INDEX
1. Editorial
2. Chronology
3. A Dangerous Course of Action
4. The Civil Society in the Face of the Second Phase of
the dialogue.
5. Media Monitoring
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Academia Mexicana de Derechos Humanos
Filosofia y Letras No. 88
Col. Copilco Universidad,
04360, Mexico, D.F.
EDITORIAL
San Andres Larrainzar once again. One more attempt to
dialogue. One more opportunity for recognizing and
respecting differences, particularities, identities. It
seems we are facing a peculiar and almost impossible
dialogue between whites and Indians. As if John Wayne and
the red skins were to seat in front of the cameras and
smoke a fictitious peace pipe.
But no, the matter is more serious and more complicated.
It is not only a matter of setting the grounds for a
peace agreement with justice and dignity between two
belligerent parts, but to get the fundamental rights of
the indigenous groups in Chiapas recognized in Mexico and
worldwide and, at the same time, maintain the rule of law
which obliges both government and rebels.
A number of formulas and negotiation procedures have been
tried in different times and places; there is an
international framework in force. Why, then, is it so
amazing that broad opinion sectors, organizations and
personalities --the new actors in the world stage-- are
alert and pronounce themselves from all points of the
earth on the Chiapas conflict? Have the fundamental
rights not been jeopardized or violated, directly or as a
consequence of the armed conflict? Isn't there a
permanent threat of new violations should the war
resume?It is the time to understand, once and for all,
that not only national interests and security are at a
stake in Chiapas, but the interests and basic rights of a
considerable number of persons, of individuals whose
dignity and communitarian and ethnic identities had been
ignored in everyday life and even juridically, at least
until the recent reforms to Article 4 of the
Constitution. By the way, these reforms are considered to
be insufficient by many specialists and their
implementation will demand huge efforts and perseverance.
There are, therefore, sufficient and fully justified
reasons for a number of civil organizations,
communication media, and foreign governments to direct
their attention to Chiapas as they have done in the case
of Bosnia, Chechnia or Los Angeles. So, instead of
trying to create "favorable" and illusory images of our
country, it would be desirable to maintain the
transparency and openness so the real facts can be known
by everybody. In this way, the motto "fight press with
press" could be changed for "the truth will set you
free," or a similar one.
Problems are a fact; historic lagging and the current
difficulties cast a somber veil on our future. Mexican
blood has already been shed and more of this blood could
flow as a result of frivolous statements made before a
foreign audience.
The fickleness shown by Foreign Affairs Secretary Jose
Angel Gurria when he declares that there is in Chiapas a
"war of inks and of Internet" is, therefore, inadequate
and unacceptable. To think like this and act accordingly
is not only an elementary political error --this has not
been and cannot be the official interpretation of the
Chiapas conflict-- would contribute to make of this
region a true hell. There cannot be simulations or
distractions, least of all if they try to minimize the
problem or ignore the crucial situation of the country.
Although the results of the second meeting in San Andres
are far from being satisfactory, they do represent a
significant progress. Unlike the previous encounter, this
time a more flexible attitude was perceived and an
attempt to recognize the different views and approaches
and also the differences in the conception of time and
space as well as of the rights, obligations and
fundamental rights.
However, to be effective, these minimal results must be
accompanied of confidence building measures. Some of
these measures deserving special attention because of
their impact on the military and political aspects, are
those related to human rights.
We expect that in the next meeting scheduled for June 7,
the strict compliance of the agreements can be verified
and additional measures on behalf of human rights can be
implemented.
CHIAPAS CHRONOLOGY
MAY 10 - 16, 1995
May 10
The Peace and Concord Commission (Cocopa) informed that
the distension situation in the state is "propitious" for
the resumption of the discussions between the federal
government and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation
(EZLN) next May 12, in San Andres Larrainzar. However,
it seems that tension has rather increased over the past
weeks. Non confirmed mobilizations of the Army into the
jungle, resumption of flights at ground level, eviction
of seized properties at several municipalities, confusing
activities of armed groups, assassinations and detentions
of peasants, are some of the elements predominating in
the Chiapas climate after April 24.
