AMDH Chiapas Bulletin No. 15

(amdh@laneta.apc.org)
Thu, 20 Jul 95 10:33:16 PDT

Special Bulletin Chiapas No. 15
June 28-July 12, 1995.
Mexican Academy for Human Rights

Index

1. Editorial
2. Chronology
3. Media Monitoring
4. The Civic Commssion for the Clearing up of the
Assasination of Liborio Cruz.
5. Statement by the Mexican Academy for Human Rights
Regarding the Assasination of Liborio Cruz.
6. Note from the editor.

EDITORIAL

Throughout the duration of the Chiapas
conflict, an important number of either subtle or
quite evident actions have been undertaken by the
organized civil society, through the so-called non-
governmental organizations (NGOs). These actions go
from mobilizations and actions for the
implementation of political and pacific measures, to
solidarity activities and the denounce of human
rights violations committed during the conflict, and
even to keeping a permanent presence in the conflict
zone and at the various meetings between the
Zapatista Army for National Liberation (EZLN) and
the government.

To these actions we must add the role played by
these organizations in the implementation of
humanitarian aid and the dissemination of accurate
and timely information using alternative media,
through which a certain level of awareness has been
achieved as well as the articulation of
international solidarity.

This is how civic organizations have gained the
confidence of the population and the status of valid
interlocutors. This role, however, is not only the
result of their recent actions but most importantly,
of the experience accumulated by some of these
organizations throughout years of permanent work.

New challenges are posed by the immediate
future, like the consultation convoked by the EZLN,
which will undoubtedly become a brand-new exercise
of civilian participation.
Nonetheless, it is important to point out that
the work of the NGOs goes far beyond milestone
actions or immediate reactions, as it usually
implies in-depth analysis and the design of
proposals for alternate solutions, as shown in
recent developments.

The NATIONAL CONGRESS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
organized by the Mexican Academy for Human Rights
last December, was attended by a broad group of
organizations and individuals. The purpose was to
make a critical analysis of the situation of human
rights in Mexico and suggest measures to contribute
to the process of democratization and development of
a human rights-oriented culture.

During this Congress, a variety of problems
were discussed, such as the analysis of the
international legislation to safeguard human rights,
and its application in Mexico; the role of NGOs and
domestic agencies in charge of protecting and
promoting human rights; the administration of
justice and public safety; education; environment;
political rights; the rights of the Indian groups;
the right to be informed; the rights of women,
children, the handicapped, gays and lesbians, etc.
This was a collective exercise that comprised more
than 60 academic and professional organizations.
The outcome of the Congress has permitted an
analysis of the level of knowledge regarding the
situation of human rights in the country, and also
the definition and configuration of proposals to
promote their effective application all over the
country.

Last July 1, over 700 organizations from most
of the Mexican Republic got together to draft the
CIVIC HUMAN RIGHTS CHARTER in which they state their
refusal to be "mere spectators or limit their
political rights only to the possibility of
participating in the election periods," and demand
their full right to actively take part in the
formulation of public policies. The Charter is a
proposal of the NGOs to "claim a space to
participate in the construction of a new national
project," and to "clear the way for a peaceful
transition to democracy and the reform of the
state." This Charter includes express demands
regarding several fields of the national life and
also in connection with specific vulnerable groups.

These experiences, among others, define the
trajectory and evolvement of the NGOs. These
organizations have passed from the mere denounce to
having an incidence in the definition of public
policies through the implementation of proposals to
establish a direct interlocution with both the
society and the State. They also look to legitimate
their proposals with the strictness required for the
solution of the critical problems experienced by our
country, thus contributing to create new basis for
social relationships and the transition to
democracy.

CHIAPAS CHRONOLOGY
JUNE 28 - JULY 12, 1995

JUNE 28
The federal government is willing to continue
negotiating with the Zapatista Army for National
Liberation (EZLN) despite this group being armed and
confined, as dialogue is always better than
clandestinity, said Ambassador Gustavo Iruegas who
is representative of the Mexican government in the
negotiations with the Zapatista guerrilla. Jorge
del Valle Cervantes, also a member of the government
delegation for the dialogue and pacification in
Chiapas, said that with or without the Zapatista
Army, the government will soon start solving the
problems of the indigenous communities as their
demands "cannot longer wait." He also said that the
recent expulsion of three foreign priests was due to
their "socially discording political activities."
Del Valle pointed out that this does not mean a
toughening in the government's position, as stated
by San Cristsbal Bishop, Samuel Ruiz, and that the
authorities have the obligation to enforce the rule
of law.

On the verge of rupture are the negotiations
between the Democratic State Assembly of the Chiapas
People (Aedpch) and the federal government, as "no
material answers" have been given to the demands set
forth at the discussion tables jointly set up with
the Coordination of the Social Welfare and Economic
Development in Chiapas, headed by Dante Delgado.
The Aedpch decided to "postpone" the negotiation
process that was being carried out despite the fact
that on May 20 Subcomandante Marcos called
"traitors" all those that decided to take part in
these negotiations, and that the Rebel Governor
Amado Avendaqo also disavowed them because they
"weaken the main negotiation table," this is, that
of the Zapatista Army for National Liberation and
the Federal Government. The reasons for this
"recess" agreed upon last Friday 23 are: "the
presence of the Army in the communities and the
hostile actions against villagers," "an
intensification of police repression and evictions,"
and "the lack of financial resources in the
municipalities."

