AMDH Chiapas Bulletin No. 2
(amdh@laneta.apc.org)
Mon, 3 Apr 95 22:52:25 PDT
SPECIAL BULLETIN CHIAPAS
MARCH 1-6, 1994
ACADEMIA MEXICANA DE DERECHOS HUMANOS
INDEX
.1 Editorial
.2 March 1
.3 March 2
.4 March 3
.5 March 4
.6 March 5
.7 March 6
.8 Chiapas and the Mexican Army
.9 Information Exchange Among NGO<s
.10 TV News Programs Monitoring
EDITORIAL
Chiapas' armed conflict represents a grave violation of the
human rights of the region's population. The origin of the
conflict goes back to the shortages and injustices
suffered by the Indian communities since the time of the
Colonization. The resurgence was announced by the
Zapatistas as a movement to reinstate their rights.
The beginning of the armed movement provoked a reaction from
the federal forces that stirred up population evacuations
toward more secure zones. The evicted belong to ethnic
groups, as well as "mestizo" communities, and the
evacuations have been caused by the insurgent actions and
the advance of the federal army. The problems faced by
close to 30 thousand evictee due to the conflict are
extremely serious. Not only do they lack lodging, but also
water, food, clothing, and medicine. Their living
conditions are far from being satisfactory. On the
contrary, gastrointestinal sicknesses affect the health of
those evicted, specially children and elder.
It is vitally important no to lose sight of the precarious
situation of these communities, at the same time that the
conditions to reach a peace agreement are being discussed in
Congress. To consider their needs and a solution to their
problems is a goal not to be postponed. Again, we have to
remember the origin of the conflict is due to the economic
and social deficiencies of the majority of the Chiapas
population, and that a peace agreement should not limit
itself solely on the signing of a truce, but must attend the
urgent demands of the chiapas people.
The armed conflict has lead to a reinforcement of the
security measures implemented by the army. Joint help
towards those communities must be channeled making access
available urgently to the organized groups of the civil
society entrusted to take medicine, food, and clothing to
the evacuated Indians. It is also necessary that access to
the most affected zone be permitted to international
organizations, specially the Red Cross. Direct contact with
those evacuated and the observations of their living
conditions is indispensable to inform society the reality of
the situation and to avoid further human rights violations
in that zone.
MARCH 1
Approximately 26 thousand people displaced from their communities
since the January 1994 armed conflict erupted, have started to come
back to their districts in the Lacandona jungle. The operation is
under the supervision of the Federal Army and the judicial police who
keep a strict record of every person occupying each new site. From
the municipalities of Las Margaritas, Ocosingo and Altamirano, people
are taken to the new population centers. According to some of these
evicted persons, those still occupying Las Margaritas auditorium are
requested by the government to pay up to five thousand new pesos for
the new piece of land they are going to receive. "Government officials
--said a Tzotzil from the Lindavista ejido (common piece of land)--
told us we were going to receive our land if we told them who the
zapatista leaders were."
Cardinal Adolfo Suarez Rivera warned that a "witch hunting" would not
solve the Chiapas conflict because its essence is the unfair social
conditions prevailing in that area. He also asked the Federal
government to stick to a peaceful solution in the Southeast region.
On the other hand, Rosendo Huesca y Pacheco, Puebla's Arch-bishop,
condemned the violent demonstrations against Samuel Ruiz Garcia and
demanded respect from Catholic church members towards the San
Cristobal de las Casas bishop.
After 40 days of social activities in the country, as part of the
"social service national campaign," the Secretariat of National
Defense (Sedena) informed that the Mexican Army will continue to
provide a variety of social services for both indigenous communities
in the conflict zone and the displaced groups concentrated in 39
Chiapas communities. Sedena also informed that the return of 1,069
persons to the Monte Libano and Tani Perla villages, marks the
beginning of the government's relocation program.
Chiapas ranchers, in a long speech given by Luis Eduardo Castellanos
Macal, leader of the Comitan Ranchers and Small Rural Producers,
defend themselves and rebut the Vatican. In his speech, Castellanos
said: "It is unfair, biased and limited to affirm that cattle breeders
are the only ones adding coal to the fire. If there is a fire, it
would be the result of the actions of all parties involved, be the
Zapatistas, the government, the Party of Democratic Revolution (PRD),
the ranchers or Bishop Samuel Ruiz..." also, the cattle breeder
leader in Ocosingo, Las Margaritas and Altamirano, Jorge Constantino
Kanter, points out that if a sector has suffered losses as a result of
the conflict, it is precisely that of "the ranchers and small
proprietors."
