dynamics of
international events and the reactivation of local and regional
conflicts, "may seriously damage" the immediate possibilities of
the peace process, said the National Mediation Commission (Conai).
It is obvious that during the last days, despite Conai's devoted
efforts, the relationship between the parties came to a "dangerous
impasse derived from official pressures and the mistrust of the
EZLN".
The Fray Bartolom de las Casas Center for Human Rights,
headed by Bishop Samuel Ruiz Garc-a, considered that government
actions "drastically interrupted the dialogue and turn away from a
political solution to the conflict, with a possible rebirth of
hostilities". Measures made public this day, "rather than assure
the security of the people of Chiapas, may generate a wave of
fratricide violence against the civil population, particularly
indigenous persons and peasants". On the other hand, the rebel
transition government declared that detention orders issued today
against five alleged EZLN leaders mean that the federal troops
"will advance through 'Zapatista' positions, breaking ceasefire
conditions".
February 11, 1995
The President's Office reaffirmed that the measures made public the
previous day "are meant to prevent criminal acts". A press bulletin
also informed that evidence discovered during PGR searches
"indicates that the EZLN was preparing new violence and terrorism
actions"; it was admitted that "undoubtedly some prominent members
of political parties and social organizations established good
faith contacts with EZLN leaders. These intended to contribute to
the dialogue, and they should not be objected or doomed".
Chiapas' rebel governor, Amado Avenda o Figueroa, made public
that the judicial authorities of that state issued a detention
order against him, where he was accused of sedition, rebellion and
mutiny "among other things". He said that the Democratic State
Assembly of the People of Chiapas decided to reinitiate "civil
insurgence" actions. Meanwhile, Bishop Samuel Ruiz, the Conai and
the "Fray Bartolom de las Casas" Center for Human Rights asked the
federal government to stop the "dangerous military escalade" and
reconsider the way of political solution, since the rule of law and
constitutional order, they said, "cannot rest upon a fratricide
war".
Certain media informed that early this morning around 30
elements of the Federal Judicial Police broke into the headquarters
of the Bureau of Non-Governmental Organizations for Peace (Conpaz)
at San Crist bal de las Casas. Witnesses declared that, they
"forced their way" into the premises.
There are conflicting standpoints within the different sectors
that integrate the country's political and social life. Today,
after the official notice was made public, there was great
agitation that went beyond the limits of disbelief, concern and
even fear for a yet uncertain future.
In this context, Cardinal Adolfo Su rez, Archbishop of
Monterrey affirmed that "having acted firmly with regard to the
Chiapas' conflict, President Ernesto Zedillo succeeded in restoring
the people's trust in institutions". During an interview, he asked
the "zapatistas" to lay down the arms and take refuge in
presidential amnesty. The President of the National Human Rights
Commission, Jorge Madrazo Cu llar affirmed that actions taken by
the Executive "mean the beginning of a solution to the Chiapas
armed conflict". Labor leader Fidel Vel zquez declared that "at
last the government realized that dialogue with masked criminals is
not possible".
This same day, Mar-a Gloria Benavides Guevara, Second
Commander Elisa according to the PGR, rejected the contents of her
preliminary declaration since "...the whole ministerial declaration
is a story prepared by those who arrested me... I was forced to
accept that I am acquainted with Second Commander Marcos, and when
I denied it, they threatened to hurt my two-year old child. If I
signed the declaration, it was under pressures derived from the
threats received from the agents who broke into my home to arrest
me. You are well aware that I was kept blindfold until my recent
arrival in prison". This was declared before the sixth district
judge. Additionally, other seven persons under arrest, acussed of
being EZLN members, declared having suffered "torture and threats"
in order to force them to admit what they had not done. The
official records say that Benavides Guevara and Salvador Morales
Garibay, acussed as prominent EZLN activits, declared that the
organization has 12,000 members, among which around 2,000 are
armed, and that the EZLN relies on "cells" in the states of
Veracruz and Mexico. They also said that guerrilla leaders,
including Second Commander Marcos, were trained in Nicaragua by the
National Sandinist Liberation Front and that, aside having bought
arms from the United States, they used financial resources of the
Independent Proletarian Movement and the "Ruta 100" Labor Union.
Mexican Army troops took hold of Guadalupe Tepeyac and
Aguascalientes, important EZLN strongholds, where around 2,500
well-armed soldiers marched in, using approximately 110 vehicles of
all kinds, supported by helicopters and airplanes, advancing by
ground and air into other rebel areas in the Chiapas jungle. Access
to the media was closed last night, arguing "individual safety".
The Office of the Attorney General of the Republic (PGR)
arrested two persons identified as EZLN top leaders: Jorge Javier
Elorreaga and Jorge Santiago Santiago.
At the closing of a meeting of entrepreneurs from Mexico,
Canada and the United States with President Ernesto Zedillo,
businessmen listened to a detailed explanation about the situation
of the Chiapas' conflict, and expressed their support to the
Mexican Executive. David Winfield and James Jones, ambassadors in
Mexico of Canada and United States respectively, considered that
the measures adopted by President Zedillo were "right", as they
will promote trust among investors.
Jos Angel Gurr-a, Mexican Minister of Foreign Affairs
telephoned his U.S. peer Warren Christopher to inform him about the
situation that prevailed at the moment when Zedillo was informing
the people of Mexico about his decisions. The release of the U.S.
Department of State referred to what the Mexican leader said about
his commitment to safeguard human rights in confronting "the
legitimate causes for social discontent" in Chiapas, and his
assertion that the paths to a peaceful solution will remain open.
"The United States continue to demand moderation, respect for human
rights and absolute compliance with the legal procedures",
concluded the official communiqu of the Department of State.
Wearing mountain hoods, "paliacates" (colored scarfs) and
pancharts, hundreds of Asamblea de Barrios (Association of
Quarters) activists marched from the statue of Independence to the
official presidential residence of "Los Pinos" and from that point
toward the Office of the Attorney General of the Republic,
demanding an "end to war" and "peace with justice and democracy",
in support of the EZLN and Second Commander Marcos. Representative
Marco Rasc n read the document that Asamblea de Barrios addressed
to the President, saying: "Yesterday you unmasked Marcos; but
simultaneously you took off your own mask: you are a traitor".
The National Network of Human Rights Civil Organizations "All
Rights for Everyone", the Mexican League for the Defense of Human
Rights and Conapaz expressed their "utmost concern" and "deep
regret" for the presidential decision to use military force to
support detention orders issued by the PGR against EZLN leaders in
Chiapas.
In response to the detention orders the rallying cry "We are
all Marcos!" emerged, revitalizing the demand of early in 1994:
"Peace and justice for Chiapas!" This was heard during a meeting
that took thousands of demonstrators to the streets and
concentrated in Mexico City's main square more than one hundred
thousand persons, according to the information that appeared in the
different newspapers. The Democratic Revolution Party (PRD)
asserted that the Chiapas' measures have broken fundamental
commitments of both the Political Agreement signed at Los Pinos,
and of all and each public declarations made by the government and
the President in reference to that state; "It is, by all means, a
unilateral breaking of the truce" said the national PRD leader
Porfirio Mu oz Ledo. Cuauht moc C rdenas blamed the government of
Bill Clinton for pressing the Zedillo regime to break the truce.