The "painful, disturbing, arbitrary and unfair"
expulsion of priests Jorge Barsn, Loren Riebe and
Rodolfo Izal "jeopardized the implementation of a
true rule of the law," declared some priests of the
San Cristsbal de Las Casas Diocese. In a public
letter, the priests of this Diocese headed by Samuel
Ruiz, expressed that the detention and deportation
of the clergymen "accur in the context of the
intensification of attacks against Tatic and our
Church."

Hundreds of peasants from 13 communities in the
municipalities of Venustiano Carranza and
Socoltenango lifted up the camp they had set up in
front of the government palace, after various
agreements were formalized between the Peasant
Coordination of Popular Struggle and state
authorities who agreed on delivering Procampo funds,
holding a meeting with the governor ad-interim and
studying the environmental problems at Venustiano
Carranza.

Hector de la Cueva, national coordinator of the
Workers Revolutionary Party (PRT), announced the
decision of this party--without national
registration--to abandon the political project
undertaken in 1976. In this sense, de la Cueva said
that the call of the EZLN for a national
consultation, considering the possibility of its
transforming into a new national political force
together with other organizations, encourages and
reaffirms the accords of the PRT May Congress and
therefore, they fully support this consultation. He
also informed that at the May 5-7 Congress, the
plenary decided the dissolution of the party in
order to devote themselves to the formation of a new
national political movement in compliance with the
reality of our country and of the world.

Dozens of peasants from the municipality of
Tecpatan, some 100 kilometers from Tuxtla Gutiirrez,
blocked the access to the state congress to demand
the destitution of the PRI mayor Flavio Dommnguez
Camacho on charges of peculation.

JUNE 29
Five Evangelic Indians suffered injuries after
being attacked with sticks and stones by
approximately 300 Catholics of the community of
Aguatenango, in protest for the detention of their
coreligionists Vicente Juarez Aguilar and Miguel
Espinosa Hernandez. These supposed caciques have
been accused with being responsible for the
expulsion on "religious motives" of several
evangelics. The denounce was made by the Chiapas
Committee for Evangelic Defense.
"Sadness and indignation of thousands of
Indians of the Tila, Sabanilla, Tumbala and Yajalsn
parishes for the expulsion of priests Loren Riebe,
Jorge Barsn and Rodolfo Izal. This week more than
five thousand Indians marched on the streets of the
municipal capital cities to demand their coming
back. Our fault is to have taken the side of the
poor. We know Father Loren is innocent and we hope
there will be justice," said members of the pastoral
in Santiago Apsstol, municipality of Yajalsn.

The Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity
(MPJD) demanded from the Secretariat of the Interior
not to transform the deportation of the three
foreign priests into a "sinister announcement of
persecution and harassment." Carmen Montes,
speaking on behalf of the MPJD--the first
organization in mobilizing against the measure--read
an "open letter" to the bishops demanding their
"firm and decided" intervention in the case of the
expulsion of the three priests. The government's
decision, she read, "is an offense and an aggression
against the San Cristsbal de las Casas Diocese,
against Samuel Ruiz and, definitely, against the
Indians."

The PRI deputies for the state of Chiapas asked
Pope John Paul II to order the destitution and
expulsion of the San Cristsbal de Las Casas Bishop,
Samuel Ruiz who, according to them, plays a
destabilizing role in the state. The letter sent to
the Vatican is signed by deputies Walter Lesn
Montoya and Alm Cancino Herrera.

The imputations made by Human Rights
Watch/Americas against the performance of the
Mexican Army in Chiapas "have no basis" and look
"more for publicity than for the truth." The
Mexican government has an unwavering commitment with
the rule of the law and the maintenance, respect and
defense of human rights, said the Secretary of
External Affairs. "We are quite alarmed for the
inconsistencies--some of them really unbelievable--
of investigations being carried out by the military
prosecutors" regarding charges on violations of
human rights committed in Chiapas in January 1994,
said Josi Miguel Vivanco, Director of Human Rights
Watch/Americas. With respect to the documentation--
so far kept confidential--presented by the Mexican
Army, HRWA pointed out that the official papers show
that the Mexican Army carried out an internal
inquiry on the death of eleven civilians at a
medical facility in Ocosingo, on January 3, 1994,
resolving there was no abuse in three of the
casualties. However, the military prosecutor
charged one infantry official, Second Lieutenant
Arturo Jiminez Morales, with being responsible for
the extra-judicial execution of eight civilians in
that place. According to the Military file, Jiminez
Morales accepted to have committed the murders
during an interrogation in the facilities of the
Secretariat of National Defense (Sedena) on April
15, 1994. He would have committed suicide few hours
later. Thus, the case "was closed and filed,"
informs Human Rights Watch.

JUNE 30
Dozens of catholics from the municipalities of
Venustiano Carranza asked Bishop Samuel Ruiz to
intercede with the Mexican authorities for the
return of Father Jorge Barsn, deported to Argentina
last June 23. On the other hand, the Vicar for
Justice and Peace, Gonzalo Ituarte, said that in
Chiapas "there is a systematic effort to create
divisions among the groups and organizations working
in that area, in order to bring brothers face to
face."