The National Executive Committee of the Party of the
Democratic Revolution (PRD) will hold up to its decision
to revise the participation of its deputies in the
Cocopa, informed the PRD's Secretary General Mario
Saucedo. This party expects that there can be grounds to
announce a real distension process," said Saucedo. Some
of the measures would be the retreat of the Army to its
positions of February 8, the EZLN holding their present
locations, and setting the basis to solve the problems
that have been expounded by the Zapatistas.
The result of the events that have been taking place at
the Emiliano Zapata common land, in the municipality of
Tumbala, since April 21, is five casualties, and 38 burnt
houses. Ideological differences and a refusal to support
the invasion of properties were the original causes. The
State Attorney General Jorge Enrique Hernandez Aguilar,
confirmed this afternoon the kidnapping of 54 people and
the burning of 38 of the 127 houses in the village. He
accused a group of 40 people that call themselves "civil
society" headed by Luis Lopez Mendez, Jose Perez Vazquez
and Miguel Guzman Montejo, who, according to Hernandez
Aguilar, arrived at this community and started
intimidating its inhabitants, mainly women and children,
and then started to burn the houses because they did not
share their viewpoints.
Any possibility of attaining a comprehensive distension
in Chiapas is contrary to the clandestinity of an armed
group, to the permanence of injustice, and to the lack of
development, admitted Gustavo Iruegas, member of the
governmental delegation that will resume dialogue with
the EZLN. To the federal government, to the EZLN and to
the Mexican society, it is "unacceptable" to think of the
concentration areas proposed for the Zapatistas as
"indigenous reservations," he said in a censuring tone.
Amado Avendaqo, rebel governor of Chiapas, requested the
federal government "to be intelligent enough during the
coming dialogue" and accept to comply with some of the
Zapatista demands in order to maintain peace because
otherwise the could be a civil war in the country.
"There is not the minimal evidence" to support the
accusations against Bishop Samuel Ruiz Garcia for the
"misapplication" of funds coming from international
organizations, on behalf of the Zapatista movement, said
the President of Adveniat, Franz Grave. Since Ramon Mota
Sanchez, secretary of the Defense Commission of the
Chamber of Deputies in the past legislature made this
accusation, "no evidence has been presented." Miseror,
another important aid German organization, recently
audited the books of the San Cristobal de las Casas
Diocese and found no irregularities in the application of
the funds.
The fight for legitimacy and to gain popular support is
one of the main concerns for the actors in a low-
intensity conflict, therefore this will be the underlying
factor at the negotiation table in San Andres Larrainzar,
next May 12 when the dialogue between the EZLN and the
government delegations is resumed. This is a principle
taken from the "Military Operations in a Low-Intensity
Conflict Handbook" prepared by the United States Army and
that has been used as a textbook in the School of the
Americas where Latin American soldiers --approximately
500 Mexicans, four of whom have been in Chiapas-- have
been instructed and indoctrinated to face subversive
groups. "The purpose of insurrections and counter-
insurrections is to gain popular support. The way in
which the rebel and the counter-rebel allocate their
efforts to win this support to themselves and undermine
the support and legitimacy of the opponent, is perhaps
the main dilemma," says a military paper from the U.S.
Army drafted in 1989.
Members of the Emiliano Zapata Peasant Organization
(OCEZ) and of the Plan de Ayala National Coordination
(CNPA), identified as subversives by the local
government, admitted to being a cell of the EZLN and that
they wear skimasks and "paliacates" (a handkerchief used
by Indians) to prevent identification and carry guns to
defend from the 'white guards'.
Commander of the VII Military Zone, Mario Renan Castillo,
said that because Chiapas is a springboard for smugglers
from Central and South America, the Mexican Army has
increased the number of troops at the border with
Guatemala. The Mayors of Tapachula and Tuxtla Gutierrez,
Norberto De Gives Cordoba and Julio Cesar Garcia Caceres,
respectively, were charged with corruption, misuse of
funds and other irregularities, at the ordinary session
of the Tuxtla Gutierrez local congress, by deputies of
his own party, the Institutional Revolutionary Party
(PRI) backed by the PRD.
