-DATE- 19600425 -YEAR- 1960 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- INTERVIEW -AUTHOR- F. CASTRO -HEADLINE- CASTRO IN INTERVIEW ATTACKS EISENHOWER -PLACE- HAVANA -SOURCE- HAVANA RADIO CENTRO -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- 19600425 -TEXT- CASTRO IN INTERVIEW ATTACKS EISENHOWER Havana, Radio Centro, in Spanish to Cuba, Apr. 23, 1960, 0230 GMT--E (Summary) Question: The capture of Castro Leon in Venezuela has been reported. The offer of Cuban assistance to Venezuela by President Dorticos was, nevertheless, of great importance. Could you please comment on this? Answer: There are many reasons why we should offer moral as well as material support. The offer is a duty of the Cuban people. Even apart from our solidarity with the Venezuelan people there are many reasons. Our best friends are there. We know they would help to defend us. We can always count on the Venezuelan people. I am sure the Cuban people feel the same way about Venezuela as Venezuela feels about us. When we heard that Venezuelan territory had been invaded by militarist, reactionary elements allied to the same interests which are resisting the Cuban revolution, and that this was a military invasion by several hundred soldiers, we unhestitatingly offered our assistance to the people and government of Venezuela. We also informed the Venezuelan ambassador that within 24 hours the first thousand soldiers of the Cuban rebel army, fully equipped, would be in Venezuela. There is nothing strange about this. If all the people of America would make the same decision the people of America would be better off. When there have been victims of aggression--as there were when Nicaragua, Haiti, and Santo Domingo were victims of "an intervention"--all the people of America should have reacted in support of these sister nations. The Latin American nations would have been more respected. We would have been able to repel the military interventions of powerful nations. We are truly in solidarity. We want to offer our assistance in difficult times. In this case we have done nothing remarkable. We have done nothing more than demonstrate our convictions and act accordingly. It is the people of Venezuela who decided the situation. The workers, the farmers, all the people, as well as political figures, made the difference. They made clear their unanimous support of the constitutional government and Venezuelan democracy against those reactionary and militarist maneuvers. It was a true demonstration of revolutionary conscience. It was the people who marched against the rebel garrison and the people who dominated the situation. It was the peasants, with machetes in their hands, who apprehended the leader of the coup. They are a decisive factor in Venezuelan life. It affords us great satisfaction to know the Venezuelan people are becoming more and more solidly and democratically revolutionary with the passing of each day. We must be thankful for those Venezuelan peasants who fought this counterrevolutionary movement. These peasants assisted us. If we ever see the Venezuelan people threatened with a return to the era of tyranny and oppression, the Cubans will be ready to assist them with men and weapons. This information was transmitted to the Venezuelan Government. The rebellion was promptly crushed and we did not have to do more. We hope that if we are threatened one day the people of Latin America will come to our aid. (Applause) Question: Major Castro, recently the President of the United States, in a letter replying to Chilean students, declared that you had betrayed the ideals of the Cuban revolution. President Dorticos has repudiated this letter. What is your opinion? Answer: This is a little strange. If, for example, the President of the United States makes a statement of this kind concerning another government of Latin America, it is strange, isn't it? It is strange that he considers traitors to the principles of the revolution those of us who have been loyal to it. If we had betrayed the revolution, the President of the United States would not call us traitors. He would call us loyal friends. (Applause) If we, instead of lowering the rates of the Cuban Electric Company, which Cubans have nothing to do with except for being exploited by it if, instead of lowering the rates we had increased electricity rates, and if instead of putting an end to foreign absentee landownership here, we allowed them, President Eisenhower would have been even more pleased. (Editor's note: Castro here lists specific actions taken by the government and says that if the contrary had been taken, Eisenhower would have been pleased.) We have done just the contrary of betraying; we have been true. Another policy would have been a betrayal of the revolution. If the nation continued as before, wholly dependent on the U.S. economically Eisenhower would not call us traitors, he would call us democrats, friends of the United States, and he would perhaps even give us the same embrace he gave Francisco Franco, the champion of democracy. But things have not been that way. We have been loyal to the Cubans who gave their lives, and we will go on being loyal to that sacrifice. On the other hand, those millions of souls, including hundreds of thousands of North Americans, who died battling fascism and everything it meant in the way of economic exploitation and aggression and racial discrimination, those millions who died fighting fascism in Spain, including many North Americans, those millions who died on the battlefields of Asia, Europe, Russia, North Africa, and so on, were not repaid by a loyal policy on the part of the United States. (Editor note--Here follows five or six minutes mostly unintelligible.) The counterrevolution's illusions are due to statements that continually come from U.S. Government figures. There are Eisenhower's letter, statements by Herter, and statements by Rubottom. this