The Director of Human Rights Watch/Americas,
Josi Miguel Vivanco, criticized the communiqui from
the Secretariat of External Affairs on a report his
organization prepared on Chiapas, and pointed out:
"Instead of paying attention to the facts (in the
report), they attack the messenger that brings the
bad news." He said that Human Rights Watch/Americas
"publicly challenged the Mexican government" to
inform what national or international organizations
have received any documentation on the cases of
abuse mentioned in the report as the Mexican
government had informed to have presented such
documentation "as part of the policy of information
aperture implemented."

In the opinion of the State Assembly of the
Chiapas People (Aedpch) the appointment of Emilio
Chuayffet Chemor as new Secretary of the Interior
"reveals a strengthening of the so-called hard line"
regarding the solution to the Chiapas conflict. The
Aedpch also made the Federal government responsible
for the "non-compliance" of the agreements and
commitments reached at the negotiation table, and
demanded the destitution of the State Attorney at
Law, Jorge Enrique Hernandez Aguilar.

During the first half of the year an
embezzlement for N$1,400 thousand was detected in
the handling of funds allotted to the
municipalities. Twenty demands were interposed
before the Sate Office of the Attorney against
municipal officers and a number of suppliers,
informed the General Comptroller Enoche Araujo
Sanchez. With over one million illiterate
inhabitants, Chiapas is the only entity of the
Mexican Republic that showed no progress in the
educational levels in the 1994-95 academic period.
This was mainly due to the armed conflict and to the
historic lagging in the way of life of most Chiapas
inhabitants.

JULY 1
The Emiliano Zapata Proletarian Organization
(OPEZ) informed to have presented a list of
properties owned by supposed "small proprietors"
that total approximately 50 thousand hectares in the
Tuxtla Gutiirrez region, at the negotiation table
with the federal government. One example: Raul Nava
Navarro with 12 properties totalling over 2,712
hectares and the usufruct of 932 hectares more.
Also, Nava Navarro "gradually takes hold of the
parcels because he lends money to the owners but
then these cannot pay back that money." Another
example is Rolando Stivalet who owns seven ranches
with at least 9,412 hectares...

Amado Avendaqo, the "rebel governor," took
protest to the candidates to the municipal
presidency of Altamirano. The candidates are two
mestizos from the municipal capital city and six
Tzeltal and Tojolabal Indians from the nearby
communities. They have agreed on asking the Party of
the Democratic Revolution (PRD) to help them with
the legal registration.

On fears of being "prosecuted," arrested and
deported from the country, 14 priests, clergymen and
nuns of various nationalities that worked in the San
Cristsbal de las Casas Diocese, asked the Federal
Court for legal protection, informed the General
Vicar Felipe Toussaint. Toussaint said that the
pastoral council "fears for the safety of the
pastoral members of this Diocese, particularly the
foreign ones." The priest called on "competent"
authorities to "halt the slandering campaign
launched against the Diocese" and that "practice
does not invalidate the religious freedom guaranteed
by law."

More than 500 coffee growers, members of the
Independent Organization of the '87, blocked the
downtown area of Tapachula and the facilities of the
Rural Bank of the Isthmus (Banrural). They demand
the quick allocation of funds of the emergency
program for coffee-growers approved by the federal
government to prevent the attack of several plagues
and the consequent destruction of the crops.

Alm Cancino Herrera, PRI deputy for the state
of Chiapas, travelled to the capital city of Germany
to give a speech. In his speech, Cancino Herrera
provided a list of the foreign organizations that,
according to him, are supporting the EZLN. He said
that Subcomandante Marcos is "a Creole born at the
Mexico-U.S. border," and that "the guerrilla leader
that in January 1994 occupied Las Margaritas village
was a French-canadian nun." The PRI deputy also
said that there is a conspiracy conceived in
England, continental Europe and the United States
aimed at creating chaos in Mexico. Cancino Herrera
presented the Party of the Democratic Revolution
(PRD) as the political arm of the EZLN and mentioned
some criminal activities of a PRD member: Senator
Irma Serrano. Actress Ofelia Medina was charged
with being a British agent only because she is a
member of World Wide Fund for Nature.

JULY 2
The Mexican Armed Forces keep a "high morale"
despite the attacks and accusations from some
foreign organizations, said General Manuel Avila
Pirez, Commander of the First Military Region. Last
Wednesday, the Secretariat of External Affairs (SRE)
vouched for the role of the Secretariat of the
National Defense (Sedena) and the Mexican Army in
the Chiapas conflict, after Human Rights
Watch/Americas contested the performance of the Army
and asked for the reopening of the inquiries on "the
killing of civilians" in Chiapas in January 1994.

The Rural Association for Collective Interest
(ARIC) Union of Unions-Independent (there is also
the 'official' ARIC) "denies that the government is
supporting the communities in the Caqadas area; they
are only helping members of the official ARIC."
Categorical, Porfirio Encino and Isabel Gsmez Lspez,
members of the Independent ARIC presented the
denounce to the Aedpch. They also informed that 22
thousand villagers of which 12,500 are women--from
more than 60 communities of the Independent ARIC--
urgently require emergency aid and the withdrawal of
the Army from the region. The situation is critical
because since the military occupation on February 10
"there is hardly any corn left, the coffee crop was
lost and we were left without job and without
money."