In the Chiapas case, the only evicted group that counts for the night
news programs in the national television network, is the one that fled
to the forest when the Federal Army entered the zones that used to be
under the control of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN).
This was noted by the Mexican Academy of Human Rights (AMDH), based on
the results of the second weekly monitoring of the Televisa's "24
Horas," Televisi n Azteca's "Hechos," Multivision's "Para Usted," and
Channel 11's "Enlace" news programs. AMDH stresses the fact that
these TV programs not gave very little time to the mediation groups
but tried to present a "negative image of Bishop Samuel Ruiz,"
particularly in the program "Hechos" conducted by Javier Alatorre.
Chiapas governor Julio Cesar Ruiz Ferro recognized the mediation work
of Samuel Ruiz Garcia and declared that his government has a
"respectful" attitude towards Samuel Ruiz and his Diocese, and that he
"welcomes" every effort on behalf of peace.
The state of Chiapas "is now militarized. It is not true that the
provisional governor is in command. The Army is in command like in
Central America," declared some organizations participating in the
"Caravan for Peace in Chiapas" at a press conference. Also, some
female peasant leaders questioned President Zedillo's true decision to
find a peaceful solution to the conflict and said that "the solution
being carried out is clearly military." What the Dialogue Bill
announced really intends "is the surrender of the EZLN... Zedillo
offers dialogue with a machine gun pointing to the head," they said.
With the attendance of 10 thousand teenagers and amid severe security
measures, the "Ricardo Pozas Civilian Caravan" held a Concert for
Peace and Tolerance, in the premises of the University City's practice
stadium. The purpose was to collect food and money for the Chiapas
indigenous groups and demand the immediate resumption of the dialogue
process and the retreat of the Army to the positions held before
February 8.
Representatives of the legislative and the executive powers
unanimously approved the "Bill Initiative for Dialogue, Reconciliation
and Peace with Dignity for Chiapas," that will be signed up at Los
Pinos by President Zedillo and members of the Legislative Commission.
This law initiative will be subject to debate by Congress starting
March 6.
MARCH 2
The federal government committed the donation of 15 million new pesos
to the members of the organization "Indigenous Groups of the
Motozintla Sierra Madre" (Ismam). These resources will be used for
the harvest and sale of over 20 thousand quintals of coffee. The
government also promised to mediate in the clarification of the murder
of Hipolito Hernandez and Darinel Recinos Gordillo, members of this
organization, as well as the kidnapping of Ismam's president,
Carmelino Ramirez Garcia. Ismam representatives also requested the
federal government's intercession so that the government of Chiapas
may take care of their demands, stops police harassments and gives a
prompt answer to the plea sent to the Attorney General's Office (PGR)
concerning the aggressions and violation of their individual
guarantees by supposed members of the Federal Judicial Police (PJF).
In order to create a safety zone that guarantees peace in Chiapas, the
San Cristobal Bishop Samuel Ruiz proposed the withdrawal of the Army
and the cancellation of the arrest warrants against the Zapatista
leaders.
Students from the Metropolitan Autonomous University (UAM) in
Xochimilco and Azcapotzalco, and from the National Pedagogical
University (UPD), accomplished a technical strike and a temporary
blockade of a small section of the Periferico, to demand the
resumption of dialogue and a peaceful solution to the conflict in
Chiapas. They also formed information brigades that visited the
residential areas surrounding the schools.
MARCH 3
Bishop Samuel Ruiz said in a homily that "it is terrible to hear the
type of assessment of the situation [in Chiapas] because it is seen as
less costly for the system to achieve certain type of peace." It
"...is terrible to realize that the value of a human being is subject
to profits. How dreadful this way of thinking is and how merciless
our social structure has become!. And these heinous thinking and its
tragic consequences, although scary when reflected upon, become
something common, natural and finally result in a mute consensus,
without any protests and with no voices speaking to claim that one
sole human life is more valuable that all the wealth in the world."
The Tapachula Bishop Felipe Arizmendi Esquivel and the other bishops
of this diocese, sent a letter to the San Cristobal de las Casas
Bishop Samuel Ruiz, supporting his mediation performance in the
pacification process.
Thirty-two prisoners started a hunger strike in the Comitan jail to
denounce the "corruption" of the judicial authorities and demand the
revision of their processes and sentences. They claim that many of
them are innocent, that they are being punished "for their poverty,"
and the penalties they were given are "exaggerated."
