Index
1.- Chronology
2.- Perspectivas para el Dialogo.
3.- Media Monitoring
Chronology (may 17-30, 1995)
May 17
The four days of discussions with the government
representatives were to the Zapatista Army for National
Liberation (EZLN) an intricate and difficult experience
because, according to Comandante Tacho, they "are not
showing the will to negotiate." Tacho added that in
their quest for a fair and just agreement for all the
indigenous people and for Mexico "we are suffering the
contempt, the mockery, the deceit and the lies of the
federal delegation, who should learn to speak with the
Indians."
Members of the Party of the Democratic Revolution
(PRD)in Chiapas denounced the "witch hunting" against
municipal leaders and members of this party by judicial,
federal and state officers. The 'perredistas' were
arrested on charges of being involved in illegal actions
related to land invasions in Chiapas.
May 18
The Concord and Peace Commission (Cocopa) stated that
the withdrawal of the Federal Army from Chiapas is not
to be discussed at the negotiation table with the
Zapatista Army, and that the distension proposal only
includes the regrouping of troops at certain locations.
It is necessary to give solution to social marginality
problems through the implementation of road
construction, productivity and agricultural programs, to
alleviate the conditions of extreme poverty of at least
70 percent of the indigenous population settled in the
Chiapas Sierra Madre, said Mayor Javier Mirida Mayorga.
The Federal and State governments must improve the
living conditions of the 150,000 inhabitants in this
zone, where an intensification of violence and social
unrest are likely to occur.
May 19
The most delicate issue in the consultations made by the
EZLN regarding the Minimal Distension Accord, is who
should be responsible for "order and security" in the
zones where the Federal Government intends to have the
"law transgressors" acting as the "policemen" of the
Lacandona Jungle.
Hundreds of peasants from San Miguel Chimalapa, in the
State of Oaxaca, invaded properties of Chiapas farm
workers and threatened with occupying 2,000 more farms.
The Federal Government, in an attempt to arriving at
"distension and harmony" agreements, accepted that the
Democratic State Assembly of the Chiapas People (AEDPCH)
participate in the working tables to be set up for the
Dialogue with the EZLN.
The self-denominated Comandante Abel, of the armed group
that has been operating at the ecological reserve of El
Triunfo, in the Chiapas Sierra Madre, has threatened
with the occupation of coffee plantations. This has
created a climate of insecurity and uneasiness in the
region and, therefore, it is urgent to implement the
required measures to reinstate the rule of the law, said
Carlos Bracamontes, president of the Sate Union of
Coffee Growers.
May 20
The Federal Government has accepted the participation of
the AEDPCH at the working sessions to be agreed upon by
the official delegation and the EZLN as a result of the
San Andres discussions.
The agreement of the party leaders was conclusive: "the
Party of the Democratic Revolution will continue
fighting in a coordinated way to solve the post-
electoral problem in Tabasco." Their decision was
undisputed: "there will be no National Dialogue until
new elections are held in Tabasco and Chiapas."
The state justice attorney, Jorge Enrique Hernandez
Aguilar, said Chiapas lives a complex situation due to
the proliferation of groups of irritated and unhappy
people that, together with the serious economic and
political crisis and the social problems, foster
desperation and violence. Enriquez informed of the
implementation of a police and military program to
"restore" legality and to prevent the entrance of large
quantities of weapons coming from Central America that
are used by these groups.
May 21
The National Democratic Convention (CND) will hold an
"extraordinary" assembly during the first week of June,
to show its support to the EZLN prior to the resumption
of negotiations with the Federal Government, at San
Andris Larrainzar, and to call all forces to work for
the consolidation of the National Liberation Movement
(MLN).
May 22
"Let's play music, let's dance, although you will not be
able to dance much because there are too many stones on
the floor," said a member of the musical group 'Los
Masbes' from San Juan Chamula, Chiapas, at the opening
of the Offering Concert for Peace in Chiapas, held at
the Sculpture Space of the National Autonomous
University of Mexico (UNAM) and attended by
approximately 12,000 enthusiastic youngsters.
The Secretary of the Navy Josi Ramsn Lorenzo Franco,
said the government does not want an armed confrontation
in the south east part of the county. He stated that
everything will be done in full compliance with the law
and that Mexico has only one Army recognized by the
Constitution and that the armed group does not comply
with the requirements to be recognized as belligerent
force.