The Mexican Ministry of the Interior issued a communiqu referring
to the version of the official news agency Notimex, same that was
used by other media, saying that Mario Saucedo P rez, PRD governor
candidate of Jalisco, was linked to Rafael Sebasti n Guill n
Vicente, alleged real name of Second Commander Marcos. The document
indicates: "The Ministry of the Interior affirms that the official
information of the PGR has never suggested the above, and there is
no indication of the veracity of such information".
Last year, United States intelligence services helped the
Mexican government to uncover the identity of Second Commander
Marcos, as certain high Mexican officers quoted by "The New York
Times" "privately" declared.
Vicente Fox Quezada, PAN governor candidate of Guanajuato
indicated: "There is no evidence to assure that individuals
arrested by the PGR last Thursday really belong to the EZLN".
The Mexican Commission for the Defense and Promotion of Human
Rights, A.C. (CMDPDH) made an urgent international exhortation to
demand the Mexican government to arrive at a peaceful solution of
the Chiapas' conflict and put an end to repression against
political opposition members. It also demanded to halt the "making
of culprits", and the possibility of verifying that all those
arrested in relation to the conflict are physically and mentally in
order; to take legal measures against those who, through physical
or moral force obtain incriminating declarations from individuals
under arrest; to observe the Constitution, and to assure that the
Army will not punish crimes.
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch/America
separately expressed their deep concern over possible human rights
violations by the Mexican police and armed forces during their
attempts to arrest EZLN members. A wide range of human rights and
non-govenmental organizations (NGOs), pacifist groups and U.S.
solidarity committees expressed their preoccupation for or
disagreement with the actions commanded by the government of
President Ernesto Zedillo during the eve.
February 12
During a meeting with the Legislative Commission for Dialogue and
Conciliation in Chiapas, the Minister of the Interior Esteban
Moctezuma invited the actors of the conflict to start as soon as
possible negotiations leading to a dialogue for the overall
solution of the crisis. Nonetheless, PRD Senator Heberto Castillo,
president of this Commission, informed that during a private
meeting with this high govenment officer he had warned him that it
was difficult to "dialogue" with the rebel group in view of the
detention orders issued.
"A parallel war" of incriminations, rumors and intimidation
began within the Chiapas' conflict region, with the apparition of
"leaflets" demanding the detention and expulsion of religious and
social leaders identified with the EZLN and the PRD. Within this
context, Dominican priests of Ocosingo denounced that cattle-
raisers and traders grouped in the Self-Defense Civic Front are
organizing a journey to San Crist bal de las Casas to "banish"
Bishop Samuel Ruiz from his congregation.
The Ministry of the Interior informed that the activities of
PGR agents and Mexican Army members in Chiapas lie within the
limits of right and "by no means imply a war". "They have acted in
strict obedience to the law and safeguarding the human rights of
the civilian population and indigenous communities" of that state.
The Ministry of the Interior insists that, as president Zedillo
affirmed, the measures adopted in Chiapas were compelling "in view
of the evidence that the EZLN was preparing new acts of terrorism
in the state and other parts of the republic".
Jorge Santiago Santiago, Conai consultant, denied being the
link between Second Commander Marcos and Samuel Ruiz, as well as
charges of terrorism, sedition, rebellion and conspiracy made
against him by the PGR.
The decisions against certain EZLN members do not mean that
the government prefers violence as a solution to the armed conflict
in Chiapas, said the Conference of the Mexican Episcopate (CEM)
while declaring its official standing concerning military and
judicial actions ordered by president Zedillo.
Lou Wolf of the Covert Action Information Bulletin,
specialized critical publication of the U.S. intelligence community
also considers that Mexico's actions "are not directed by the
Mexican government, but rather by foreign interests, particularly
Wall Street and the U.S. government".
The 900 delegates of the National Union of Regional Autonomous
Peasant Organizations (UNORCA) and the National Bureau of
Independent Organizations demanded an end to the armed
confrontation in Chiapas and to stop the "witch hunt" against
agencies unfairly acussed of financing the EZLN.
Cuauht moc C rdenas warned that if the government insists on
a "long war", many Mexicans will suffer the repression,
imprisonment, torture and disappearance of their loved ones; there
will be bloodshed in both armies, investments will be scared away
and economic stagnation will follow. Addressing more than 100
thousand supporters who echoed his words, he asked for a "no to the
war" and a yes for dialogue and peace. The PRD leader said that
President Zedillo "has asked his accomplice, the National Action
Party (PAN) to take care of the dirty job" because, he said, "it is
under his political responsibility that torture takes place, and
arsenals with eight guns and four firecrackers to overthrow the
government are invented".
February 13
The PGR "categorically" denied bombings in the surroundings of
Morelia and La Garrucha, as an EZLN release affirms.
More than a dozen corpses of Mexican Army and EZLN members
were taken from the jungle to the Committee hospital, according to
a communiqu issued by the Italian press agency Ansa.
"Would you say this is a prewar condition? No, this is war,
corrected General Ram n Arrieta, in charge of the operations for
the occupation of Aguascalientes, main "zapatista" stronghold.
Little before he had said: "We bring the law, the rule of the
Constitution... They just ran away when they heard the
helicopters", and pointed toward the access to the jungle. "It is
very difficult to go in there; you need a cutlass to put everything
down. This ground requires large troops. To occupy that hill you
see there about 30 riflemen are needed. They have been here for
more than a year, and know all jungle shortcuts. We hope an
agreement is arrived at; if not, we will have to go in there".
General Arrieta's version spoke of an exodus toward Nuevo Mom n
"promoted by Katherine Hansen", in charge of the International Red
Cross, in what the general calls an "open intervention in the
domestic affairs of Mexicans. She instigated the population against
the Army".
Peasants of Monte L-bano and Censo in the muncipality of
Ocosingo affirmed that Mexican troops clashed with EZLN insurgents
at the outskirts of La Estrella, and five rebels were killed. They
denounced that many communities have been "sieged" by military
forces, who chase with dogs those who, out of fear, have flown to
the jungle or the mountains.
"To stop the genocidal war" in the area sieged by the Mexican
Army and a return to dialogue as a means to finding a political
solution to the Chiapas' conflict was the demand and proposal of
the Clandestine Indigenous Revolutionary Committee (CCRI),
Commander General of the EZLN. In what constitutes a first response
from EZLN leaders since President Zedillo ordered the Mexican Army
to stop "Zapatista" forces, the CCRI of the Highlands asked the
Federal Executive to put an end to the "dirty war" that the Army is
carrying on in the conflict area with "bombings, shooting, rapes,
beatings, lies and killing". "You are wrong about your decision
against us; you believe that killing Chiapas' 'Zapatistas' or
Second Commander Marcos you can stop this struggle. No, Mr.
Zedillo: The 'Zapatista' struggle is widespread in Mexico". The
CCRI urges "all Mexicans to stop this genocidal war promoted by the
bad government". They accuse the government of acting with "lies"
and making a "dirty war" in "zapatista" towns. "The government of
Ernesto Zedillo is killing us and our children, beating and raping
women. We demand the people of Mexico and the people of the world
to do something to stop this war. Once again we entreat you not to
leave us alone. We will react with dignity".