Members of peasant and civil organizations
started an indefinite blocking of downtown Tapachula
to demand the liberation of two farm workers
apprehended during the eviction operation of the
Mazatlan ranch, and also the delivery of funds for
the construction of laboratories at a secondary
school.

At least 200 foreign priests that work with
Bishop Samuel Ruiz could be deported if the
harassing campaign against the Diocese of San
Cristsbal is maintained, said the General Vicar of
the community, Felipe de Jeszs Toussaint. Leading
this campaign is a group of cattle raisers and land
owners of the Civic Front of Ocosingo and San
Cristsbal, although behind them could be some
sectors "embedded in the Chiapas government and in
the federal government."
In view of the "severe situation of violence,
conflict, and crisis" in the country, the National
Mediation Commission (Conai) renewed the call to all
national actors--the government and the EZLN among
them--to prompt peace with justice and dignity, and
pointed out that the "big challenge" for peace "is
to overcome exclusion, poverty and repression, and
head towards participation, justice and democracy."

Bearing signs, Mexican flags, palm leaves,
white flowers and banners, and playing music, five
thousand Tzeltal and Chole Indians, accompanied by
catholic mestizos from the municipalities of Chilsn,
Tila, Tumbala, Sabanilla, Yajalsn and the villages
of Bachajsn and Petalcingo, marched during one hour
on the streets of this last city to demand the
return of Fathers Rodolfo Izal, Jorge Barsn and
Loren Riebe, deported by the Mexican authorities
last June 22.

JULY 3
The virtual Secretary of the Interior, Emilio
Chuayffet Chemor, received a "complete report" on
the status of the Dialogue with the EZLN. Chuayffet
asked the government's representatives to keep "in
the same line" of negotiation to achieve the peace
with justice and dignity demanded by the Mexican
society.

In the opinion of Rodolfo Izal Elorz, the
Spaniard priest deported by the Mexican government,
"what the Mexican government wants is to eliminate
all foreign witnesses." Izal is convinced that
everything was a "set-up" by the federal government
to deport him. The priest started arrangements with
the Ministry of External Affairs of Spain and the
Diocese of San Cristsbal de Las Casas, to go back to
Chiapas as soon as possible. He claims to have
"suffered an endless torture; everything was a
torture: the kidnapping, taking me to an unknown
place without any explanation, the interrogation
sessions, everything."

JULY 4
"Some want to bribe us and some want to kill
us," says Comandante Tacho, member of the Indigenous
Revolutionary Clandestine Committee-General Command
(CCRI-CG) of the EZLN. Regarding the new Secretary
of the Interior he said "we think Mr. Chuayffet
should clearly say his thoughts about how to reach
peace, if he will also try to humiliated us or will
go for a dignified solution."

Bishop Samuel Ruiz, speaking to a group of
inhabitants of the La Realidad community said: "It
is clear, brothers and sisters, that all the
suffering has affected the communities; hunger,
fear, the separation of some brothers that opted to
take a different way or fled to other communities,
the decrease in the number of villagers... But it
is, anyway, a moment for growth. We have learned
that suffering is not a punishment from God, but
something that makes us accompany Christ, and we
must not forget that suffering did not destroy
Christ but took Him to resurrection. He accepted
suffering because He loved mankind, although He was
afraid and shed His blood, there was never despair
in Him but decision." A poem written by a peasant
was also read: "Brother Samuel Rumz Garcma, with
amazement and joy we ask you to intervene: we hope
all the soldiers leave our region soon as they are
repressing us and we find no solution." Samuel had
no answer but later on he said that those problems
were going to be discussed at the next Dialogue
encounter in San Andris Larrainzar.

JULY 5
The EZLN said that only a profound
democratization of the national life would permit to
overcome the current crisis at a lower social cost,
and that only a serious, respectful and responsible
attitude on the part of the government in the
Dialogue process, would make way to a fair and
dignified peace for all Mexicans. The rebel group
considers that the replacement of Esteban Moctezuma
by Emilio Chuayffet "is part of the double-sided
game of the Supreme Government," and added that "in
Chiapas is where the government applies its white-
face and black-hand policy."
In a new communiqui sent to the President of
the Mexican Episcopate Conference, Mons. Sergio
Obeso Rivera, the EZLN asked the Catholic Church "to
help us in finding a new peace and not to attack us
without first knowing our idea of democracy, freedom
and justice," and expressed its willingness to start
a dialogue with the Church leaders.

The EZLN also said that "the disregarding of
electoral fraud denounces by the government, and the
assassination of Judge Polo Uscanga, confirm that
the Salinista methods did not end when Carlos
Salinas left the presidential residence of Los
Pinos. The expulsion of the three foreign priests
is part of the strategy that the bad government uses
with the EZLN, as it did before with the blows
against the Ruta 100 Workers Union (Sutaur-100). The
government attacks all those considered allies and
supporters of Zapatism, to isolate the EZLN and
provoke the breach of the Dialogue and then have a
pretext for using the military force to solve the
conflict." The EZLN reiterates that the true target
of the recent hostile measures "is Bishop Samuel
Ruiz Garcma and the National Mediation Commission,"
and harshly criticized the government saying that
"it has openly violated the San Miguel Agreements
and the Law for the Dialogue and Conciliation in
Chiapas, through an endless series of aggressions
and repression actions." These harassing acts are
overlooked by the Concord and Peace Commission
(Cocopa) that thus "becomes an accomplice of the
government's strategy to postpone the solution to
the conflict and find a pretext to use the Federal
Army in the genocide it has already planned."