New denounces were made by peasants and indigenous people of Las
Margaritas. They claim government officials are "requesting" that
they identify and inform on the persons they know are Zapatistas.
Inhabitants of Prado Pacayal started to come down from their
provisional shelter in the mountain only to find out that they no
longer possessed anything, except what they had taken with them when
they run away. To their luck, some houses were intact but everything
else is completely devastated. There is destruction all over this
village, one of the largest in the region. Some houses were partially
or completely demolished. A question is in the air: what was the
criterion to select the houses to be burned? What can only be seen on
the doors of some houses is some type of coding (i.e., A-11-8, A-11-
43) which makes us think that luck had something to do.
After three days in Mexico City, 1,500 members of the "Indigenous
Groups of the Motozintla Sierra Madre" organization (Ismam) came to
an agreement with the Secretariat of Agrarian Reform by which some
available land in the Chiapas littoral would be earmarked for the
development of an eco-touristic project. Counselling agreements were
signed regarding the acquisition of two thousand hectares by Ismam
families that have no coffee plantations.
MARCH 4
According to the Independent Group of Peasant and Agricultural
Organizations (CIOAC), the Bill Initiative for Dialogue,
Reconciliation and Peace with Dignity for Chiapas is only a statement
of good intentions but does not set the confidence bases to resume
negotiations. A sign of a true disposition to negotiate would be to
reduce the military presence and allow all social actors to express.
After three weeks of military offensive in search of Subcomandante
Marcos and other EZLN leaders, the Mexican Army maintains its presence
in approximately 152 communities in the conflict zone. Meanwhile,
some five thousand soldiers occupy and patrol all over Las Margaritas
municipality.
Primary and secondary school teachers of the Chiapas Section VII
denounced that teachers in that entity are subject to persecution and
harassment by members of the Army. This has forced the suspension of
teaching activities in various communities and municipalities. They
requested that teachers all over the country demand the withdrawal of
the Army from Chiapas.
MARCH 5
Thousands of people claiming for "peace in Chiapas" gathered at the Zocalo (main
plaza) of Mexico City. They also demanded the following points be added to the
projected Bill for Dialogue, Reconciliation and Peace with Dignity for Chiapas: the
liberation of political prisoners, an end to the military siege, the creation of peace
zones, conditions of security for the displaced indigenous groups, recognition of the
EZLN, and peace with social justice. During the event and before his address to the
crowd, Porfirio Mu oz Ledo, national leader of the Party of the Democratic
Revolution (PRD), was forced by the crowd to put on a T-shirt stamped with the
slogan "We are all Marcos." Later on he pointed out his own position and halted
"doubts and misunderstandings" regarding the position of his party with respect to
the Bill Initiative for Dialogue, Reconciliation and Peace with Dignity for Chiapas. He
added that "any initiative aimed at restoring dialogue has to begin with the complete
recognition of the adversary, and this adversary has its name; was baptized January
1, 1994 and is called Zapatista Army for National Liberation." The leader of the PRD
stated that it must be distinguished between a compulsory judicial frame for the
government and the negotiations frame that have to be accorded between the parties;
that is why, he said, "the response of the EZLN to all peace initiative is indispensable
for the initiation of a fruitful dialogue".In a communiqu from the Lacandona Jungle
the EZLN affirmed that the "risk of an armed conflict grows by the hour," that is why
he have asked the National Mediation Commission (CONAI) to "increase its
pacifying efforts." The EZLN reiterated its willingness to finding a "political, just and
dignified solution to the conflict and to a prompt renewal of the dialogue, prior return
of the government forces to its position of February 8, 1995." The EZLN insisted
that it must be cleared up if the Secretary of the Interior represents the Federal
Authority or not, because"we can not have a dialogue with a part of the government
while the other part persecutes and attacks us."A group of people self-denominated
"representatives of the people" took over with violence the installations of the San
Jacinto parish, in the municipality of Ocosingo, accusing the clergy of having ordered
the murder of a cattleman of the locality. According to the priest Jorge Rafael Diaz
the demonstrators entered the church yelling slogans against the priests and against
the government, at the same time attacking verbally the parishioners. "If the
government is supporting Samuel Ruiz and his Zapatista uprising, we will put some
order."The actress and activist Ofelia Medina demanded a halt to the "genocide by
hunger" that is committed in Chiapas, which is living a warlike situation. People are in
worse conditions than they were on February 9, she assured, and abounded: there is
hunger, smallpox outburst, women 8-months pregnant in dangerous conditions,
dysentery, children with rotten teeth due to malnutrition, lost cattle, destroyed
houses, fear... And even thought the amnesty law is a beginning to the solution, what
is needed at the moment is for the Mexican Army to "back away" from the conflict
zone.The CONAI recognized that the Law for Dialogue, Reconciliation and Peace
with Dignity in Chiapas is "an effort to widen the comprehensive perspective of the
armed conflict," but expressed its preoccupation because "in none of the points of
the Law and its exposition of motives the CONAI is explicitly mentioned." The
recognition in this Law "perverts the identity of the CONAI as an entity of the civil
society, both autonomous and independent."People from different regions of the San
Cristobal de las Casas diocese sent a letter to Pope John Paul II to manifest their
support to the pastoral work and the mediation performance of Bishop Samuel Ruiz
Garcia.