There was clear evidence of torture and violations to
human rights during the arrest of supposed members of the
EZLN in Yanga, Veracruz. This was admitted by the
National Commission of Human Rights (CMDH)in a report
sent to the Chamber of Deputies.
May 11
The Secretariat of the Interior proposed the EZLN
delegation to make progresses "in the agreement of
specific solutions," in the "rules of procedure" for the
negotiation, and in the creation of working groups to
discuss the social, economic, political and cultural
causes of the insurrection. The is "a strong will" to
make specific progresses and it must be kept in mind that
the responses should be "viable for the various sectors"
of the Chiapas population.
The four major news programs in the Mexican television
system, Televisa's "24 Horas," Television Azteca's
"Hechos," Multivision's "Para Usted," and Channel 11's
"Enlace," "are not willing to contribute to creating a
climate in which Mexicans are well informed and have
access to the necessary elements to make an analysis of
the Chiapas events," according to the Mexican Academy of
Human Rights (AMDH).
The results of the television monitoring made from April
24 to May 5, the AMDH point out that despite of having
reduced the time given to the Chiapas situation, "the
four news programs continue to be subordinated to the
negotiation times and to the government's agenda."
Claiming that "peace does not mean relinquishing or
surrendering," the EZLN warned that the dialogue process
is given in a climate of tension and anguish because
"there will be many obstacles in this process." "The
hopes for a successful conclusion are still surpassed by
fears of a failure because there is a great lack of
confidence that will be very difficult to overcome." The
government negotiates as a terrorist, claim the
Zapatistas, because "it is holding thousands of Indians
in Chiapas and a bunch of innocent civilians in the city
hostages. With a gun pointing to the head of these
peopled, the government intends to discuss and negotiate.
Our delegates show an understanding and conciliatory
attitude." In the same sense, it indicated that
everything possible has been made to continue with the
dialogue "despite the government efforts to make it
fail."
May 12
The federal government informed it "does not attempt to
simulate a negotiated solution" to the problem with the
Zapatista guerrilla. The government delegation attends
the San Andres Larrainzar meeting with the EZLN "with the
commitment and the aspiration" to progress towards the
solution to the conflict.
Approximately 30 members of the Coatzacoalcos, Veracruz
local National Democratic Convention office and of the
Christian Movement Justice and Freedom, started a fast in
support of the EZLN and to pressure for respect to the
demands of the Indians in Chiapas.
Speaking to students and intellectuals at the Lausanne
University in Switzerland, historian Adolfo Gilly said
that the actions of the EZLN "have recreated the space
for revolutions," and this will serve for the
reorganization of the democratic and center-left
movements. The Chiapas mobilization introduced a new
element: "the dignity of the human being."
Approximately 200 thousand peasants were left unemployed
with the 50% drop in agricultural production in the
state, mainly corn and banana, which represents 60% of
the employment capacity in the state of Chiapas,
according to Jorge Olaf Oropeza Guillen, President of the
Agricultural Council of Chiapas. He also said that due
to the high bank interest rates and the armed conflict,
nobody wants to sow anything in Chiapas.
May 13
In a climate of "understanding and respect" formally
started the third encounter between the federal
government representation and the delegation of nine
Zapatista commanders, included a 60-65 year old woman,
Comandanta Trinidad, who arrived in San Andres together
with the Zapatista delegate Tacho.
The EZLN rejected the government's proposal to
concentrate its forces at three specific places, as a
distension measure, and warned that "a dialogue cannot be
started by considering that the war is over and without
correcting its causes." After reiterating its
disposition to continue with negotiations, the EZLN said
it is not the moment to consider the government's
proposal which lacks seriousness and is an offense to the
Indian dignity.
The Cocopa called the parties to strictly comply with the
agreements of San Miguel and "to overcome propagandistic
attitudes that do not contribute to the climate of
concord required for the dialogue."
Those believing that the government really wants an
honest dialogue and peace with justice and dignity, are
naive, said Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, PRD leader in
the state of Tabasco. He is skeptical about the federal
government promises, because it has not been able to
solve the conflicts in Tabasco and Chiapas. However, he
wished that the misery and injustice against the Indians
and peasants in Chiapas can soon come to an end. During
a stopover of the Exodus for Dignity and National
Sovereignty, a distrustful Lopez Obrador remarked that
(the dialogue for peace is an official strategy to gain
time and find the way to annihilate the Zapatista
movement."