The state of Chiapas, where most of the indigenous
population of the country is concentrated, shows the
highest morbidity and mortality infant death index with
8.5 deaths for every 10,000 births, informed researchers
of the Organization of Indigenous Doctors of Chiapas
(OMIECH) and of the Center for Indigenous Studies of the
Autonomous University of Chiapas (UNACH), Barbara Cadena
and Ana Marma Garza, respectively. The most frequent
complications that cause the death of the newborns, and
are suffered by women during pregnancy and at delivery
are: infections in the urinary system, premature births,
product in the wrong position, post-delivery
hemorrhages, tearing, descensus uteri and descensus
cervix.
May 23
According to federal deputy for Chiapas, the Tojolabal
Indian Antonio Hernandez, it is a historical error and a
violation to Agreement 169 of the International Labor
Organization (OIT) the government's pretension to
recognize limited rights for the Indians, instead of
granting regional autonomy as demanded. This purpose is
implied in the National Indigenous Institute's (INI)
proposal on the juridical status of indigenous
communities.
Approximately 180 members of the pastoral group of the
San Cristobal de Las Casas diocese --priests and laymen-
- started today a 5-day ordinary assembly to analyze the
situation and continue with the works of the Third
Diocese Synod currently underway.
At the opening session, Bishop Samuel Ruiz Garcma said
that "this is a mediator Church, a peace constructor."
He added that part of the Catholic Church's vocation is
the work for peace and therefore its participation as
mediator in the conflict negotiations "does not mean it
is out of context regarding its pastoral task." Ruiz
Garcma also read a letter sent to him by Bishop Julio
Cabrera Ovalle, of the El Quichi Diocese, in Guatemala,
saying: "Your presence is of great importance and is
sparing the people of Chiapas great suffering and pain,
at a moment when some sectors intend to give a violent
solution to the conflict."
Statistical information from the Secretariat of Health,
shows that during 1995 approximately 300 cases of
cholera have been identified in Chiapas. Therefore,
prevention programs have been implemented in an attempt
to prevent the dissemination of the disease, said Vmctor
Camacho, Head of the VII Sanitary Jurisdiction of this
Secretariat.
May 24
Marco Antonio Bernal Gutiirrez, head of the government's
delegation holding negotiations with the EZLN, and
Evangelic church leaders, agreed to start a series of
"consultation and working meetings to have first-hand
information on the negotiation process and disseminate
it among the Evangelic groups in Chiapas. Evangelics
claim to have influence on 40 percent of the population.
Chiapas has approximately 60 churches.
The government's delegation has accepted the invitation
made by the EZLN to attend, as observers, the
"consultation to militants" to take place in the next
few days, to define their position with respect to the
proposal made by the Federal Government.
More than 150 peasants from Sabanilla, many of them
"armed" with rifles and guns, keep three 'ejidatarios'
(common land owners) of the same municipality as
hostages, in connection with a dispute over a piece of
land.
The national Commission for Human Rights (CNDH)
considers the participation of the so-called 'white
guards' a "grave fact" as it not only represents a
violation to human rights, but a direct threat to the
peace process in Chiapas. This is part of the
recommendation sent to the state government to speed up
investigations to punish those responsible for the
bloody events of January 10, 1995 in the Chicomuselo
municipality. On this date, a large group of police
agents, helped by white guards wearing a red ribbon as
identification, violently expelled a group of armed
peasants that had seized the town hall. Six people died
and many more were wounded as a result of this
operation.
Nearly 500 peasants from a number of Los Altos
municipalities occupied for five hours the town hall of
Tuxtla Gutierrez, to demand the building of a market for
the Indians and the payment for "damages and losses"
suffered in late 1994. The indians, that come from
municipalities like Zinacantan, San Juan Chamula and San
Cristsbal de Las Casas, and are members of the
Indigenous Representative Council of Los Altos (CRIACH),
joined members of the Lombardista National Unity (UNAL)
--of the State Council for Indigenous and Peasant
Organizations (CEOIC)-- to take control of the town
hall, preventing employees and other civilians from
leaving the premises.
During a statement made today by four of the eight
supposed members of the EZLN arrested on February 9 in
Cacalomacan, they declared to have been tortured, abused
and threatened prior to their ministerial statements,
and also that they were blindfolded when they signed
these statements and that no counsellor was present as
provided by law.
The lack of solution to the land problems, the overdue
portfolio, the lack of investment in agriculture, the
preparation of the October electoral process, the lack
of security and the danger of new armed groups, have
created in Chiapas a climate of instability that could
jeopardize peace and conciliation, said Tapachula Bishop
Felipe Arizmendi Esquivel. He also warned that the
signature of papers between the Zapatista Army for
National Liberation and the Federal Government, will not
be enough and that every organization as well as the
civil society should take part in this process.