The governmental decision of giving a military solution to the
Chiapas' conflict was arrived at in the United States, the EZLN
affirmed. Marcos himself denied being the "individual from Tampico
whom the PGR unmasked last February 9. The "price of the loan must
be paid with Mexican and indigenous blood", they expressed in
reference to the guarantees for more than 50 thousand dollars
agreed to by Mexican authorities with international agencies,
commercial banks and the U.S. government. The same day that
President Zedillo announced that detention orders had been issued
against five alleged "Zapatista" leaders, the EZLN asserted that
when its representatives were dealing with the last details for a
new interview with government delegates, they received an
ultimatum. The EZLN denied the accusation made by federal
authorities that the armed group was preparing a series of violent
acts to expand its territory. "We firmly declared this was false,
since willingness to dialogue and arriving at a fair and dignified
solution to the conflict has been shown in the declarations of our
leaders and the distention actions agreed upon with the Minister of
the Interior (Esteban Moctezuma) during the meeting of last January
15.
Most of the alleged EZLN activits arrested during the past
days were cross-examined and imprisoned in a clandestine military
jail before referring them to the PGR, affirmed Alfredo Andrade
Boj rquez, defendant of the indicted in Yanga, Veracruz.
More than one thousand persons expressed this Sunday in Madrid
and Barcelona, Spain, their solidarity with the "Zapatista" cause
and repudiated military actions undertaken by the Mexican
government in Chiapas. In Chile, the Democratic Party condemned the
military attack and expressed its fear that serious human rights
violations might occur against "Zapatista" insurgents.
For the second day, political and social organizations
demonstrated against the measures adopted by the Federal government
with respect to the Chiapas case and demanded a peaceful solution
to the conflict and a halt to the repression. Around five thousand
persons participated in marches, meetings and highway blockades in
Juchit n, Oaxaca; M rida, Yucat n; Torre n, Coahuila and La Paz,
Baja California Sur.
This morning, Federal Police (PJF) agents arrested Francisco
Aranda Tinajero, leader of the Worker-Peasant-Student Coalition of
Soconusco (COCES), accusing him of damages to the general ways of
communication and without relation to the demonstrations of the
previous day in support of the Chiapas community.
Samuel Ruiz prayed once again this night, as so many times
before, for the indigenous and poor peoples of Chiapas. At the same
time, he urged actions leading to a "reconciliation" based on a
"new order with justice". He also exhorted people to talk with the
truth about what is happening in Chiapas and to preserve coherence
between "the proclaimed actions and the will to safeguard human
rights".
The Conai made a new call for the use of political means to
solve this conflict and not with the irrationality of war. It also
demanded truthful information and guarantees for the civilian
population.
Participants in the Peace Pastors' caravan of U.S. observers
informed about the first report of their tour around the region.
According to it, they considered the restriction imposed by the
Mexican Army in "zapatista" areas "a matter of extreme concern",
and expressed that obstacles to entering these areas constitutes a
violation to human rights. They indicated that "since no state of
exception has been decreed, free transit must be respected", and
considered that "it is necessary to know what is happening behind
military outposts".
The Bishop of the congregation of Tuxtla Guti rrez, Felipe
Arizmendi said that "no military government" can be implemented for
the sake of preserving the rule of law; this cannot emerge from
"the force of arms or fear", but must rather be a rule whereby the
human rights of all citizens are respected. However, he made clear
that the Federal government must "comply with its duty to watch the
safety of Mexicans and their institutions, and it is not
contradictory that it uses the means conferred and demanded by the
law".
Members of the National Democratic Convention, representatives
of civic and labor union groups, political party members and
citizens in general demanded a stop to the bombings of the Mexican
Army in the Highlands of Chiapas; they demanded the government to
change its belligerant attitude and urged it to find a peaceful and
negotiated solution to the Chiapas' conflict. They also demanded
communication media to stop "distorting and twisting" information.
February 14
The EZLN affirmed that "there are few possibilities of a retreat"
of its troops to prevent direct confrontation with the Mexican
Army, and it warned, through Mayor Ana Mar-a, that war without end
may break out "any moment". "If we have not responded to fire -she
added- it is because we have not received orders, but as they have
started to arrest and torture the civilian population, we can no
longer resist in the mountains without response".
President Zedillo said to the plural commission for the
Chiapas' case of the Congress that actions made public last
February 9 are only "an intermediate step to negotiations", and
that the solution to the conflict will come peacefully; meanwhile,
legislators were proposed as the means to reinstall talks between
both parties involved in the conflict. To this end, legislators
highlighted the need to achieve an agreement concerning an amnesty
law that enables EZLN leaders against whom there are detention
orders were issued, among them Second Commander Marcos to take
refuge.
The Army and the Federal government started to promote the
return of more than 20 thousand indigenous persons and peasants
displaced during the last year from the area of the Chiapas'
conflict, now offering that support will be given to "ejidatarios",
producers and "comuneros", assuring "there are no conditions for
the return".
The alleged "Zapatista" leaders Jorge Javier Elorreaga
Berdegu and Jorge Santiago Santiago, as well as tzeltal Jos Etzin
G mez, EZLN activist, were taken to the High Security Prison of
Almoloya de Ju rez amidst a strong security operation.
The International Red Cross Committee (CICR) affirmed that
"several thousand" civilians displaced from the jungle confront a
"critical and hard" situation, and it is therefore urgent in this
moment to have access to the area in order to know the conditions
of people in order to organize the corresponding assistance
program. On the other hand, the humanitarian agency rejected the
accusation made by General Ram n Arrieta -head of the military
operations in Guadalupe Tepeyac- that this institution exerts
influence in the domestic affairs of Mexico, although he made clear
that the Mexican government "has not given us any trouble".
After attaining its objective of recovering the main
"Zapatista" stronghold of Guadalupe Tepeyac, paratroopers who
participated in the operations returned to their original
headquarters of Santa Luc-a in Mexico City.
The Ministry of National Defense informed that around two
thousand paratroopers returned to Mexico City from the Chiapas'
conflict area, once they concluded their activities in support of
the Federal Judicial Police. The "General-simo Morelos" Insurgent
Brigade, the "Milicia Zapatista de la Sierra Gorda" and the
"Southern Revolutionary Armed Command" had shown their ability to
coordinate with the EZLN, similar "power taking projects by the
arms" and a combination of proposals from diverse political
proyects such as Maoism, the Cuban guerrilla and the strategy of
insurgent revolutionary leaders of the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries. According to a report of the Ministry of the Interior,
to which La Jornada had access, "throughout the country" this
agency detected outbursts of this "brigade", alleged evidence of
the "Zapatista" activism cells in Guanajuato and Quer taro, and
activities of the "command" in Guerrero.
At least 3 thousand Mexican Army elements are blocking the
communities of the Tzeltal gully, one of the two ways of access to
the jungle from Ocosingo. The military received orders not to allow
the entrance of human rights agencies, church or media
representatives. These communities of the jungle region of Las
Tasas, el Zapotal, Agua Azul and Tatihuitz have been totally
isolated since February 10.
The government of Washington prefers a "non-bellic" solution
to the Chiapas' conflict. Any opposing measure would arouse
mistrust among international investors and, in the opinion of
Arturo Valenzuela, Assistant Secretary for Interamerican Affairs of
the U.S. State Department, "it is important for them to count on
stable conditions". Additionally, he rejected the idea that the
White House might have had any influence on a military resolution
related to the financial assistance in the amount of 20 billion
dollars. For the White House, war in Chiapas is a matter of deep
concern.
In an "exhortation to all Christians" (coletos), made before
the congregation of San Crist bal de las Casas, Bishop Samuel Ruiz
assured that Conai will keep "the certainty that dialogue was and
still is possible, and consequently, we must continue striving to
achieve a negotiated solution that excludes a bellic confrontation.