MARCH 6
The EZLN rejected the contents of the presidential initiative for the
dialogue and peace in Chiapas that is to be discussed in Congress,
since they consider that it is a "real setback" to the road towards a
dignified and just solution to the conflict. The presidential
initiative, they claim reduces them to being a "group of disagreeing
persons." Also, with the inclusion of the legislative commission they
would be in numerical disadvantage in the so called follow-up
commission. However, in a communiqu dated March 2, the EZLN
recognizes that the initiative is "a sincere effort" on the part of
the legislative commission and that it brings with it the "spirit of
dialogue" of some real and authentic tendencies of the Mexican
political class, "including some inside the PRI and the federal
government," that try to find a political settlement instead of a
military crushing.
During a rally of approximately 1,000 persons in San Cristobal de las
Casas, cattlemen and "authentic coletos" (as were recognized in some
media) demanded the exit of bishop Samuel Ruiz from Chiapas; the
"suppleness" of the authorities to handle the conflict was harshly
criticized; the work of the Mexican Army, of Jorge Madrazo Cuellar and
the media was questioned, and a political trial was demanded for
former president Carlos Salinas de Gortari, for being "responsible for
the devaluation" and for being "in collusion with the bishop in
manipulating the Chiapas situation." In an interview at the end of
the rally, the leader of the ranchers Jorge Constantino Kanter
demanded "to act with energy and to apply the law" and warned: "This
is going to become very difficult outside here, not in the conflict
zone." He said that if "they [the priests] do not act in a different
way they will have to leave" the diocese.
Sheltered in some part of the jungle, hiding not only from the army
but from the owners and farmers that could denounce them, the
representatives of some six thousand indigenous people that ran away
from their communities 23 days ago, decided, at a general assembly, to
demand the ousting of the military from the conflict zone and the
suspension of the arrest warrants against some of the members of EZLN,
as a response to the presidential initiative for a dialogue between
the EZLN and the federal government.
CHIAPAS AND THE MEXICAN ARMY
The conflict in Chiapas --a result of sustained conditions of
injustice and violations to the rights of the indigenous inhabitants
of that region-- erupted in an armed upraise on January 1, 1994,
forcing all sectors, government, society, and political analysts to
reflect on the current political structure and institutional life of
our country.
One major issue that needs to be confronted with reality and the
constitutional norms, is that of the Mexican Army and its role in the
Chiapas conflict.
Originally, the Army responded to the attack by the Zapatista Army of
National Liberation (EZLN) defending its position and quarters and
repelling the assaulting groups.
Afterwards, as a result of the avalanche of popular opinions and
actions in demand of halting the war and take into consideration the
proposals and requirements of the EZLN, President Zedillo ordered a
cease-fire and a retreat of the Army. The creation of a free zone was
agreed upon between the government and the peace intermediaries.
However, on February 9, 1995 and after a long truce, the Army
proceeded into the EZLN-dominated villages, the Lacandona jungle and
the Chiapas mountains.
In support of this action, the presidential power provided in Article
89, Fraction VI of the Mexican Constitution was invoked. This
Constitutional article grants the President the power to "make use of
all the armed forces to preserve the Federation's security and defend
it from foreign aggressions."
This means that the President may order the Army to advance and occupy
the territories under control of the other army if in his opinion --as
it seems to be-- the security of the Federation is at stake.
The first doubt arising is: why choosing war after a whole year of
discussions and attempts to reach a peaceful solution, a year with no
armed clashed and during which the EZLN showed a true disposition for
peace (the liberation of the former state governor and the respect
shown towards the people living in the regions under their control,
are good examples). To answer this is not that easy; however we may
say that using the Army was not a security matter and that other
reasons are implied.