May 25
In 1995 the Federal Government will invest more than 1
billion new pesos in health programs in Chiapas, said
today Juan Ramsn de la Fuente, Secretary of Health,
during a working tour of this entity. This sum will be
made up with contributions from the IMSS (Mexican
Institute for Social Security): 460 million new pesos;
Solidaridad: 240 million new pesos; SSA (Secretariat of
Health): 230 million new pesos; and ISSSTE (Institute of
Social Security for State Workers): 170 million new
pesos.
The Peace and Concord Commission (Cocopa) agreed on
drafting some regulations regarding the procedures for
the Dialogue between the EZLN and the Federal
Government, and the security measures for each
delegation.
More than 300 Indians of the "Pro-Improvement of the
Race" organization, tried to seize today the regional
office of the State Office of the Justice Attorney
(PJE), to demand the liberation of six of its members.
However, they were repelled by approximately 50
policemen. As a result, the Tzotzil and Tzeltal Indians
remained in front of that office for more than seven
hours and then marched to the court house.
Made up with representatives from more than 26
countries, the Committee Pro Nobel for Samuel Ruiz
Garcma started activities aimed at obtaining this year's
prize for the San Cristobal de Las Casas Bishop. This
year, the candidacy of Samuel Ruiz was promoted by Peace
Nobel Adolfo Perez Esquivel and has the support of
Rigoberta Menchz Tum.
The municipality of Cacahoatan was declared "in state of
emergency" due to the proliferation of gastrointestinal
diseases that have affected some 100 persons in the last
couple of weeks. Three people have died --one Guatemalan
national and two Mexicans-- in the last 72 hours. Of the
19 samples sent to the laboratory for analysis, 12 have
been confirmed as cholera, informed the president of the
local council Jose Luis Lspez Lspez.
May 26
Seventy nine abductions have taken place in the southern
part of Chiapas, in the past 15 months. According to the
Regional Union of Small Land Owners" the kidnappers have
obtained 100 million new pesos in ransom. This was
informed by the President of the Canacintra local office
Jaime Pedrero Vera.
The Cacahoatan municipal authorities declared themselves
incapable of handling the cholera outbreak in the zone
due to the lack of material, human and economic
resources. Municipal president Josi Luis Lspez Lspez
also said that the number of people affected by the
vibrio cholera bacillus was increasing by the hour and
demanded closing the frontier to prevent the entrance of
fruits and vegetables coming from Guatemala.
"The major progress we see is that the government
recognizes we are a serious, responsible organization
that keeps its word," said Comandante Tacho at making an
evaluation of the recent Dialogue round with the
government.
In the Chiapas armed conflict the government has "the
best offer" to reach peace, "anything else would mean
war or capitulation," said Jorge del Valle, member of
the Peace and Concord Commission. Del Valle added that
1994 was a year of great lessons for the government, as
it understood that the only way to advance in this
pacification process is showing "patience, understanding
and consensus," otherwise "only apparent solutions would
be given to the conflict without really going to the
core problems" that originated the Zapatista rebellion.
Del Valle made his statements at the National Convention
of Evangelic Bishops and Pastors that will discuss the
social, political and economical reality in the country,
and outlined the specific steps of the Federal
Government towards the pacification of Chiapas.
Del Valle stated that the Federal Army will not withdraw
from the conflict zone, that the federation will not
discuss the political problems of the state because that
would go against the principles of federalism, and that
the economic aspect and the welfare of the Chiapas
population will be approached in a "differentiated"
manner, according to the requirements of each one of the
geographical areas in the state.
Based on his experience at the negotiation table, Del
Valle said the Indians "want the public opinion to
believe that they do not understand the government's
proposals," but this is not true. To the government, he
added, peace, conciliation and governability can only be
attained with the participation of all actors.
The Pro Nobel Peace Prize for Samuel Ruiz Committee
started yesterday a national and international campaign
to promote the San Cristobal de Las Casas Bishop as
recipient of this award in 1995, in support of the
proposal made by Adolfo Pirez Esquivel.
May 27
The Evangelic Church of Mexico proposed the creation of
a political party that "must be prepared to take over
power legally, to guarantee freedom and justice for
everybody as "the Christian people must not be conducted
by revolutionary ideas." Based on the premise that
current political parties "do not guarantee confidence,
honesty and prosperity to our country, the evangelics
plan to integrate in the next few days, a political
association to operate at state level and later on at
national level. "The time has come for the creation of
a christian and spiritual political organization." The
announcement was made at San Cristobal de Las Casas by
the juridical counsellor of the National Confraternity
of Evangelic Churches in Mexico, Adolfo Garcma de la
Sierra, during the event "National Evangelic
Consultation for the Pacification of Chiapas" attended
by Bishop Samuel Ruiz Garcma and Rebel Governor Amado
Avendaqo Figueroa, among others.