As Christians we cannot agree with fratricide war to ensure the
rule of law and constitutional order. We therefore support the
exhortation made by the President of the Republic in the sense that
our contribution to social peace becomes a reality".
Conpaz and the "Fray Bartolom de las Casas" Center for Human
Rights affirmed that a campaign of misinformation and rumors is
dangerously underway. Its main purpose is to create confusion among
the transition government of Chiapas, humanitarian aid
organizations and public opinion. Since last Thursday when the
military siege was established in the conflict area, a void of
information was created. Neither the NGOs nor the civil population
knew what was happening. Thus, intimidating versions about alleged
detention orders against the rebel governor Amado Avenda o and
bishop Samuel Ruiz began to circulate. There were news about the
home arrest of the Executive Secretary of CDHFBD Pablo Romo.
Consequently, Conapaz and CDHFBC have launched the campaign "Right
to Information" with the distribution of reports about the conflict
area throughout the region where their members work, by means of
caravans into the communities.
The decision of the Mexican government to undertake offensive
actions to capture Rafael Sebasti n Guill n Vicente, identified as
Second Commander Marcos, head of the EZLN, caused opposing
reactions worldwide. There were protest demonstrations at the
Mexican Embassy in Paris and the Consulate at Lyon against the
"invasion of the territory controlled by 'Zapatistas'".
The Mexican labor leader Fidel Vel zquez said that newspapers
are "enemies" of his organization; that journalists ask questions
that "tend to disparage the government". When asked whether the
Chiapas' conflict was not diverting attention from other issues as
the economic problem, he answered: "You are making Marcos an
accessory; you blame everything on us; all questions tend to
disparage the government. Go on like that and maybe you too will
end up in jail!".
Chiapas is experiencing a "dirty war" similar to that of South
Africa and Central America, with "a policy of misinformation and
illegal bodies that kidnap and hurt the rights of the allegedly
involved", stated Mariclaire Acosta, representative of the Mexican
Human Rights Commission.
Chiapas is being subject to a "dirty war" similar to the one
once utilized in South America and Central America, together with
a "policy of misinformation and the employment of illegal groups
kidnapping and violating the human rights of the people supposedly
involved [with the Zapatistas] said Mariclaire Acosta,
representative of the Mexican Commission for the Defense and
Promotion of Human Rights. At a press conference, Enrique Brito
from the Forum of Mutual Support; Rogelio G mez Hermosillo from
Convergence of Civil Organizations for Democracy; Carlos Heredia
and Mariclaire Acosta all said that very little information has
been disclosed regarding the situation in the conflict zone and
that they only have the report prepared by the San Cristobal-based
Conpaz organization, informing of the military attacks. Finally,
the NGO's proposed the creation of a peace zone to stop the
military offensive and allows the two parties to meet and resume
dialogue.
February 15, 1995.
No confrontations in Chiapas, was the instuction that
President Ernesto Zedillo gave to the Mexican Army
and to the Attorney General<s Office (ProcuradurPa
General de la Repoblica, PGR). In what was
considered a ratification of governmental strategy
announced just five days ago, the Executive renewed
its call to the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberaci>n
Nacional (EZLN) so that it manifests with clarity, its
intention to opt for the political and legal path. In a
skewed critic to the means of comunication--to which
he did no alude to directly--he asked that they speak
with the truth, that they write the truth, and that they
critisize with the truth. He asked the Legislative
Commission for Dialogue and Consiliation in Chiapas
and the National Commission of Human Rights
(CNDH) to verify that the prescence of the army and
the PGR in that entity, since last thursday, has been
peaceful and "absolutely" respectful of human rights.
Eduardo Robledo Rincon left the post as Gobernor of
the State of Chiapas, he applied for a leave of
abscence to the local Congress. In his final speach,
in which he abandoned the conciliating tone of his
governing days, he called to the co-responsability of
other actors: to Samuel Ruiz, that he resign to his
present activities; to Amado Avenda o, the he
"abandon his ambition", and to the EZLN, that it lay
down its arms.
The National Intermediary Commission (Conai)
trusted in the instructions of President Zedillo "so that
no offensive action that may provoque conflict be
followed through" as a political gesture that gives way
to other intensive events from the Federal
Government and the EZLN, so that the parts begin to
dialogue. The organism stated that in the "serious
context of these times", it maintains its decision to
contribute with determination its function as an
intermediary "recognized by the Federal Government
and the EZLN."
After Eduardo Robledo Rincon<s application for leave
of abscence to separate himself from the post as
governor, the mayors (presidentes municipales) and
the Coalition of Citizen<s Organizations of Chiapas
(COCECH) requested to President Ernesto Zedillo,
and to the Federal and Local Congresses, the
departure of Samuel Ruiz Garcia; that the EZLN put
down its arms; the recuperation of the one thousand
invaded estates; and that Amado Avenda o "return to
his home" or that he be put before a judge.
The President of the Episcopal Commission for Social
Communications, Abelardo Alvarado Alc ntara
considered that the role carried out by the Bishop of
San Cristobal de las Casas, Samuel Ruiz Garcia, has
been "controversial", which "affects and compromises
the image" of the Catholic Church. On Eduardo
Robledo<s petition so that Samuel Ruiz resigns to his
actual activities, the eclesiastical hierarchy of Chiapas
signaled in a joint communique that "the government
does not have the right to intervene in internal church
affairs" eventhough "it should examine its
conscience" to restate itself before God and the
Church, how its performance has been?
The democrat congressman Robert Torricelli in
Washington, dennounced the military actions
undertaken by the Mexican Government against the
EZLN; he warned about the existance of informs
about possible human right violations and insisted
that the capitol must examine the situation in
Chiapas, due to its potential impact on the United
States financial aid packge.
February 16, 1995.
Two Tojolabal indians, Mario Alvarez, 40 years old
and Alfredo SantPs Jim nez, 33 years old denounced:
"We were tortured by the Mexican Army. When the
army entered Chiapas, they detained us and then
they kidnapped us, from friday until monday"
The EZLN is willing undertake a "serious dialogue"
with the Federal Government to solve the conflict in
Chiapas. Nevertheless, it is necessary that they
retrieve the military that is in the positions in which
the zapatistas were before February 9th, because
"one cannot talk with someone that is surrounded and
is being followed", subcomandante Marcos assured.
In the voice of mayor Ana MarPa, the rebel chief said,
that the request of leave of absence of Eduardo
Robledo Rincon to the post of governor "helps to
clear the panorama, but the military signal is missing
in order to be able to dialogue with the government."
It is also necessary that it stops detaining people and
that it nullifies arrest warrants ordered but the
Attorney Generals Office (PGR) against the zapatista
leaders.
The detention of Jos Jorge Santiago Santiago forms
part of a "campaign directed to weaken the diocese of
San Cristobal an the National Commission of
Intermediation (Conai)", which is headed Bishop
Samuel Ruiz GarcPa, this was stated by members of
Economic and Social Development of Mexican
Indians A.C. (DESMI), of which Jorge Santiago
Santiago is the executive coordinator. On their
behalf, indigenous and farmer groups of the region
manifested their "total support" to Bishop Samuel
Ruiz, because "his root is between the poor ".
Negating all the charges that link DESMI with the
EZLN, its memebers also stated that the aprehension
of Santiago Santiago, has as an objective "to find a
justification to break the fragile truce",as part of the
"represive policy that the federal authorities follow
through".