In an surprising turn, the leaders of the evangelic
churches in Mexico expressed their support to the San
Cristobal de las Casas Bishop, Samuel Ruiz Garcia. They
recognized "his pastoral work and the importance of his
role as mediator in the Chiapas conflict, after
considering that the resumption of the dialogue between
the government and the EZLN has this time better
distension conditions and should yield better results.
Along the 14 months of armed conflict, 100 thousand
hectares of forest were devastated, making it necessary
to include in the conciliation and pacification programs,
a plan to protect natural resources because "environment
conservation must keep pace with economic and social
development,(said the ecology secretary of Chiapas,
Froylan Esquinca Cano.
May 14
After almost 12 hours of discussions, the delegations of
the federal government and the EZLN were unable to reach
any agreement regarding distension. Nonetheless, some
"progress" was made on the issue.
The silence prevailing among press reporters and the
group of Indians that awaited to see the Zapatista
delegation, deepened when Commander Guillermo said: "we
are not here to ask for forgiveness or apologize. Never!
May the world know this. We are not here to kneel down.
The armed insurrection is a right cause." With his
limited Spanish, the Indian wanted to make it very clear
and reiterated: "We are not here to surrender or lay down
arms. We ar here to speak with the government delegates,
to look for a peaceful solution in a good manner."
The emeritus Bishop of Papantla, Genaro Alamilla Arteaga
said today that the federal government is the first one
"to feel sorry and guilty for not having stopped the
rebels in Chiapas," from the very first moment they
declared war against the Mexican Army.
Actress Ofelia Medina said that "the government's
deafness" represents the greater obstacle for an
equilibrated dialogue. The government, she said,
disregards the proposals of the EZLN and of the other
members of the negotiating commission.
Bishop Luis Reynoso Cervantes declared that the EZLN
should make realistic demands during its second meeting
with the federal government and avoid delaying practices
"that are only good to gain ground and protagonism." He
warned that "the proliferation of instability is
politically and economically detrimental for everybody."
May 15
Discussions between the federal government and the EZLN
reached a climax at midnight when signs of a rupture were
given. The edgy moment was partially soothed when the
Conai/Cocopa liaison commission announced that
negotiations continued in "a rough and tense climate, so
far without having reached any agreement."
At 10 min past midnight, the government delegation made
public their proposal for "a comprehensive, progressive,
reciprocal, proportional and verifiable program that may
lead to the signature of a Peace and Concord Agreement
with Justice and Dignity for Chiapas." The proposal
emphasizes "the immediate application of a schedule by
which the Mexican Army will regroup its troops along
certain routes, so the required spaces are available for
the EZLN, maintaining its weapons and organization,
assembles its forces at some points along those routes."
The rebels' proposal was: that the federal Army retreats
from Guadalupe Tepeyac and Aguascalientes moving toward
the San Quintin and Vicente Guerrero common lands.
Compliance and feasibility would be revised at future
meetings. The EZLN said a serious consultation must be
made because "we have in our hand the lives of many
peoples and of thousands of indigenous brothers in
Chiapas and Mexico if an agreement to politically solve
the conflict cannot be reached."
They insisted that the government's proposal along the
two days of discussions "are very complicated for us and
we do not see nor understand their purpose. We find it
very difficult to understand its contents."
The forces of the EZLN have declined in number after 16
months since its declaration of war against the Mexican
government and now represent a limited military threat,
this according to commanders of the Mexican Army. In an
article published by the Dallas Morning News, commanders
of the Mexican Army posted in Chiapas affirmed that in
the last two months at least 260 Zapatistas abandoned the
EZLN. "The Zapatista Army is not a military force with
capacity to confront the Mexican Army. It has not power,"
said General Arturo Galindo. General Mario Renan
Castillo agreed that "the Zapatistas are an armed group,
but are not an army... we do not consider this a war, it
is an internal problem."