Addressing to approximately one hundred Evangelic
Indians of Chiapas, Bishop Samuel Ruiz said that the
proposed organization could become the Reform Party and
gain political power in the coming state elections.
During the national consultation for the pacification of
Chiapas, held at El Carmen Convention Center, it was
announced that because current political parties "are
unable to guarantee stability in the State," the
Evangelic Church has decided to create a political
association. This association will not only take care of
the rights of the evangelics but will look after the
needs of all Chiapas people, and shall not seek
privileges or prebends. On the other hand, Samuel Ruiz,
who attended this event as a guest, said that peace will
not be attained only by those at the negotiation table,
and that it is the responsibility of all Christians to
build it.
May 28
More than 50 business establishments that joined the
Association of Bank Debtors in Chiapas, closed down
during the second quarter of the year due to the severe
crisis and the overdue portfolio, informed Pedro Lspez
Ayanegui, secretary of the association. The
representative of this organization, with approximately
3,000 members in 17 municipalities of Chiapas, said the
situation was chaotic and uncertain, and added that the
official policies were detrimental to the Chiapas
business sector. He pointed out the particularly severe
war conditions resulting from the armed conflict in
Chiapas.
"The precarious economic situation of the Mexican Red
Cross" that has so far spent 101 million new pesos in
Chiapas, is jeopardizing its participation both in
assistance programs and in the security belts at San
Andris Larrainzar, informed Fernando Uribe, President of
the Red Cross.
It is very painful to admit that the Minimal Distension
Accord of San Andris has been indeed "minimal," when the
country is demanding as much generosity as possible. Why
was there so very little generosity in according the
military distension measures? What are weapons defending
when there is so much pain and so much misery?
May 29
At the main plaza of Puebla City, people participating
in the "exodus for democracy" were taken by surprise by
the message sent by Subcomandante Marcos: "From the
south east march dignity and rebelliousness. They are
not the patrimony of only you nor of only ourselves,
they belong altogether to the Mexican people. If today
struggle speaks with your voice and with our voice,
tomorrow it will cry in the chest of the whole nation."
Andris Manuel Lspez Obrador, leader of the Tabasco
marchers, held in his hand a couple of pages he had
received few moments ago, and read them. It was the
message sent from some place in the Chiapas mountains,
and signed by Marcos. "You are right when you say that
the problem is not Tabasco. We are right when we say
that the problem is not Chiapas. We are all right when
we say that the problem is Mexico..."
The Peace Dialogue has privileged the political aspect
and has left aside the social problems that originated
the Zapatista uprising, complained Tuxtla Gutiirrez
Bishop Felipe Aguirre Franco. Meanwhile, Samuel Ruiz
Garcma, bishop of San Cristsbal de Las Casas, said that
for the Zapatistas both aspects are "closely related."
The mediating bishop also informed that the National
Mediation Commission (Conai) will not be in charge of
monitoring the compliance of the agreements reached at
between the EZLN and the Federal Government. He added
that the process has entered in a firm negotiation stage
and that distension measures and an agenda are being
prepared.
May 30
The Secretariat of the Interior considers that the
Zapatista offer to have the official delegation visiting
a community in the Lacandona Jungle to witness a
consultation process, is not serious. Today, the EZLN
formalized its invitation to the government's delegation
negotiating in San Andris to attend the consultation
process at one of the Zapatista communities, but on
condition that no helicopters be used to transport them
and that "departing from La Realidad you will walk to
the consultation site and each one of you will carry
your own belongings."
The EZLN called "traitors" the members of the Democratic
State Assembly of the Chiapas People (AEDPCH) that are
negotiating with Dante Delgado. The armed group
considers that the discussions with the Federal
Government envoy are "a sabotage to the Zapatista
position" in the Dialogue of San Andris, contribute to
"a counter-insurgency campaign launched by the
government" and is part of a "divisionist strategy."
Another condition for the Federal Government's
delegation to attend a consultation session at a
community in the Lacandona Jungle, is that the
government representatives make a public commitment "not
to launch a military attack against the community they
will visit." This means they have to promise "they will
not do what Esteban Moctezuma Barragan (Secretariat of
the Interior) did to the Guadalupe Tepeyac community."
After ten years of exile, supposedly on religious
motives, 40 Evangelic Indians of the Zinacatan
municipality returned to their communities, safeguarded
by an agreement with the local authorities, informed the
State Committee for the Defense of Evengelics in Chiapas
(CEDECH).
Moved, enthusiastic and above all solidary, the hundreds
of students that attended yesterday the Che Guevara
auditorium of the Faculty of Letters and Philosophy of
the UNAM, not only admired and applauded the video on
Subcomandante Marcos, but committed their signature and
other actions to demand the release of the 20 people
"charged with being Zapatistas."