Amnesty International sustained that it continues to
receive "well documented" cases about detainees
"tortured" by the Army. It asked for the facts to be
investigated, since there is an existing preocupation
that this be a "repetition of that which ocurred in
January 1994". At the same time, the Intenational
Red Cross formally requested to the Mexican
Government that it be permited the access to the
detainees in the actions of the last days
According to The New York Times, the recent
operative launched against the zapatista rebels is an
" erroneous effort to resolve the political problems
though military force". It also signaled in an editorial
that President Ernesto Zedillo "politically weakened
by the peso crisis" and by the interior "rebellions" of th
PRI decided to use the Army in Chiapas,to " give a
tough image" before the elections in Jalisco.
The Federal Government will not suspend the legal
action against he EZLN leaders, nevertheless, it
ratifies the "willingness to negotiate" and reiterates
that the government "cannot permit" society to live
"under threats of armed subversion around the
corner", stated the Minister of the Interior, Esteban
Moctezuma.
For over two hours, the parrish and convent of San
Jacinto in Ocosongo, were meticulouslly searched
without success, in the finding of weapons and
radicommunications equipment, the serach was
crried out by members of the PGR who were
accompanied by Francisco Rios ZErtuche,
representant of the Ministry of the Interior. According
to the Vicar, Gonzalo Ituarte and the Priest if the
Church, Jrge Rafael Ruiz, this event cannot escape
from the "campain to discredit" that has been
develipong for a while, and especially in the last days,
against the image of Bishop Samuel Ruiz Garcia.
The State council of indigineous and Farmer
Organizations (CEOIC) reiterated their demand for
the regulation of the estates on posetion of the farmer
groups and the delivery of enough land to satisfy the
agrarian necesities of indigenous peoples and
farmers of Chiapas.
February 17th.
The Legislative Commission for Dialogue in Chiapas
qualified as fructiferous the reunions that were held
with the different actors tht participated in the confict.
Nevertheless, Senator heberto Castillo warned that in
Mexico, at the time, there are onlu two options:
negotiation or war. Eventhough it has been
manifested by both the Government and The EZLN
that there exists the will to dialogue, the necessary
conditions so that they sit down to dialogue have not
existed.
The Center for Human Rights "Fray Bartolome de las
Casas" denounced that during the past few months it
has been subject to atacs with molotov bombs,
threats, harrasments, detention, housebreakings,
verbal agressions and judicial searchs. The Center
belives that the former are part of a "prefrabricated
campaign" aginst the diocese of San Cristoba,
headed by Bishop Samuel Ruiz GarcPa.
The Cardinal of Monterrey, Adolfo Su rez Rivera,
asked for respect to the labor done by the Bishop of
San Cristobal, Samuel Ruiz GarcPa, since the mision
that he is undertaking is not an easy one; on top of
that he is the coordinator of the National Commission
of Intermediation (Conai).
About 35 hundred people carried out a march in
Cuernavaca, Morelos demanding a peacefull solution
to the conflict in Chiapas, the retreat of the Army in
the entity and the lifting of the arrest warrants against
the leaders of the EZLN.
February 18, 1995
The government of Mexico will not abdicate once
more its constitutional responsibility to
preserve sovereignty of the national territory,
affirmed President Ernesto Zedillo after
applauding the actions that enabled the
recovery, in only 72 hours, of "the
sovereignty" of regions in Chiapas from which
the Mexican State had been absent during the
last 14 months. He said that the solution to
the conflict in this state will be both
political and lawful. He also stated that
"politics and law do not exclude anyone, and
can include everyone. The rule of the law does
not produce winners and the political choice
does not imply a defeat".
The first visit that the Legislative
Commission of Congress made to the area of the
Chiapas' conflict, presently under Mexican Army
control, left a deep impression, particularly
after the tour through empty and abandoned
towns. In the opinion of Senator Pablo Salazar,
"these are the war's painful deeds, mainly of
desolation which is what war brings about". He
added that "the people feared the arrival of
the Army; maybe they thought that new
confrontations would arise. It is very painful
to see desolate towns. It is like in the Old
West". Heberto Castillo of the PRD said: "We
are as desolate as Guadalupe Tepeyac, seeing a
ghost town and observing terror. It is
discouraging to see how the population has
fled, and this means that as long as the Army
stays here they (the people) will not come
back".
The Conai "urged" the government and the
EZLN to reinitiate negotiations, now that "it
is still time to prevent war and genocide", and
it simultaneously announced the "overall
initiative for dialogue", where it proposes the
parties to accept the following points as a
basic agenda for the dialogue: an agreement for
a stable truce which should be formalized next
March "at the latest"; agrarian issues;
autonomy; displaced and evacuated individuals;
justice; development; electoral and state
reform. Conai warned that the feasibility of
this initiative and the possibility of dialogue
depend on the previous solution of a series of
issues; offering the EZLN the assurance that
they will participate in the dialogue, and
counting on the adequate military and political
conditions, emphasizing the need to propitiate
the separation of the two armies.
The detention of Jorge Santiago Santiago
constitutes evidence of the "celerity" with
which the Office of the Attorney General of the
Republic (PGR) acted "upon political reasons
rather than in compliance with its
constitutional obligations", in reference to
the detention orders issued against Rafael
Sebasti n Guill n Vicente and other alleged
EZLN leaders. According to the Plural
Observation Group for Peace in Chiapas, there
is evidence of serious violations to human
rights and physical integrity of individuals
accused of being alleged EZLN members". After
an inspection of the conflict area, the group
was able to see that "militarization is
widespread and open; consequently, individual
and political rights dictated by the
Constitution have been suspended de facto".
February 19
Abandoned towns, houses broken into with
their doors destroyed, food left untouched,
people hiding in the jungle, terror among the
inhabitants who must share their everyday life
with Mexican Army soldiers, and the news about
illegal detentions which constitute human
rights violations were detected by U.S. Peace
Priests during their tour through Zapatista
towns recently occupied by the armed forces.
Bishop Samuel Ruiz Garcia, head of the
National Mediation Commission (Conai), lamented
the fact that Chiapas' major broadcasting
stations "have refused to collaborate" in
disseminating proposals because they have been
"warned against broadcasting anything related
to the congregation or the Bishop, or else they
will be forced to close down or their personnel
will be dismissed". The Bishop informed that
neither the government nor the EZLN have
responded to the dialogue proposals presented
by this agency. The "Fray Bartolom de las
Casas" Center for Human Rights affirmed that it
has been informed that "during the past three
days, the Mexican Army has moved forward" with
respect to the positions it occupied until
February 15. Reverend Joel Padr>n, of the
Simojovel parish, asked President Zedillo for
"peace in the name of God, a withdrawal of the
Army to make way for negotiations and the
beginning of an open and final dialogue to
attain the peace".
February 20, 1995
The EZLN affirmed that an "indispensable
condition for the dialogue is the withdrawal of
the Federal Army from the Lacandon Rain
Forest". It reiterated its willingness to find
a political solution to the Chiapas' conflict
by means of a "dignified and true dialogue",
and added that "if they lead us to a deadlock,
from dying or fighting we will pass to the
guerrilla warfare". The EZLN feels "betrayed
and attacked" since its willingness to arrive
at a peaceful solution was received by the
government with a double standard: while it
talked of peace and dialogue it prepared a
brutal military assault, and when everything
was ready it interrupted the dialogue".
Approximately fifty genuine "Coletos" that
demanded the banishment of Bishop Samuel Ruiz
Garcia physically attacked the headquarters of
the San Crist>bal congregation and attempted to
expel by force a group of supporters of the
priest, and a large number of persons -among
them reporters and photographers- were beaten.