No points of coincidence were found in the
first day of the meeting between the government and
the EZLN, after the former rejected the proposal
presented by the EZLN to individually discuss each
point of the agenda and reach concrete commitments
for each agreement. On the other hand, the official
delegation, headed by Marco Antonio Bernal claims it
is necessary to solve the items of the agenda "in a
package" because otherwise it would be necessary to
use brackets and wait for the other agenda items to
be resolved.

Members of social and peasant organizations
held their third-day-in-a-row march and
demonstration to demand that the state and federal
government give solution to their demands and asked
for the liberation of three political prisoners held
in Detention Centers 3 and 4 of Tapachula. The
Workers-Peasants-Students Coalition of the Soconusco
(COCES), the Emiliano Zapata Proletarian
Organization (OPEZ) and a group of bureaucrats
marched bearing signs and calling slogans against
the authorities for their deaf-ears policy, and
demanding a 100% increase in salaries.

The official delegation regretted the contents
of the communiqui released by the EZLN because it
shows "a belligerent attitude that does little to
help create a good climate for dialogue and
negotiation," and added that the armed group "is
speculating again on the political situation of the
country."

The Mexican government has systematically
refused to take action against officials accused of
torture, illegal detentions, "disappearances" and
extra-judicial executions, maintained Amnesty
International in its annual report. AI includes a
catalogue of "horror and abuses," most of them
attributable to "agencies that are supposed to be in
charge of keeping the law and order," and includes a
reference to the anonymous death threats against a
dozen people, including Bishop Samuel Ruiz, the
assistant manager of La Jornada as well as some of
its reporters. "Amnesty International has
repeatedly summoned the Mexican authorities to put
an end to the impunity that those responsible of
violations to human rights seem to enjoy," informs
AI in its 1994 report on Mexico. "By the end of the
year, none of the hundreds of people responsible of
torture in Chiapas and the rest of the country, had
been prosecuted."

The government "has learned what the Dialogue
must be," said Comandante Tacho. In a recognition
to a change in attitude on the part of the official
delegation, the EZLN leader said: "Finally yesterday
the government dispensed a different treatment to
the Zapatista delegation. They showed other manners,
more respectful and serious. We hope they are doing
this in good faith."

During the fourth meeting at San Andris
Larrainzar, the EZLN submitted four documents
proposing to set up 15 working tables and six
plenary meetings to discuss the demands that gave
origin to the armed uprising of January 1, 1995.
Although the Conai-Cocopa liaison commission
informed that "differences are not distant from one
another," members of the official delegation warned
that "it will not be easy" to find points of
agreement because "there are a number of core
differences" between the proposals from each of the
two parties. The Zapatistas suggest the
negotiations to include the issues of health,
education, land, food, work, housing, culture,
information, political liberties, democratic
liberties, freedom and electoral democracy, justice,
good government, women's rights and a special
discussion on "the end to hostilities and the peace
agreement." The EZLN said that the national issues
would be discussed at the working tables and at the
plenary meetings and would include other related
actors. The results would serve as the basis to make
proposals to the national decision-making entities
and would also include the commitments made by both
parties.

Approximately one thousand Tzotzil Indians from
the municipality of Zinacantan held for several
hours the undersecretary Uriel Jarqumn and two of
his assistants, during the blocking of the Pan
American highway between Tuxtla Gutiirrez and San
Cristsbal de Las Casas. The Indians were demanding
the delivery of credits of the Procampo program.

The Mexican Episcopate Conference has not
attacked the EZLN; on the contrary, it is willing to
start a dialogue with the rebels in an attempt to
contribute to peace in Chiapas, said Ramsn Godmnez,
secretary general of the MEC. He insisted that "the
only thing we said is that the EZLN should not
resort to death to have its demands met and that
they better continue with the dialogue and
negotiation process."

The secretary general of the state government,
Eraclio Zepeda Ramos, informed that the public
security police had entered and set a base in
Tumbala--the forest region north of the state--to
fight against a new armed group operating in that
region and warned that the authorities will be
present all over the Chiapas territory and that
there will be no corner of the state taken away from
the government.

JULY 7
In a surprising manner and with opposed
positions regarding the results, the federal
government and the EZLN concluded the fourth meeting
at San Andris. Both agreed on taking with them as
"working documents" the proposal presented by the
mediation commission on a proposed agenda, format
and rules of procedure. "The dialogue and
negotiation process has strengthened, it now has
more firm grounds for discussion and work and more
instruments announcing that pretty soon a
fundamental stage will be initiated to solve the
causes of the conflict," stated the Conai-Cocopa
liaison commission in a press release.

As a significant advance was the fourth meeting
at San Andris described by the EZLN. Comandante
Tacho pointed out the "key efforts made by the
Conai." "There were no advances," was the
categorical comment of the official delegation
regarding its fourth rendezvous with the EZLN.
Marco Antonio Bernal gave a detailed account of the
differences with the EZLN: "[the EZLN] looks to
negotiate national issues and the conflict is
regional; besides, it continues with its policy of
taking too long time for everything."