May 16
The government and the EZLN concluded their second
meeting in San Andres Larrainzar with "minimal
agreements" on distension, after more than 72 hours of
intense negotiations that went from roughness to a more
understanding attitude.
As part of the "minimal agreement" the EZLN made the
commitment to "seriously" study the government's proposal
consisting of defining a series of routes that allows the
creation of some spaces for the rebels to assemble their
forces, provided the proposal is accepted by the
Zapatista supporters. The proposal also contemplates the
regrouping of the Army along the seven routes proposed
and commits the EZLN to keep order and public security in
the areas occupied by its forces. The coordinator of the
official delegation, Marco Antonio Bernal, revealed that
the "basic" point the government is taking to the
negotiation table is finding a mechanism that allows for
the transformation of the armed group into a legal force.
In order to deactivate the armed group of peasants
claiming for land in the Chiapas Sierra Madre, the
Secretariat of the Defense (Sedena) and state and federal
police forces have initiated a special operation in that
region, informed Jorge Enrique Murillo, coordinator of
public security in the coastal area of Chiapas.
A DANGEROUS COURSE OF ACTION
In a climate of uncertainty last May 12 the dialogue
between the Zapatista Army of National Liberation and the
federal government was resumed .
After many hours of delay due to the government's
argument that there were discrepancies between the
position expressed by the Zapatista delegation to the
negotiations and the communique of the Indigenous
Revolutionary Clandestine Committee (CCRI), signed by
Subcomandante Marcos.
The government seems to overlook the fact that this
communique was the result of a consultation process with
the Zapatista supporters and communities, in which the
rejection to the government's proposal is reaffirmed.
The document is signed by the CCRI, supreme authority of
the EZLN and the signature of Subcomandante Marcos
guarantees its authenticity based on a public agreement
made last February. Also, its premises coincide with the
first observations made by the Zapatista delegation. The
government has disseminated the idea of a rupture inside
of the EZLN.
It would seem that the government has no real negotiating
will or that it is not convinced of the dialogue as the
way to solve the problems originating the conflict.
It should be remembered that in the first encounter last
April, the government's delegation used the presence of
thousands of Indians and peasants as a pretext to delay
the initiation of the dialogue because they were a
danger. This time, the delaying stratagem isd a
government-promoted campaign based on supposed
discrepancies between the EZLN's written response and the
one given by its delegation.
Instead of delving into these supposed discrepancies, the
government's delegation should thoroughly study the
premises supporting the rejection of the EZLN to its
distension proposal.
In every negotiation process, when one of the actors
involved refuses to accept its counterpart's proposals,
it is necessary to study the reasons for that rejection,
in order to produce a new proposal that can be more
practical for both parties, so that real progress can be
made toward a solution with justice and dignity.
The government seems to ignore the permanence of
margination, extreme poverty, abandonment, injustice,
lack of social well-being, etc. as the basic factors
originating the Zapatista rebellion and that today, after
almost one year and a half, do not seem to have a real a
comprehensive solution.
These motives should be recognized by the government as
core elements of the negotiation process, and provide the
EZLN with the moral strength in the frame of a
correlation of forces having an influence in every
negotiation.
In this context, it is of great concern the government's
intention to ignore every political action on behalf of
the EZLN like the presence of thousands of Indians in
Larrainzar or the messages sent to the public opinion,
because it marks a continuation of its February 9
military option. If this is true, the dialogue would only
mean an instrument to radicalize the EZLN position and
thus support the participation of the Mexican Army having
in mind the annhiliation of the EZLN.
In our opinion, the new recommendation to progress in the
dialogue must take into consideration, without any
excuses, the premises and demands of the EZLN and that
precisely have received a vast support from the Mexican
civil society.
Source: ESPAZ
Tabasco No. 282-501, Col. Roma, 08700 Mixico,
D.F.
Tel. 525-2545
ESPAZ is formed up by the following civil
organizations: Academia Mexicana de Derechos Humanos,
Alianza Civica, ANADEGES, CENCOS, Centro de Estudios
Ecuminicos, Colectivo Rosario Castellanos, Colectivo
Mexicano de Apoyo a la Niqez, Comisisn Mexicana para
la Defensa y Promocisn de los Derechos Humanos,
Convergencia de Organismos Civiles por la Democracia,
Foro de Apoyo Mutuo, Movimiento Ciudadano por la
Democracia, PRODUSSEP, RMAL, Red Ganando Espacios,
SEDEPAC, and SIPRO.