The concentration of almost 500 individuals
grouped under the right-wing Frente CPvico
Sancristobalense (FCS) shouted slogans in favor
of the permanence of the Mexican Army.
Mexico's "civic resistance" promoted a
"nationwide strike" and peaceful movilizations
for an "immediate withdrawal" of the Mexican
Army from the conflict area, in order to open a
dialogue leading to a fair solution to the
Chiapas' conflict. During a popular gathering,
approximately 400 "Tojolabal" and "Tzeltal"
individuals -from the self-appointed Zapatista
communities in civic resistance- indicated that
the "military occupation" has left a horizon of
"thousands of persons living in the mountains,
food scarcity, and aggravation of diseases,
intimidation and threats, as well as house
registrations and robbery" in those communities
identified with the EZLN.
Approximately 500 persons demonstrated in
the main streets of Ocosingo demanding the
banishment from Mexico of Bishop Samuel Ruiz,
whom they accused of "high treason" and
favoring the presence of the Federal Army in
those areas "in order to restore the rule of
law". Additionally, a leaflet campaign against
the Bishop of San Crist>bal de las Casas
intensified.
Cattle raisers and small-scale owners also
mobilized in support of Mexican Army actions,
and demanded the Federal Government to take the
final step to restore the rule of law, as they
consider that Chiapas is already "on the verge
of civil war".
The San Angel Group, the Civil Movement
for Democracy, Civic Alliance and the "20
Commitments for Democracy" group, among other
organizations, issued in Torre>n, Coahuila the
Resolution for Peace in Chiapas. In it they
warned that the dialogue and the solution to
the demands of indigenous communities,
alongside the assurance of a durable peace, are
necessary conditions to recover the
indispensable stability and trust that will
enable the discussion of a new national
agreement to secure sovereignty, development,
justice and union.
February 21, 1995
Bishop Samuel Ruiz warned that as long as
"opposition to the dialogue" prevails, whether
in the form of Mexican Army troops penetrating
the jungle, or demonstrations against the Conai
and the congregation of San Crist>bal, and the
attacks of genuine "Coletos" it will be
impossible to reach a negotiated and political
solution to the Chiapas' conflict. It is
"absolutely false" that the Vatican asked for
my resignation. We cannot talk of peace in
Chiapas without mentioning justice. "Peace
cannot be understood simply as the absence of
violence".
The National Commission for Democracy
submitted a formal complaint to the
Organization of American States (OAS) on the
basis of alleged human rights violations in
Chiapas. Militants are preparing the visit of
Reverend Jesse Jackson to the conflict area.
A peace caravan left Chiapas to arrive in
Mexico City, demanding a peaceful and
negotiated solution to the conflict, the
withdrawal of the Army from the Lacandon Rain
Forest, the cessation of detention orders
against alleged Zapatistas, respect and
guarantees for Bishop Samuel Ruiz and the
Conai, as well as the recognition of the Rebel
Transition Government.
More than 2,500 individuals participated
in demonstrations and meetings in Oaxaca and
Guanajuato to support Samuel Ruiz and the
demands of the EZLN, as well as a peaceful
solution to the Chiapas' conflict. Several
Church Ministers from different regions of
Mexico expressed their support for Bishop
Samuel Ruiz after the inhabitants of San
Crist>bal de las Casas questioned his
activities in that congregation and hurled
objects against the "Coleto" cathedral.
During the closing act of its second State
Congress, the "Emiliano Zapata" Proletarian
Organization (OPEZ) demanded that both the
federal and state governments solve agrarian,
economic, political and social problems
prevailing in Chiapas, as well as the
withdrawal of military forces.
February 22
In support of bishop Samuel Ruiz, the Vatican daily newspaper
L'Observatore Romano, charged the landowners, ranchers and other
powerful groups in Chiapas to "try by all means to undermine the
dialogue process and provoke an armed confrontation and a
bloodshed."
The legislative commission for the Chiapas case suggested the
creation of free zones to permit the dialogue to take place as well
as the application of a temporary amnesty not subject to disarming
and which could cover the leaders of the Zapatista Army of National
Liberation, against whom warrants have been issued.
Bishop Samuel Ruiz will have to clarify to the Vatican his
extra-confessional activities with respect to the armed conflict in
Chiapas, said Hermosillo Arch-bishop carlos Quintero Arce as per
the second Pope letter sent to the bishop of San Cristobal de las
Casas. The defense of the provisional rebel government led by
Amado Avenda o, the reiterated petition for Eduardo Robledo to step
down made by the Intermediation National Commission (Conai) and the
presumable encouragement of the class struggle, are some of the
points the Vatican is demanding the mediating bishop to fully
clarify.
In a letter addressed to President Ernesto Zedillo, the
General Assembly of the Jesus Company voices its concern on the
presidential decision to terminate the Zapatistas using the army,
on the "pretext" of enforcing a rule of order that has never
existed for the indigenous people. "This abstract manner of
justifying your decision implies disregarding the main cause of the
indigenous armed upraise which is precisely the lack of a true rule
of the law," adds the letter signed by the approximately 100 Jesuit
delegates attending their 34 General Assembly.
The military intelligence services of the Ministry of National
Defense has calculated that some 2,275 "persons are involved" with
the EZLN and are disseminated over 285 cities and 47 municipalities
in the State of Chiapas. Military information includes bishops
Samuel Ruiz (San Cristobal las Casas) a.k.a. Comandante Germ n,
Arturo Lona Reyes (Tehuantepec) and Jose Luis Martinez Dibildox
(Tarahumara sierra) among 134 national and foreign churchmen
involved. Among the foreigners there are U.S., Central American
and European citizens who participate with "the group of law
transgressors self-called EZLN. Their participation can be direct
or through economic and material support, arms smuggling,
proselytism and recruiting activities, among other."
The International Monitoring Commission (COI) claims in its
second report that "the federal army has continued its aggressive
advance, contradicting President Zedillo's commitment to halt its
stride in order to prevent a clash with the EZLN."
More than 100 representatives of the Spanish cultural and
political sectors have subscribed a manifesto against war and
repression against the indigenous groups of the South Eastern state
of Chiapas, published by the Solidarity Platform with Chiapas. At
the Youth Institute, singer Joaqu-n Sabina read the five demands
conveyed to the Mexican government in order to attain the
pacification of the zone: 1) immediate cease to all military
activity and return of the Mexican army to the positions it held
before the rupture of the cease-fire; 2) immediately resume
negotiations between the government and the EZLN; 3) release of
Jorge Santiago Santiago, President of the Economic and Social
Development Organization (DESMI), who has been sent to prison only
for his work on behalf of the Chiapas indigenous groups; 4) the
immediate annulment of the warrants against members of non
government organizations, political leaders, intellectuals and non-
partisan citizens, whose only crime has been to sympathize with the
demands for justice and dignity of the Zapatistas; 5) urgently send
a Human Rights Commission to the conflict zone, as international
observers.
February 23
Amnesty International, organization devoted to the defense of human
rights, published a new report on the situation of human rights in
Mexico. AI claims it has been able to document "arbitrary
detentions, dozens of torture cases and some disappearances both in
Chiapas and other regions of Mexico."
In the meantime, the Italian universities (at Rome, Naples,
Lecce, Bari, Camerino, Aquila, Milano) held meetings and round
tables on the Chiapas situation and are objecting the military
intervention. The TV images revealing the aggression by ranchers
and the so-called coletos against the San Cristobal de Las Casas
Cathedral and the people who were protecting the life of bishop
Samuel Ruiz, have caused great indignation in the Catholic world.