With the strategy of discussing the issues in
package, the government intends to divide the
Zapatista delegation, stated the EZLN. However,
time is not a problem for us, what we want is a real
change, from the very bottom." During a group
interview, Comandante Tacho said that the change in
the official delegation's attitude could be
attributed to their perception that "if negotiations
do not progress they will have to leave too" as it
happened with the Secretary of the Interior [Estiban
Moctezuma]. Comandante David, indicated that the
government is trying to divide them, they want to
deal with things at their convenience because the
government is afraid that the movement extends to
other parts of the country. But anyway, we will
insist in including national issues in the
discussions, the problems of the Indians are not
found only in Chiapas."

JULY 8
The Secretariat of the Interior is wrong, there
were important achievements during the fourth
meeting in San Andris Larrainzar, declared
Congressman Juan Guerra, spokesman of the Cocopa.
After the negative comments made by the government's
delegation regarding the dialogue with the EZLN,
Guerra said "we are living a stage of dialogue and
negotiation, the anguish of war and the pressure of
the cease-fire periods have been left behind." He
mentioned that the representation of "the
Secretariat of the Interior refuses to advance on
the national agenda because the reform of the State
is still pending, so it is putting pressure on the
Dialogue so as to make some changes without
undertaking the reform of the State."

Approximately one hundred 'cenecista'
campesinos (members of the official National
Campesino Central) were arrested by an officer of
the Secretariat of Agriculture, Cattle Breeding and
Rural Development (SAGDR) because they could not
reimburse their Procampo credits.

The EZLN officially launched the works of the
"Consultation for Peace and Democracy" that "will
decide the future of the EZLN." They also informed
that Comandante Tacho and Comandante David will
represent the Zapatista Army at the National Council
and the Liaison International Commission,
respectively. The National Consultation Council
(CNC) demanded "full guarantees" from government for
the participation of the rebel leaders in the works
of this initiative.

The American Priest Loren riebe--expelled from
Mexico last June 23--"conditioned his religious
services" to the Indians to their support of the
EZLN and "encouraged" them "to continue fighting the
government" "to overthrow the current regime," the
Mexican government informed its counterpart in the
United States. According to a report produced by the
Secretariat of the Interior and sent to the American
Embassy in Mexico in May of this year, Father Loren
Riebe--who worked in the Yajalsn Parish until his
deportation--"headed a meeting in Ocosingo where he
encouraged support to the Zapatista movement and
invited to continue with land seizings.

Land-holding problems are exacerbated in
Chiapas due to the illegal occupation of 834
properties by peasant organizations over the last 18
months--of which approximately 583 have been already
abandoned--informed the head of the State Office of
the Attorney at Law (PGJE), Jorge Enrique Hernandez
Aguilar. The PGJE officer stated that the seized
properties are under the control of the campesinos
and that the owners cannot return to their ranches.

JULY 10
The Conference of the Mexican Episcopate (CEM)
informed of its decision to meet with
representatives of the EZLN to "have a first-hand
contact with the protagonists and have a better idea
of what is going on, to inform" the Vatican. The
main purpose is "contribute to a permanent and
dignified peace," states Sergio Obeso Rivera,
president of the CEM in a press release.

In a religious six-hour journey, hundreds of
Totique and mestizos of the municipality of
Venustiano Carranza, marched 15 kilometers, fired
some rockets, and celebrated mass at the San
Bartolomi parish, asking for the return of Priest
Jorge Alberto Barsn who was deported together with
the priests of Yajalsn and Sabanilla last June 23.
This was one of the 46 religious activities
celebrated at the parishes of San Cristsbal de las
Casas to demand the return of the priests deported
by the Mexican government.

JULY 11
Deputies and Senators of the Cocopa proposed
the Secretary of the Interior, Emilio Chuayffet
Chemor, that only local issues are dealt with at the
negotiation table with the EZLN and to leave the
decision on national issues to the Congress of the
Union. In what is seen as a backup to the
government's position to allow only "the discussion
but not the solution" of national issues in San
Andris Larrainzar. They also proposed that the
Permanent Working Table for the Political Reform of
the State is kept under the control of the
Legislative Power.

JULY 12

Evangelic and Catholic Indians from San Juan
Chamula clashed again leaving two wounded people,
informed the Evangelic Defense Committee of Chiapas.
The violent encounter occurred in Cuchuluntic after
a group of "caciques" supposedly damaged and
destroyed the house of Manual San Juan due to
religious differences. Almost one year ago a group
of evangelics returned to this village after one
year in exile.

MEDIA MONITORING PROGRAM
June 26 - July 7, 1995

The Mexican Academy for Human Rights continues
with the analysis of the coverage of the Chiapas
conflict by the night news programs 24 Horas
(Televisa), Hechos (Televisisn Azteca), Para Usted
(Multivision), and Enlace (Channel 11 of the National
Polytechnic Institute). This time we are presenting
results for the periods of June 26-30 and July 3-7,
1995.