Papal nuncio Girolamo Prigione stated that "there is so
much" evangelization work to do in Chiapas because there
is a "pastoral vacuum" that has been used by "protestor
sects to settle." He said that in many parts of the
country these vacuums are a consequence of the lack of
priests, but in San Cristobal "there are other reasons."
He refused to elaborate on his statement.
Compilation: SIPRO
Source: Excelsior, El Financiero, La Jornada, Reforma
NOTES FOR AN ANALYSIS OF THE
MOMENT AND PERSPECTIVE OF THE DIALOGUE
AND NEGOTIATION PROCESS IN CHIAPAS
I. General Situation of the Country:
1. In the middle of a severe economic crisis, two
major trends are confronted regarding the solution to
the crisis and the political transition: one is oriented
to a tougher position and a turn to the extreme right;
the other one, looks for plurality beyond the limits of
the current economic model. This confrontation is
marked by increased fragmentation and polarization of
forces, a public opinion that tends to criticize and
censure rather than making proposals, and a
proliferation of social and political personalities and
initiatives tht lack the capacity to define a course and
generate major changes.
2. There is a real risk of rupture, and political
transition continues to be the most important task and
challenge. However, the crisis of the system has caused
what some analysts call "negative entropy," this is, the
type of polarization that does not permit the
materialization of a project or a united strategy, and
in which the different forces equilibrate and annihilate
each other at the same time. This results in a defensive
dynamic tending to survival rather than to political
transformations. In any case, the transition continues
to be under the conduction of the traditional powers
through a recreated alliance between the State, the PAN
doctrine, and the right wing.
3. In this context, there is a lack of
coordination among democratic forces, largely made
possible by the leadership crisis in organizations with
national influence like the Party of the Democratic
Revolution (PRD), the National Democratic Convention
(CND), and the sectorial coordinations. Therefore, the
democratic forces have not had the capacity to influence
and make proposals at country level, just as Chiapas
lacks the potentiality of change and the influence it
used to have. This has to do with a specific political
and military strategy aimed at isolating and dwindling
the potentiality of Chiapas.
4. There has been a cooling down in the public
opinion regarding Chiapas events, as a result of a media
strategy aimed at isolating, slandering and weakening
the indigenous movement and its position in the dialogue
and negotiation process. The civil society of the
country has been instrumental in preventing war but has
been unable to design a comprehensive transformation
program. There is also a political culture crisis that
tends to devalue the negotiation with the State. Civil
society is always lagging back, responding tactically to
immediate problems, but has been unable to offer a
strategic proposal that places it at the front,
disputing the conduction of the process.
5. The design of the Mexican State and the
redefinition of a national project are at stake. There
is not one single proposal that accommodates all the
Mexican actors and dimensions. This is the target of the
democratization and pacification efforts.
II. Moments and Challenges to the Civil Society at
National Level
1. While it is true that major progress has been
made regarding mobilization and coordination, there has
been no success in developing a joint agenda and
coordinated movements that prevent deficiencies from
becoming an obstacle that, on the other hand, continues
to be used on behalf of the State. There is not either
the capacity to establish a link between regional and
sectorial problems resulting from the economic crisis,
to generate an economic proposal that goes beyond the
mere denounce of the negative effects of the economic
program being implemented.
2. If the State and the National Project are at
stake, the civil society faces an inevitable challenge
in the task to define a strategy and a project in which
the different actions and levels of struggle can convene
and make any sense. All the lines of action would have
to support and feed each other. Political
democratization is a must but will not be sufficient if
it lacks a proposal to solve the political, economic,
and social problems.
3. The challenge to the public opinion has also
exceeded the capacity of the civil organizations to
maintain a level of sensibility, reflection and
mobilization on major national issues. While it is not a
matter of articulating every social movement into one
single organization, nor having a single cupular
coordinating structure, there must be coordination among
the different organizations and initiatives around a
shared project. To this end, the challenge of having an
influence on the public opinion has become essential,
while media start to show the characteristics of modern
and democratic social behaviors.
4. Of the different actors, conflicts and
political dialogues that must be linked together, the
most conspicuous are the efforts made by political
parties to agree on a reform of the Mexican State, and
the dialogue between the EZLN and the Federal Government
in Chiapas. While we are talking of different actors and
processes, it is a great concern that the different
agendas and their implications are not mutually
recognized. Chiapas needs nation-wide initiatives and
actions to progress, just as these initiatives and
actions need the transforming contribution of Chiapas.
5. There have been important changes in the
configuration of the State and the power in Mexico.