There is more. Using the Army to back up the judicial police in its
search of the Zapatista leaders is a highly questionable. This
objection is supported on provisions in Article 129: "At peace times,
no military authority can have other functions than those strictly
related to the military discipline." If the situation in Chiapas was
peaceful and peace discussions were being held, then the advancement
of the Army is not justified.
On the other hand, if a state of war is claimed, then it is not clear
why only a few days before the Secretariat of the Interior met with
some EZLN leaders. Also, the Army would not be helping the judicial
police in effecting the arrest warrants.
In any case, the President's decision must be clearly explained.
Accepting that the President may utilize the Army, he has to declare a
state of war first, with all its consequences. But if there is no war
(as was the case before February 9) then he must order to Army to
retreat to its quarters, as per Article 129, previously referred to.
It must be remembered that Professor Tena Ramirez, in his work on
Constitutional Right, points out that in his September 1, 1968 Address
to the Nation, then-President Diaz Ordaz said he would use the powers
granted to him by Article 86, Fraction VI and "the spirit" of Article
129. The truth is you cannot find in Article 129 a "spirit" that
contradicts the clear provisions on the role of the Army in peace
times. By simply putting aside this Constitutional stipulation makes
one wonder if there is a true rule of law and allows other violations
based on whimsical interpretations.
Also, the President could declare a suspension of individual
guarantees as per Article 29 if he deems it necessary. But it does
not seem logical to declare that there is no war, propose an amnesty,
dialogue, reconciliation and peace with dignity bill while utilizing a
large amount of troops in support of the Public Ministry.
This circumstance gives us the opportunity to review in depth and in
the light of the Constitutional precepts invoked, the role of the Army
in this type of crisis. It would be worthwhile to know the opinion of
law men, politicians, human rights defenders and the Army itself.
INFORMATION EXCHANGE AMONG NGO's
This section intends to become a communication link among Non-
government Organizations (NGO's) to give information on the work,
strategies and proposals for a peaceful solution to the Chiapas
conflict.
President Zedillo's announcement of February 9 and the further
judicial-military actions against the Zapatista Army for National
Liberation (EZLN), were in fact a breach of the truce. The NGO's
joined their voices and efforts to say 'no to the war'. Since then, a
number of "urgent actions" have been carried out. It is extremely
urgent to intensify our efforts to reach a peaceful and negotiated
solution that takes into account the absolute respect of human rights
both in the region and the country.
In fact, the coordination of hundreds of NGO's through a series of
networks, has multiplied the actions and strategies on behalf of
peace. Also, the most demanding needs of the Chiapas communities
affected by the conflict are being addressed.
The Civil Space for Peace (ESPAZ) is an organization formed up by
groups and networks of organized civilians. ESPAZ has some basic
strategies that include:
1. A presence of the so-called civil society in the conflict zone.
2. The articulation with national and international organizations,
mediation groups, a variety of celebrities and institutions that
defend human rights.
3. The execution of "urgent actions" in coordination with national
and international organizations, such as sending letters in
demand of a negotiated and peaceful solution to the Chiapas
conflict, with justice and dignity.
4. The creation of alternative communication media through
"information brigades", electronic mail and a special bulletin
on Chiapas.
Currently, ESPAZ promotes the analysis and publication of some
initiatives like the "Comprehensive Proposal for the Strengthening of
Autonomy." It has also set up gathering locations jointly with other
organizations like the "International Caravan for Chiapas."
It should be emphasized the support offered by the NGO's and several
other international groups that have importantly contributed to
publicize the actions being carried out. Some of these groups have
sent delegations that have reported on the situation of Chiapas and
have played key roles as elements of international pressure.
The Human Rights Network "All the Rights for Everybody" has gathered
information on the violations to the human rights by members of the
Mexican Army and the Attorney General's Office. Also, the Committee
"Pro-liberation of Jorge Santiago Santiago," a prominent member of the
organization 'Economic-Social Development of the Mexican Indigenous
People' who has been arrested on charges of being Zapatista.
On the other hand, the NGO's movement has agreed with the National
Commission of Human Rights (CNDH) on the need to set up mechanisms to
inform and follow up on reports of violations to human rights.
In this context, the work and struggle of the NGO's has not been free
of obstacles and problems. Their working centers have been illegally
searched and their members have been subject to intimidation and
harassment by the authorities in charge of public security.