THE CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE FACE OF THE SECOND PHASE OF THE
DIALOGUE
Once more a wrong calculation by the government has
reinitiated the dialogue in San Andres with a disguised
capitulation of the EZLN presenting it as the
transformation of the EZLN into a legal political force.
The plan intends to assemble the Zapatistas in limited
areas of the Chiapas territory, without having given
solution to their demands. This reveals the continuity
of an inflexible attitude and lack of political
sensitivity on the part of the Mexican government.
Since January 1994 the Secretariat of the Interior has
been 'stumbling against the same stone'. It has insisted
on minimizing the strength and the deep roots of the EZLN
in the popular movement in Chiapas. Lessons are not
learned and political activities continue to express
sympathy and solidarity with the cause of the Indians in
Chiapas.
On the other hand, the presence of approximately five
thousand peasants in the first meeting at San Andres
Larrainzar, was a clear evidence of how the government
calculations are always transcended by reality.
The organized civil society is particularly sensitive to
this intolerant attitude on the part of the government.
Invitations to dialogue are in most cases empty platforms
with no political contents and thus unable to offer the
possibility of reaching proper solutions to the
political, economical and social conflicts in the
country.
The civil society has not been recognized as a valid
interlocutor, this is, with the strength and presence
enough to provide with the elements required by the
transition of Mexico to democracy. Nowadays, this
transition seems not viable.
Therefore, the Mexican civil society, through
organizations like the Civil Space for Peace (Espaz),
National Coordination of Civil Organizations for Peace
(Conpaz), among others, has decided to participate in the
peace belts as a quality witness, assuming an active role
in the face of the government4s inflexibility.
The civil society intends to contribute to making
progresses in the negotiations and not only be there as
mere spectators. This decision is part of a strategic
commitment with the building of a transition process to
democracy. It also intends to be part of this and every
other scenario aiming at establishing a new form of
dialogue and at building democracy in our country.
MEDIA MONITORING
MAY 8 - 12, 1995
The Mexican Academy of Human Rights (AMDH) informs the
most important results of the monitoring of Televisa's
"24 Horas," Television Azteca's "Hechos," Multivision's
"Para Usted," and Channel 11's "Enlace" news programs.
News concerning the Chiapas situation presented by these
news programs were:
1. The meeting to finalize details on the resumption of
the dialogue, attended by the Secretariat of the
Interior, the Concord and Peace Commission (Cocopa) and
the National Mediation Commission (Conai).
2. The statements made by the government representation
expressing their interest in progressing towards peace
and development in Chiapas and also clarifying that they
never asked for the surrender of the Zapatista Army of
National Liberation (EZLN).
3. The arrangements made in San Andres Larrainzar for the
resumption of the dialogue.
4. The opinions of the Peace and Concord Commission
(Cocopa) and the political parties regarding the
resumption of the dialogue.
5. The start of the new phase of the dialogue between the
government and the EZLN.
During the week of May 8 - 12, total time given by these
news programs to the Chiapas conflict was one hour, 13
minutes and three seconds, representing a considerable
increase over the two previous weeks. However, this time
is still shorter if compared to the week of April 17 -
21, which was the week prior to the first dialogue in San
Andres, when the time given to Chiapas was one hour and
53 minutes. During the period of May 8 - 12, "Hechos"
gave Chiapas news 31 minutes and 11 seconds; "24 Horas"
23 minutes and 17 seconds; "Enlace" 11 minutes and "Para
Usted" only seven minutes and 35 seconds.
The Secretariat of the Interior and the Peace and Concord
Commission were the actors receiving most time in the
period monitored: 13 minutes and 27 seconds, and 12
minutes and eight seconds respectively. The EZLN, the
other relevant actor in the Chiapas conflict, was in
third place with eight minutes and 42 seconds.