There have also been adjustments and economic and
cultural situations that the democratic forces have not
been able to fully identify and situate. The capacity
to analyze and anticipate the trends, limits,
characteristics, risks and strategies of the Mexican
State is urgently required in order to have the elements
to define transition strategies and trends.
6. While the dynamics of the civil society are
important, it must be remembered that the articulation
of the mobile parts of the society is not enough and
that is necessary to include and expand participation to
include as many sectors as possible. The real challenge
for the society in becoming a factor with an influence
on the State and the economy, demands the plural
participation of the Mexican society --with its recently
discovered participation capacity and democratic
aspirations-- particularly of its most impoverished
segment. This suggests the need to diversify and
intensify the work with the social base, particularly at
the labor, rural and urban levels. The right wing
trends observed in the public opinion do not seem
compatible with the increasing poverty and unrest in the
country. There are experiences and methodologies
suitable to redefine tasks and information strategies so
a broader social awareness and participation are
fostered.
7. The civil society, a comprehensive expression
of the society, must therefore continue to strengthen
its participation in the main national issues and
assignments. Society is the most important actor
responsible for democracy and peace; the State will not
tackle these issues. It is the society the one that can
not only stop the war and promote a transition to
democracy, but give an impulse to the real changes
required for that transition to mean justice and dignity
for all Mexicans.
8. The problems in Chiapas demand new approaches
and a renewed solidarity. It is not enough to march at
the rear, giving support. The civil society must assume
an active and proposing role regarding the major issues
at stake. Distension, agenda and pacification are the
tasks to be assumed, first by strengthening the local
actors in Chiapas, who in the first place, have the
right and the responsibility to conduct the pacification
process. National actors must be careful to not replace
but strengthen local actors as well as their ruling and
political capacity.
9. To this end, the contact between local and
national forces needs to be diversified. If peace not
only means stopping war but boosting the required
changes and transitions, it is important to define
actions for Chiapas with a strategic approach to major
transformations and the configuration of local forces,
the absence or weakness of which explain polarization
and confrontation. Without the proper actors it is
impossible to think of democracy, and without democracy
it will not be possible to build a solid and true peace.
10. There is an increasing revaluation of civil
mediation and of the principles that sustain the
participation of Bishop Samuel Ruiz. The civil society
grants great importance to defending his work, but the
most urgent thing is to extend participation to include
the various civil forces and entities in seeking
together the changes required for peace.
III. Moment and Characterization of the Dialogue and
Negotiation Process in Chiapas
1. The dialogue has had a difficult start and the
negotiation itself has not even started. The official
delegation, each time more representative of the
government than of the Secretariat of the Interior, has
designed a strategy based on State and National Security
criteria on the argument that the EZLN has not the
necessary political and military weight to deserve
negotiation on an equal footing.
2. Based on prior experiences, mainly in the case
of Central American conflicts, the Mexican government
intends to negotiate as if it were saving ten years of
war that would be required for a real negotiation. On
the other hand, the government's delegation acts as if
at the end of such a long war, the State would have been
the absolute winner. With an obstinate and arrogant
attitude, they have tried to dictate a political and
military initiative leaving the Zapatistas no real
options.
3. Together with this obstinacy, political dispute
has marked the three encounters held so far. Extreme
situations that used to support the military option are
now being expressed at the negotiation table. This
polarization is neither easy nor simple. Both parts are
disputing the political space, the agenda, the dynamics
and the procedure of the dialogue. And also its
mediation aspect. In spite of this tension, it is
imperative to shift from the military logic to the
political logic. It is a natural tension but it does not
mean that the true negotiation has started, and it is
here that the government's obstinacy is more
preoccupying.
4. The EZLN clearly stated its position when the
option was between the law and dialogue or the war.
However, if we analyze the behavior of the State and the
issues the dialogue has been dealing with, the question
would be if a real political solution acceptable to both
parties is being designed. If the government's
obstinacy continues hindering and ignoring any
contribution, proposal or complementary ideas from the
Zapatistas, how can anyone expect that they [the EZLN]
accept this as the way to reach a political solution?
5. The meetings have been subject to extreme
tensions that reveal the almost absolute lack of
confidence and understanding. This gets worse because it
would seem that the government's delegation is including
in its imposing strategy, the weakening of the Zapatista
positions by weakening mediation too. Instead of
building confidence, the bet is on distrust and
alienation. Is there really an intention to negotiate or
is it only a simulated negotiation to legitimate the
application of harsh measures?
6. For both parts it would seem that the situation
no longer depends on the political solution or the war.
Other options have been evolving that are not
necessarily related to the dilemma of war or dialogue.