Hunger, diarrhea and vomit are some of the symptoms shown
among thousands of indigenous people who have abandoned their
communities and fled to the forests in search of shelter on fear of
confrontations between the guerilla and the Army.
Some 50 members of the Democratic Peasant Union (UCD)
demonstrated before the state congress to express their solidarity
with the Chiapas people and the San Cristobal de las Casas bishop
Samuel Ruiz Garcia.
February 24
The Holy See supports the work of San Cristobal de las Casas
bishop, Samuel Ruiz Garcia, for the defense of the indigenous
groups as well as his mediator role in an attempt to bring peace to
Chiapas, according to Vatican sources. It was also informed that
the article published some days before on the Vatican daily
newspaper L'Observatore Romano, openly defending bishop Ruiz, came
from the State Secretariat --headed by Cardinal Angelo Sodano, a
cardinal very sympathetic toward Latin America-- and was personally
approved by one of the prelates closest to Pope John P. II.
The warrants issued against the leaders of the EZLN as per
instructions of President Zedillo, have became the major juridical
deterrent for the peace dialogue in Chiapas. At the Senate,
independent and opposition lawyers have expressed that the core
dilemma is how to get around the judicial action against the
Zapatistas in order to guarantee their immunity during the
negotiations.
The establishment of free zones in the zone of Los Altos,
Chiapas, is congruous with the Constitution, affirmed Jaime
Cardenas, member of the Institute of Juridical Research of the
UNAM, who invited the government to quit "absurd" concepts of
territorial sovereignty, as sovereignty resides precisely in the
people's will. The amnesty law for the Zapatistas must be
"comprehensive and generous", revealing a true disposition by the
authorities to talk and negotiate peace. If this law is approved
with too many conditions, resumption of the dialogue will be vetoed
beforehand.
Students at the UNAM, UAM-Xochimilco, the Autonomous
University of Chapingo and the National Anthropology and History
School, organized a series of 24-hour total and active stoppages,
demanding the immediate resumption of dialogue in Chiapas.
The 41 communities that form the ARIC/Union Independent
Unions, demanded the withdrawal of the Mexican Army that has been
making incursions in the Lacandona jungle for the past 12 days. At
the closing of a two-day meeting of this indigenous community
located at the "heart" of the forest, they claimed some 5 thousand
indigenous people left behind their communities looking for shelter
because the military presence "scares us to death." They are
requesting a political and peaceful solution to the Chiapas
conflict and that conditions are created for the leaders of the
EZLN and the federal government can talk and negotiate "to find
solutions with justice and dignity."
The president of the National Commission of Human Rights
(CNDH) Jorge Madrazo Cuellar, informed that the 30 members of this
organization who are investigating some denounces regarding the
Chiapas conflict, were unable to find evidence of bombings, aerial
shootings or "acts hurting the indigenous communities when visiting
Los Altos, the border zone and part of the forest."
At the core of the forest, more than 300 representatives and
commissioners from the five regions got together under two banners:
a three-coloured banner and a white banner; one petition: justice,
and one demand: the withdrawal of the Army from their communities.
They were convoked by their organization, the Rural Association of
Collective Interest (ARIC) Independent and Democratic Union of
Unions. Public investment is non-existent around here, except for
the recent presence of military vehicles used to transport some
three thousand soldiers of the Federal Army, at an estimated cost
of 90 thousand new pesos per day. This means at least 1,350
thousand new pesos 15 days after they started advancing into
formerly Zapatista communities. This figure does not include the
fuel consumption by the modern Black Hawk, Bell 212, Bell 206 and
MD 500 choppers used for the transportation of troops and military
supplies.
Members of the San Cristobal de las Casas town hall rejected
charges made by the CNDH regarding the violent Sunday events
against bishop Samuel Ruiz Garcia and told its president, Jorge
Madrazo Cuellar: "you lie, you abuse your position, you could be
subject to political trial at the Congress." The town hall
officials, led by mayor Mario Lescieur Talavera, accuses Madrazo
Cuellar of "taking advantage of the lack of juridical knowledge of
Mexicans" and of "violating" both the Constitution of Mexico and of
Chiapas, as well as municipal autonomy.
A demonstration by university students in solidarity with the
EZLN, its leaders and Subcomandante Marcos, was held noon in front
of the Mexican Embassy in Caracas, Venezuela.
Approximately 3,500 persons marched from the seat of the 24
Military Headquarters in Cuernavaca, Morelos, to the city's main
plaza to demand peace with justice and dignity for Chiapas and in
support of the indigenous groups, bishop Samuel Ruiz and the
Subcomandante Marcos.
At a two-day meeting, the Permanent Council of the Mexican
Episcopate barely expressed its discrete support to the mediation
role of bishop Samuel Ruiz in the armed conflict, subject to his
endorsement by both parties and by other related players in
Chiapas. The bishops condemned the support expressed in behalf of
Samuel Ruiz last Wednesday at the mass held in the Basilica de
Guadalupe as they gave a "political character" to the religious
celebration involving the participation of some 500 bishops and
which purpose was to pray for peace and celebrate the crowning of
the Tepeyac Virgin. During this celebration, dozens of lay and
religious people voiced slogans demanding "bishops to be on the
part of the poor, peace with justice and dignity for Chiapas and
Church officials more committed to social causes."
The International Monitoring Commission has estimated that
some 20 thousand indigenous people have fled to the Lacandona
jungle and mountains since to run away from the "repression" by the
Federal Army. They claim it is not true that the PGR is leading
the search of the Zapatista leaders. "We only have seen members of
the Army, therefore there is a big contradiction in the Executive's
statements as he said the Army would only support the PGR.
Contrary to this, the Federal Army, carrying heavy and highly-
sophisticated weaponry, progresses into the Zapatista territory day
after day."
According to the Mexican Academy of Human Rights (AMDH), the
recent anonymous TV ads with the slogan "let's support peace, let's
support Mexico" shown at various night news programs, the type of
coverage and the regular transmission of other ads "promoting and
strengthening the image of the Mexican Federal Army" suggest there
is "a propaganda campaign aimed at reinforcing the government's
position and isolating the EZLN." In this context, the AMDH deems
"essential that the source of these ads be identified and that its
transmission in the news programs be stopped in order to prevent a
propagandistic effect."
February 25
The EZLN declared that any initiative to resume dialogue "would
only be possible if the physical and legal conditions are given for
the two parties to meet," which would imply the "withdrawal of the
Army and the PGR from the Lacandona jungle and the annulment of the
warrants." The rebels also call on President Zedillo "to make,
once for all, the decision to solve de conflict in a peaceful
manner and offer clear and conclusive evidence in this regard."
The EZLN points out "it is not its intention to dialogue under
conditions of humiliation," because "the one who breached the
dialogue process has the obligation to create the conditions to
resume it." The rebels ratify their recognition of the National
Intermediation Commission (Conai) as "the sole mediation instance"
between them and the federal government "in the search of a
peaceful solution to the conflict."
The State Department expressed its "concern" on the reports
from Mexico denouncing that the "persons arrested by the police"
during the operatives against claimed EZLN arms deposits, "have
been subject to abuses."