Meanwhile, other actors getting some time were the Party
of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), the National Action
Party (PAN) and the Institutional Revolutionary Party
(PRI), with approximately five minutes each. Neither
President Zedillo nor the Office of the Attorney General
got any time at all.
Regarding effective voice and image time, secondary
actors were the ones receiving more time: the Cocopa
(four minutes and 12 seconds) and the PAN (two minutes
and 19 seconds). Regarding the main dialogue actors, the
Secretariat of the Interior got one minute and 10 seconds
while the EZLN received no time at all.
No obvious tendencies were detected in the coverage this
week, contrary to what was observed in previous weeks.
This week, only Luis Pazos was the exception. On May 11,
Pazos insisted in a subject that seemed to be already
settled, and upheld a thesis that is echoed by a sector
of the public opinion in Mexico. Pazos said: "I am for
peace, I am for the dialogue and I hope that a quick
solution is found to the Chiapas conflict. However, as
any law student in the first semester well knows, there
cannot be a dialogue or a peace agreement if one of the
parties has its face covered. I ask you, telespectator:
?would you sing an agreement, a contract or a commitment
with someone you do not know, someone with the face
concealed and whose name you ignore? We believe there is
little seriousness on the part of the government and of
the Zapatistas when they talk of peace and of a dialogue
when they [the Zapatistas] have their face covered. One
of the conditions to attain peace is that these persons
remove their skimask and tell who they are and that they
are willing to reach an agreement. We all know, or at
least the analysts know, that the EZLN has no chance
military-wise. They are less than 300 guerrilla. What
happens is that they have all the support of one
political party, of the liberation theologists, of all
the international leftist forces, of the so-called human
rights groups that are political forces. But these
political forces should keep in mind that no peace
dialogue can be accomplished if one of the parties is not
fully identified. That is why we invite those people
supporting the EZLN to tell them to remove their
skimasks, to identify themselves, and to incorporate to
the legal political activities through a political party.
We are not for their annihilation, but we neither support
their expensive performances, expensive for the
government and for the country, to talk of a peace that
one of the parties does not really seem to look for.
Other aspects of the coverage are:
a) With respect to "Enlace" we observed plurality; this
is, their notes on the Chiapas conflict give a space to
almost all the parties involved and to the different
expressions of the national political spectrum. Only
"Enlace" informed of the warning by some Catholic Church
members regarding the slandering campaign against the San
Cristobal de las Casas Diocese about a supposed deviation
of money to the EZLN. This is in contrast with the very
little time given to the Chiapas subject this week.
b) "24 Horas" has changed the way it refers to the
Zapatista Army of National. Last year, Jacobo Zabludovsky
usually referred to the Zapatistas as "the armed group
transgressing the law." Now Zabludovsky and his reporters
call the Zapatistas "the EZLN," the abbreviation by
initials of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation,
although it never calls its name in full.
c) "Hechos" and "24 Horas" offered live transmissions
from San Andres Larrainzar when the dialogue started. In
the case of "24 Horas," its May 12 telecast included a
live transmission of the moment the Zapatistas were
offering a press conference. Instead of including parts
of the press conference, the note only included a summary
of the events of that day prepared by its special envoy
Juan Sebastian Solis. "24 Horas" did not think it was
important to present the voices and the images of the
Zapatistas' viewpoints, it only included some images of
the arrival of the Zapatista delegation and of the press
conference. This is a progress with respect to last year
when no images of the EZLN were presented at all, but it
is still far from what would be desirable.
d) Except for "Hechos" none of the news programs
mentioned the communique sent by Subcomandante Marcos
prior to the start of the negotiations. Javier Alatorre,
conductor of "Hechos," made special mention of the
absence of Marcos from the dialogue and his insistence on
discussing national issues.
The conclusion is that although the telecasts monitored
did increase the time given to the Chiapas conflict, they
are unable to properly cover the subject. For example,
the EZLN got one of the highest times in the week of May
8 - 12, but had no voice and image time, in spite of its
members having held a press conference which provides
useful information for the electronic media. These news
programs have no interest in allowing the direct
broadcasting of proposals different from those of the
government. Our country still lacks the type of news
coverage that cultivates the right of Mexicans to be
informed.
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