TV NEWS PROGRAMS MONITORING
In order to examine the coverage given by a number of electronic media
to the information on the Chiapas conflict, the Media Monitoring
Commission of the Mexican Academy of Human Rights (AMDH) started on
February 9, 1995 the monitoring of four night TV news programs: 24
Horas (Televisa); Hechos (Television Azteca); Para Usted
(Multivision); and Enlace (Channel 11 of the National Politechnical
Institute).
It is also attempted to determine if the media monitored comply with
the Right to be Informed granted to all Mexicans by Article 6 of the
Constitution.
The elements considered for the monitoring are: total time and
effective voice and image time devoted to the most relevant political
and social characters, as well as the tendency in presenting the
information.
Up until February 16, the results were reported on a daily basis to
all communication media, non-government organizations and some other
institutions interested in the subject (both at national and
international level) so that the public may receive this information
accurately and timely.
As of February 20 the AMDH decided to prepare weekly reports.
Following are the most significant aspects.
gave more time to information that favors the government's viewpoint
on the Chiapas situation. The actions of President Zedillo, the
Attorney General's Office (PGR), the Mexican Army and other
officers, have concentrated the attention of the media. For
example, from February 9 through 17, time devoted to these four
actors was four hours and 50 minutes, i.e., 54% of the total time
for this period, whereas information from the National Mediation
Commission (Conai) and other parties that do not concur with the
government --the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) and the
Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN)-- have had less
exposure as for the period from February 9 to 17 the Conai had only
3% of the total news time (16 minutes and 16 seconds) and the EZLN
got only 2.7% (14 minutes and 53 seconds). These figures clearly
prove that the media have not offered enough information to
counterpoise the official interpretation. When alternative voices
were given some space in the news programs, it was done without
consistency. The public has not had the opportunity of listening to
the views of the EZLN as news programs only transmit official
reports on desertions of EZLN members.
Electronic communication media have aired information from the
conflict zone when visiting the area under the supervision of the
Army. No media representatives were allowed to make independent
visits. Also, the existence and fate of the indigenous groups
evicted from their villages by the presence of the Army, has been
consistently ignored. The only displaced groups that seems to exist
for the TV news programs are those that left their homes since
January 1, 1994 because they are used to show the aid being offered
by the Army. This has received a lot of coverage, particularly on
the 24 Horas program. On the other hand, newscast Hechos has had a
proclivity to present a negative image of Bishop Samuel Ruiz.
Specifically in the week of February 27 to March 3, the four news
programs monitored have put aside the news on the Chiapas conflict.
Media discreetly informed of the actions implemented by President
Zedillo and the Plural Legislative Commission towards the issuance
of the Law for Dialogue, Reconciliation and Peace with Dignity in
Chiapas. The National Mediation Commission (Conai) and the EZLN
remained absent from the TV screens. The only news about the EZLN
were official versions of Zapatistas defections. No information was
given on the situation in the conflict zone.
Some events in the week distracted the attention from the Chiapas
conflict. The new programs monitored focused their attention on the
economic situation (including the financial aid package), the
investigations on the murders of Jose Francisco Ruiz Massieu and
Luis Donaldo Colosio, and the statements and actions by former
President Salinas. The Chiapas case received only a total of 50
minutes and 47 seconds; while the Ruiz Massieu case accumulated two
hours, 24 minutes and 25 seconds; the economic situation two hours,
18 minutes and two seconds; and Carlos Salinas 50 minutes and three
seconds.
The analysis of the coverage by these media sets forth the problem
of the relationship between media and power and how this
relationship affects the Right to be Informed. As an example, this
week an open support to the government judicial actions was
observed, while some media --particularly Televisa and Television
Azteca-- were the preferred channels for the major actors to
express their opinion. The appearance on TV of former President
Salinas evidenced the relationship of media with power. News
programs do not set a healthy distance that allows an impartial
assessment of political actors in general. A general trend observed
is a consistent praise of the current administration and a
disqualification of parties expressing a divergent viewpoint.
Our main conclusion is that, in general, the news programs monitored
violate the Right of Mexicans to be Informed as only the official
version is taken into account. So far, the four news programs
analyzed have not made an objective, equilibrated and impartial
coverage of the Chiapas conflict.
If additional information is required or if you wish to receive our
reports in the future, please contact the Mexican Academy of Human
Rights.
Miguel Acosta V. and Manuel Martinez T.