The news related to the Chiapas conflict that
were included in the telecasts over these two weeks
were:
1. The preparation of the fourth round of talks
between the government's delegation and the
Zapatista Army for National Liberation (EZLN) at
San Andris Larrainzar.
2. The statements made by members of Civic Alliance
regarding the national consultation proposed by
the EZLN.
3. The exhortation made by the Concord and Peace
Commission (Cocopa) and the Congress of the
Union to both the government and the EZLN to
discuss substantial issues and to materialize
agreements.
4. The statements by several officials--like
President Zedillo and the head of the official
delegation, Marco Antonio Bernal--regarding the
appointment of Emilio Chuayffet as Secretary of
the Interior. According to these statements, the
appointment confirms the government's strategy
for Chiapas and ratifies its decision to achieve
a peaceful solution.
5. President Ernesto Zedillo's statement at a press
conference, on July 4, saying he expected a
positive attitude on the part of the EZLN and
that discussions include the points that
originated the uprising in Chiapas.
6. The resumption and development of the fourth
round of talks between the government and the
EZLN in San Andris Larrainzar.
7. International Amnesty's annual report
highlighting the abuses and tortures committed
by several officers, in Chiapas. The report also
states that an increase in violations to human
rights has been observed in Chiapas since the
start of the conflict.
8. The conclusion of the fourth round of talks and
the announcement of a fifth encounter next July
24.
9. The statements made by members of the EZLN who
said there was some progress in the meeting.
10. The statements made by members of the official
delegation who think there were no advances in
the dialogue and criticized the EZLN for not
having reached any concrete agreements and for
having requested an additional three-week
recess.

Total time given by the four news programs to
the Chiapas conflict over the mentioned two weeks was
very little, mainly if one takes into consideration
that on July 4-6 the fourth stage of the dialogue
took place. In the period of June 26-30 the time
given to Chiapas was 19 minutes and 55 seconds, while
from July 3-7 this time increased to 47 minutes and
36 seconds. In the first week, Enlace was the news
program that devoted more time to Chiapas, with 10
minutes and 54 seconds, followed by Para Usted, with
seven minutes and 21 seconds. In the same week,
Hechos gave the subject of Chiapas only one minute
and 40 seconds; however, the extreme case was 24
Horas that gave absolutely no time to the Chiapas
situation.

With respect to the second week monitored,
Hechos was the news program that gave more time to
Chiapas, with 17 minutes and four seconds, followed
by 24 Horas with 15 minutes and 45 seconds; para
Usted and Enlace with seven minutes and 28 seconds,
and seven minutes and 19 seconds, respectively.

Regarding specific actors, the Cocopa got the
most extensive coverage in the week of June 26-30,
with nine minutes and 39 seconds, of which eight
minutes and 49 seconds were given by Enlace. The
other actors in the Chiapas conflict were well below
the Cocopa. Other Authorities received one minute and
one second; the Catholic Church 59 seconds, and the
Secretariat of the Interior and the EZLN had 23
seconds each. With respect to effective voice and
image time, this week was very limited (two minutes
and fifty seconds); the Cocopa had one minute and six
seconds, the Catholic Church 46 seconds, and Other
Authorities 24 seconds.

In the week of July 3-7, the times for the main
actors involved in the dialogue increased
considerably: the Secretariat of the Interior
registered 11 minutes and 36 seconds and the EZLN 11
minutes and 32 seconds; 24 Horas was the news program
that gave more time to the Secretariat of the
Interior, with five minutes and 10 seconds, and Para
Usted was the news program giving more time to the
EZLN, with three minutes and 18 seconds. The
mediation organizations, Conai and Cocopa,
accumulated similar times: five minutes and 31
seconds, and five minutes and 15 seconds
respectively. On the other hand, President Zedillo
was given one minute and 42 seconds in total for the
four news programs.

The effective voice-and-image time that the four
newscasts gave to the actors in the Chiapas conflict
in the week of July 3-7 (five minutes and ten
seconds), did not increase significantly with respect
to the previous week. Ernesto Zedillo got the higher
voice-and-image time with one minute and 28 seconds,
followed by the Conai with one minute and 25 seconds,
the Cocopa with 55 seconds, the Secretariat of the
Interior with 51 seconds, and the EZLN with 22
seconds. It should be noted that total voice-and-
image time accumulated by the Conai was the result of
a live interview with Bishop Samuel Ruiz, presented
by Hechos.

It should be mentioned that some commentators
and reporters showed an inclination to disqualify the
dialogue between the official representation and the
EZLN. One clear example of this attitude was given
by the special envoy of Hechos to San Andris
Larrainzar, Jorge Zarza, who on his "feature article"
of July 3 said: "The sign of peace could be seen
everywhere. The misty forests concealed the village
of San Andris Larrainzar, the site of the dialogue,
the town that knows nothing of the Cocopa or the
Conai but that understands how peace is achieved and
it is not precisely with this dialogue." Also, on
July 6, when reporting on the conclusion of the
fourth stage of the negotiation process, Pedro Ferriz
de Con, commentator in the Para Usted news program,
said in a sarcastic tone: Do you know what is the
only clear thing? That the next meeting is on July
24. Would you believe!"

CIVIC COMMISSION FOR THE CLEARING UP OF THE
ASSASSINATION OF LIBORIO CRUZ

In the very first hours of last June 24, on
Calzada de Tlalpan, a group of transvestites was
attacked by approximately 15-20 unidentified persons
using "sticks, rods and bottles." During the
cunning attack a young transvestite, Liborio Cruz,
19, was brutally beaten and then the aggressors run
over him the car they had with them. The murders
have not been identified and the authorities have
not informed on the status of the investigations.