There are other forms of advancing towards a solution
and if the current dialogue and negotiation process does
not show a firm progress, the other options will gain
force and may become inevitable.
7. The State charges the EZLN with using time for
political purposes. It would be about the only charge it
could make against the EZLN, because it has been
precisely the indigenous delegation who has shown a
disposition to understand and make concessions. The EZLN
could also be accused of insisting on taking the
dialogue to the public opinion. But both time and public
opinion have been used to favor the State positions.
Indeed the State has been fostering certain movements
and situations. For example, there have been military,
political and public opinion actions along the previous
five months, and they even prevented a group of
Zapatistas from being present at the first meeting in
San Andres. We wonder that if time, public opinion and
external environment that influence the dialogue
correlation, are the three key issues that the EZLN or
the civil society should regain through new political
initiatives.
8. There are, of course, regional an cultural
limits to the moment and proposal of the EZLN. It is not
a propitious moment for a national coordination. For the
Zapatistas it is a challenge to include the indigenous
and regional demands without limiting their proposals to
a regional level. On the other hand, the State will
precisely try to reduce to this level the Zapatista
dimension and proposal, and has put its cards on the
table: the EZLN must accept to become a legal political
force.
9. Expressing the same idea with the biological
example that organisms are born, grow, reproduce and
die, we could say that the State tries to prevent the
reproduction of armed movements, and that in view of the
current situation of the EZLN it would be possible to
force them to an induced lethargy and thus prevent its
growth and reproduction in other parts of the country.
On the other hand, the EZLN would be looking to expand
its reproduction and development conditions. Thus, we
have the confrontation between the State that tries to
capitalize and manage the conflict and its causes, and a
movement that intends to offer an alternative project
for the State and the Nation. The dispute is on a
essential issue, and the State is ready to win in the
political arena but using a military and national
security approach.
10. The next meeting in San Andris will include a
discussion on rules of procedure, as well as the
Zapatista response to the global distension initiative
proposed by the government's delegation. This could be a
decisive encounter in the current dialogue and
negotiation process. The rules include three items: the
agenda, the participation of other political and social
actors, and the organic and methodological procedure for
the negotiation. We are aware of the differences in
these issues. If the obstinate position of the
government delegation remains unchanged, it will be
clear for the EZLN what are the limits and the
intentions of the State and it could be that the EZLN
may have to reconsider if it makes any sense for the so-
called peace with dignity and justice to stick to this
dialogue, or if conditions need to be changed to seek a
different negotiation process.
IV. Some Challenges
It is necessary to think of a new stage to
coordinate forces and proposals at national level.
Disarticulation and fragmentation go against the
democratization process. The EZLN cannot intend to be
the sole central element. It is necessary to creatively
redesign strategies that take into account the regional
advances, rescheduling future actions based on
strengthening the autonomy element and the new regional
models of democracy and political conduction.
It would be undesirable that the State wears out
the negotiation process and arrives at an ultimatum
position. A new national political initiative is
required in order to build up a favorable correlation
for a true peace negotiation. It is the national agenda
that must be put on the negotiation table. Rather than
having one actor representing the entire society, we
must plan that a number of agendas be proposed and
substantiated by all actors at every dialogue space. It
is necessary to disentangle this process by offering a
global project resulting from the coordination and
complementation of all agendas and actors, bringing
national issues to every negotiation table. The EZLN
must redefine its relationship and alliance with the
national forces and agendas. Isolate the EZLN is part
of a counter-insurgent offensive, while diversifying its
links would be a democratic approach.
Both the society and the democratic process are
somehow enclosed. The right wing maintains its radical
options. A new political correlation and a more open
public opinion are essential to encourage a
democratization process. Only democracy will allow true
peace with justice and dignity. The challenge is neither
easy nor simple; single actors are not enough, least of
all if their are isolated.
International public opinion and solidarity with
the people of Mexico are today more necessary than ever,
as they strengthen our position while looking for a new
world order that may offer people justice and dignity
through new economic and development models.
H. O. Mendoza
Guadalajara, Jalisco, May 29, 1995
MEDIA MONITORING
MAY 15 - 19, 1995
Following are the major results of the transmission
analysis of Televisa's "24 Horas," Televisisn Azteca's
"Hechos," Channel 11's "Enlace," and Multivision's
"Para Usted" news programs. Because during the week of
May 22-26 there were no news on Chiapas, the analysis
covers only from May 15 to 19.
Chiapas related news included in the telecasts were:
1. The conclusion of the second meeting between the
government's delegation and the EZLN in San Andris
Larranizar.
2. Analysis of the agreements reached at by both parties
and their consequences.
3. Reactions to these agreements by political actors
like the Secretary of the Interior, deputies and
senators.