The Guadalajara Arch-bishop Juan Sandoval I iguez, said the
Holy See is expecting the renounce of Samuel Ruiz Garcia "which has
been requested on two occasions by Pope John Paul II." He rejected
that Samuel Ruiz's figure could negatively affect the Mexican
Catholic Church. On the other hand, members of civil and social
organization as well as of parties gathered in front of the town
hall of Jalapa, Veracruz to express their support to Samuel Ruiz
and for a peaceful solution to the Chiapas conflict.
Persons arrested on February 8 and 9 on charges of being members of
the EZLN and later taken to the North Preventive Detention Center,
denounced to have been tortured to sign declarations that had been
pre-fabricated by the General Attorney's Office. They also
expressed their concern on the fate of their colleague Gerardo
Lopez, whose whereabouts are so far unknown.
With the full support of the 230 delegates from 10 Mexican
states to the demands of the "Caravan March Chiapas-Mexico City,
Dialogue for Peace and Stop the War," the Second National
Indigenous Convention (CNI) was inaugurated in Juchitan, Oaxaca.
The municipal president, Oscar Cruz Lopez, a zapotecan --who was
the candidate of the Peasant-Student-Worker Coalition of the
Tehuantepec Isthmus (COCEI-PRD)-- assumed the demands of the
indigenous people of Hidalgo, Jalisco, Veracruz, Queretaro,
Michoacan, Morelos, Chiapas, Tabasco, Federal District and Oaxaca,
related to the urgency for the federal government to give the
proper steps to create the conditions to start a dialogue with
dignity, with the EZLN.
The Tehuantepec bishop Arturo Lona Reyes, categorically
rejected being involved with the EZLN and said the reference made
to him, Samuel Ruiz and Jose Luis Dibildox in a document prepared
by the Department of Military intelligence, was a "slander." "We
take such imputations as an attempt to bring discredit on the
honest and committed work we have carried for more than 20 years in
behalf of the indigenous groups of the Tehuantepec Isthmus and also
to the old practice in this country to fabricate culprits when they
are unable to identify the true responsible or to the lack of
political will to put an end to impunity."
The PGR assured "there has not been" any type of persecution or
harassment against academic personnel of the Autonomous
Metropolitan University (UAM) for their supposed former
relationship with Rafael Guillen Vicente, officially identified as
Subcomandante Marcos.
At the opening of the Sixth Extraordinary Congress of the UNAM
Workers' Union (STUNAM), its leaders Agustin Rodriguez and Adrian
Pedrozo expressed their rejection to a repressive and authoritarian
solution to the Chiapas conflict.
February 26
Fifteen days after launching the military offensive, the lack of
food and medicines has become critical and the suffering of the
indigenous people in the conflict area --under siege by the Federal
Army since February 10-- has aggravated.
According to the specialized magazine Jane's Intelligence
Review, after the surprising Zapatista upraise of January 1994, the
armed forces in Mexico have been preparing for counter-insurgency
fight. In its February issue, the most authorized publication in
military matters and regarded as one of the most reliable sources
of military information around the world, revealed that Mexico
purchased armament from the former apartheid regime of South
Africa. This, according to analysts, could have been a violation
to the international arms embargo against Pretoria which was
recently still in force.
According to the analysis made by the Confederation of Mexican
Sales Executives, the "supposed political opening" implemented by
the federal government to control the guerrillas in the Southern
part of the country, intended to be a proof of democracy but has
only deteriorated into a major crisis. The analysis states that
parallel to the difficult economic situation, Mexico has been
dragged to a political and industrial under-development. The
document points out that the current governability crisis was bred
along the past 15 years and has manifested on several occasions.
Each one of these crisis (in 1982, 1985, 1987 and 1994) has been a
red light regarding the measures and economic models used to solve
them, and that all of them lacked a structural component.
President Zedillo must order the Army "to withdraw at least to
the positions it occupied on January 12, 1994 in order to create
the proper framework to start the peace dialogue in Chiapas,"
demanded the transition government Council.
February 27
Sixteen days after launching its offensive in Zapatista's
territory, an indeterminate amount of Mexican soldiers, no less
than 5,000, have taken possession of 16 strategic points within
five subregions of the Lacandona jungle, including the integral
reserve of the biosphere known as Montes Azules. In an offensive
that has not ceased and that seems to be increasing by the number
of soldiers and supplies in the conflict zone, the military
contingents are moving in by all the access to the jungle, in
groups that consist of at least nine battalions, reinforced with
heavy and light artillery, that are advancing by entering eight big
mountain chains in thae region.
Felipe Arizmendi Esquivel, bishop of the Tapachula diocese,
assured that among those that have manifested themselves violently
against bishop Samuel Ruiz Garcia, "there are many who do it not
for peace, but in order not to change their own injustice...they
have not learned the lessons of 1994 and keep their aging attitudes
of egoism, discrimination, and prepotency"; he also added that a
government or a socio-political system that produces more poor and
marginated people, repressions, lies and manipulation, is self-
disqualified.
The EZLN assured that "Ernesto Zedillo's supposed resolution
to dialogue is false", because while "he talks of a political and
legal solution, his army continues advancing in the Lacandona
jungle, sowing terror among civilians, making illegal arrests,
stealing and destroying." He called out to the national and
international civil society to "not to stop its movements to reach
a fair and dignified peace for the Mexican indians".
"We are on this side of the Lacandona jungle, and we are still
making a civil insurgency. Let's hope the government (of Ernesto
Zedillo) has enough intelligence of not forcing us to make a
military insurgency", warned in Juchitan, Oaxaca, during the
closing plenary of the Second National Indian Convention (CNI), the
rebellious governor in transition, Amado Avenda o, who in turn said
he was not so rebellious, "the rebellious ones are the Chiapas
people, the Mexican people", and the Mexican politicians "do not
like to see us free, but will have to expand their jails to lock up
everyone because "now we are all fugitives of the justice - their
justice," because, he reminded, "in Chiapas they decided to make
their own type of democracy," due to the electoral fraud of August
21 in that entity.
February 28
Tzeltales, Tzotziles, Tojolabales and Mames from 20 regional
municipalities of the sierra and jungle of Chiapas, integrated to
the Organization of the Sierra Madre of Motozintla Indians (Ismam)
San Isidro Labrador, made a protest demonstration through the
principal streets of the locality, that ended at the central park,
where they pronounced themselves for a political solution to the
armed conflict and for a peace based on social justice and
democracy, as well as against the acts of harassment and
intimidation against the members of that organization.
58% of the farm and cattle land under the state's private property
regime is protected from future distribution, official reports and
academic studies done at the Center for Humanistic Investigations
of Mesoamerica and from the State of Chiapas (Cihmech), adhered to
the UNAM, pointed out. This situation, they also claimed, is due
to Absalon Castellanos Dominguez' governemnt policy of granting
certificates of unaffectability. The farming and cattle
extensions under private property regime in this entity is of
2,500,183 hectares, according to reports of the National
Statistics, Geography and Information Institute (INEGI), of which
1,453,991 hectares, predominantly cattle land, is under protection
by 8,872 certificates of unaffectability.
Source: The Chronologies were elaborate based on the information
given by Exc lsior, La Jornada, El Financiero y Proceso
If you wish to receive the following numbers of Chiapas Special
Bulletin, please write or phone:
Academia Mexicana de Derechos Humanos, Ac., Filosofia y Letras 88,
Col. Copilco Universidad, 04360 Mexico, D. F.
Tels. 659-8764 y 659-4980. Fax: 658-7279.
E-mail (Internet: amdh@laneta.apc.org).