This homicide is part of a silent but
systematic genocide; all over the Mexican Republic
homosexuals are murdered and their human and civil
rights are permanently violated and, only
exceptionally, some governmental and non-
governmental organizations pay attention to them.
However, in spite of this historic trend, this case
shows something new: the delineation of a "death-
squadron" type of operation. This was not the
outbreak of violence based on a prejudice but the
deliberate action of a criminal organization to
support the prejudice.

The Mexican society is no longer as homophobic
as it used to be. Some spaces for tolerance have
been secured and recently some sectors of the civil
society have made progresses in the democratization
of the public and everyday life. Nevertheless, the
rights of lesbians and homosexuals are trivialized
and their demands are only recognized--and not
always--when criminal events occur.

Small but irreversible, the progress made in
this sense is now threatened by the homophobic
climate propitiating criminal acts like the
treacherous attack that took Liborio Cruz's life.

Because most of the press have presented the
murder in the traditional scheme (the victim is
shown as causing his own death), or barely giving it
any space, we want to point out that the
characteristics of the murder of Liborio Cruz are an
advance of the institutionalization of the death
squadrons (with the silent complicity of the society
and the state), thus creating a climate that
propitiates the arrival of fascism in the political
and social realms.

This is why a group of citizens and
organizations have agreed to form the Civic
Commission for the Clearing up of the Assassination
of Liborio Cruz.

The killing of homosexuals is inscribed in the
logic of annihilation of the different ones and the
weak ones. In this sense, criminal homophobia is as
censurable as the murder of peasants, Indians, and
political leaders and dissidents.

The Civic Commission comes today to public life
and informs this is a first step towards the
creation of an organization that truly and
effectively guards the rights of lesbians and
homosexuals, and that may further evolve into a
national network against intolerance.

Signing organizations:
Calamo, A.C.
Cmrculo Cultural Gay
Clsset de Sor Juana
Colectivo La Guillotina
Colectivo Massiosare
Colectivo Nancy Cardenas (Monterrey)
Comisisn Ciudadana para la Defensa de los Derechos
Humanos (Nuevo Casas Grandes, Chihuahua)
Fundacisn Mexicana para la Lucha contra el Sida
Nuevo Lenguaje Siglo XXI (Veracruz)
Raza Gaya
Red de Cultura Civil
Suplemento Letra S
Unisn de Defensa de los Derechos de los
Homosexuales en Chihuahua

STATEMENT BY THE MEXICAN ACADEMY FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
REGARDING THE ASSASSINATION OF LIBORIO CRUZ
July 12, 1995

The Mexican Academy for Human Rights (AMDH) has
as one of its goals to contribute to the development
of a human rights-oriented culture in Mexico. Its
academic character does not mean that its voice is to
be heard only in the discrete spaces of Universities.
All the contrary, a non-governmental organization
like the AMDH is nourished with ideas and information
to pronounce itself on barbaric actions--committed or
not by the government--that are affecting a growing
number of citizens. The homicide of Liborio Cruz,
perpetrated by persons that may be part of a "death
squadron," as well as the recent carnage of
campesinos and police agents in Guerrero, are two
alarming examples of the intolerance and the desire
to take revenge that are driving people to violence.

The intolerant person is convinced of his/her
natural right to eliminate in any possible way those
forms of thought and conduct that are distant from
what is morally acceptable or politically desirable.
The homicide of Liborio Cruz suggests the frustration
of someone that cannot imagine the possibility of
sharing this world with someone who has a different
sexual preference or that uses his/her freedom to
chose the lifestyle of his/her choice without
affecting third persons.

The intolerant persons and the communication
media that encourage them are wrong if they think
that their primitive acts will convince us of their
idea of how the society should be. This resistance to
intolerance is only one reason for applauding the
creation of an independent civic commission that will
put pressure so that the murder of Liborio Cruz does
not remain unpunished.

Together with these civilians, the Mexican
Academy for Human Rights will do its best to
contribute to clearing up this murder and to promote
a culture of tolerance with justice. The defense of
specific cases and the eradication of the causes that
make them possible, are two key elements that will
lead to the development of a culture of respect for
human rights.

ABOUT THE SPECIAL CHIAPAS BULLETIN
NOTE FROM THE EDITOR

Since its inception, the Special Chiapas
Bulletin had the intention to encourage a
communication, research and education project
related to the armed conflict in Chiapas, in order
to contribute to the efforts of the society to get
organized and keep abreast of developments in
Chiapas.

The starting of negotiations in San Andris
Larrainzar offered the possibility of reaching a
peaceful solution, however, the situation in Chiapas
will likely continue to be hectic mainly due to the
serious economic situation and the large number of
Indians displaced from their communities as a result
of the armed conflict.

In view of this panorama, the Mexican Academy
for Human Rights has decided to continue with the
publication of the Special Chiapas Bulletin, giving
emphasis to the problems of the displaced groups.

This new version of the bulletin will be
published on a monthly basis, starting next August
15 and will comprise: an "informative summary" with
a short synthesis of the most relevant events; an
"editorial" to express the position of the human
rights organizations; the "media monitoring" with an
analysis of the coverage made by the media of the
conflict, and the section "NGOs Forum" to inform on
the work performed by the civic networks in Chiapas.