Total time devoted by the four telecasts to Chiapas
during this period was one hour, three minutes and 34
seconds. "24 Horas" gave the Chiapas conflict 28
minutes and 12 seconds, while "Hechos" registered 15
minutes and 23 seconds; "Para Usted" 13 minutes and 21
seconds, and "Enlace" only six minutes and 38 seconds.
It is important to recognize that coverage of the main
actors in the dialogue process substantially changed.
The EZLN received more time from the four telecasts: 20
minutes and 56 seconds in total. Both "24 Horas" and
"Hechos" gave the EZLN more time with 12 minutes and 14
seconds, and two minutes and 29 seconds respectively. On
the other hand, "Enlace" gave the Zapatistas three
minutes and nine seconds, and "Para Usted" two minutes
and 54 seconds.
The other fundamental actor, the Secretariat of the
Interior, was given a total of 18 minutes and 28
seconds. "24 Horas" gave it eight minutes and 32
seconds, followed by "Para Usted" with four minutes and
10 seconds; "Enlace" with three minutes and 29 seconds;
and "Hechos" with two minutes and 17 seconds.
The mediation groups received a little less time: The
Concord and Pacification Commission (Cocopa) got six
minutes and five seconds, while the National Mediation
Commission (Conai) was granted three minutes and five
seconds. Political parties also received few time, while
other political actors like President Zedillo, the
Office of the Attorney General (PGR), and the Mexican
Army got no time at all.
With respect to effective voice and image time, the EZLN
had 12 minutes and 28 seconds, of which as much as eight
minutes and 54 seconds corresponded to "24 Horas." The
Secretariat of the Interior got ten voice and image
minutes, with six minutes and 48 seconds in "24 Horas."
The Cocopa registered five minutes and 46 seconds, while
the Conai got two minutes and 57 seconds.
It must be pointed out that the EZLN got so much time
because the closing speech by Comandante David was fully
transmitted. Also Televisa's telecast was the only one
presenting the entire communiqui issued by the
government and the EZLN, read by members of the Conai
and the Cocopa. This time "24 Horas" did not give a
summary of events but offered enough voice and image
time for the political actors to express their
positions. This type of coverage on the part of "24
Horas" to an event like the Chiapas conflict, represents
an outstanding change with respect to previous
presentations.
In fact, "24 Horas" offered on May 17 a note on the
garments worn by the Indians of San Andris. Commentator
Jacobo Zabludovsky said: "during the peace talks in San
Andris Larrainzar we observed that the typical garments
of the Chiapas ethnic groups have attracted the
attention world wide." Reporter Susana Solms said:
"Wearing their everyday garments, the Indians taking
part in one of the security belts at the recent dialogue
session in San And4res Larrainzar, belong to four of the
15 ethnic groups existing in Chiapas and came from at
least nine municipalities in the Altos and Selva
regions... While some of the EZLN leaders were dressed
in ceremonial clothes suitable for rituals, religious
and other important events, the indigenous population
that went to Larrainzar wore everyday clothes, notably
the women who are more used to dress like that. Some of
the Indians tried to hide their ethnic origins by
wearing polyester dark trousers and a cotton shirt. Some
others wore cotton trousers and jeans, and many of them
replaced their sandals with mining boots, and the straw
hats with baseball caps. In the gathering the bright
pink, blue and red colors were very visible, as well as
the typical black jacket of the Chamulas, the vertical
knitted Tzeltal and Tzotzil fabrics with embroideries
that have a cosmogonic meaning... The peace belt was
made up with Indians from the forest. Comandante
David's garment, for example, is a ceremonial Chamula
dress and consists of a cotton woven jacket, a cotton
trouser rolled up to the knees, a long-sleeve cotton
shirt, the red girdle around the jacket and the typical
hat decorated with red, green, and yellow ribbons. This
time the white handkerchief was replaced by the skimask.
The EZLN leaders also added to the traditional garments
the red 'paliacate' (large neckerchief) around their
necks..."
The most important conclusion was that, in general, the
media programs monitored gave adequate coverage to the
Chiapas conflict. For the first time they had no
objection to offering information coming from the EZLN
and they even gave more voice and image time to the
armed group compared to other actors. "24 Horas" was the
news program giving full, factual, objective and timely
information on the Chiapas conflict. This proves that
media can exercise their freedom of expression in behalf
of the right of Mexicans to be informed. Media only need
to make the decision.
Chart 1. Total time given by four telecasts to main
actors in the Chiapas conflict, May 15 - 19, 1995
Chart 2. Effective voice and image time granted by four
telecasts to the main actors in the Chiapas conflict,
May 15-19, 1995.
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