constitutes a well-conceived plan for stimulating a fifth column, the formation of a fifth column, and promotion of the battle against the revolutionary government it is as well as a calculated, premeditated attempt to form an internal front inside Cuba. These activities emboldened those elements here that have no love of country or national feeling. This thing dates back to colonial times. There was always a group that planned an annexation with the United States every time there was move to free the slaves. There is an element that has always worried about what the United States would think of Cuba's moves. That is not an independent attitude. These elements join with some others to form the counterrevolution. These people are encouraged by this kind of statement, which is made chiefly to promote the internal front here. These maneuvers are now aimed at starting an anti-Trujillo move in the OAS. They never cared about Trujillo during the 30 years he has been oppressing the Dominicans, but now they are worried about the Cuban revolution and they naturally feel that their moral position is very weak because of U.S. policy toward tyrants all these years. In their eagerness to find some procedure for attacking our country, and if possible bringing the governments of our sister nations into the attack too, they are trying to see how the OAS may be used against Trujillo. This is a maneuver against us. They calculate that by starting something against Trujillo in the OAS, they can establish a procedure that in time may be turned against the Cuban revolutionary government. Everybody can see it. In the stepped up campaign of news dispatches; in the ever bigger and more brazen lies about our government; in the speeches in the OAS, it is evident that the U.S. Government is promoting aggression against our country and is trying to make use of the OAS to carry out this maneuver of aggression against our nation. During Holy Week there was a flare-up of rumors and organized counterrevolutionary campaigns. (Editor's Note--Much background material on Beaton's killing of Cristino Naranjo and subsequent flight follows.) In Santiago, some counterrevolutionary elements who are linked with the Caimanera naval base--a man named (Nino Diaz?) is being used by authorities of the naval base in an attempt to promote a counterrevolutionary focal point in Orient, and we know about this trips to the United States--made a pact with Beaton. These moneyed groups of Santiago promised him support and weapons. About that time a number of U.S. planes began flying over the area. One day the peasants saw five U.S. planes over the zone. Another day it was four planes, another day three, and several days there were two planes. One of the planes even lost a gasoline tank. Everybody has read about a U.S. plane losing a gasoline tank that exploded in the Malverde area in the southern Sierra Maestra. So U.S. planes were flying over the area where Beaton was. This was part of a plan of encouragement. (The base authorities?) said that a plane on submarine patrol had been lost, and the planes were searching for it, after permission had been requested from the authorities in Santiago. Inquiry revealed that no such permission had been asked; the official said the base authorities never do ask permission. Of course we knew of the plans being prepared by the authorities, that is by elements connected with the naval base, but it was no problem for us, because we know the Sierra better than any of them. We have many interests, in the Sierra. We are interested in it from the military viewpoint, because we do not know when we will have to fight in the mountains again, to defend ourselves against a foreign invasion. We are interested in maneuvers, in guerrilla exercises against landing troops and paratroops. We are ready for a real war, not a war of lies. We do not want the enemies of the revolution to harbor illusions. We know what we must do. We will have everything organized. We are strengthening the militia, the rebel army, everything. Those who are starting all these little conspiracies against us from abroad are fools. They are deluding themselves. They do not realize the true situation in Cuba. The counterrevolutionary elements are out of place here. They do not understand why we are fighting. They do not understand that the whole scene has changed. But we do know what we are doing. Before the revolution our people were being oriented by movies, novels, and stories to have a simple way of looking at things. This same system has affected the North American people, who are fine and hard-working but see many historical facts distorted. Our children were brought up to have false values because of the imprint of the big firms on our society. Today our people are waking up to truth. (Editor's Note--An unidentifiable person interrupts saying: An AP dispatch reports that the IAPA has recommended giving a medal to Pepin Rivero, Jr. for heroism in the battle for freedom of the press. Guillermo Martinez Marquez, present at the meeting, backed the motion. Fidel continues:) These people who talk about democracy never get down to human truth, to true democracy. They called Greece a democracy, but the slaves and Helots had no rights. It was a democracy in the style of the big landowners and businessmen. That is the democracy they talk about. The slaves and Helots--that is to say the peasants, the Negroes, the illiterates--had no share in running things. The term is empty. These gentlemen do not talk about the sick without medical care, the hungry, the illiterate, the landless peasant; they complain because a Zayas cannot speak out. What the great interests care about is multiplying their capital. They invest it where wages are lowest. That is the history of Latin America. Capital goes there to exploit the Indian, the Negro, the backward peasant, and take away the wealth. That is the truth hidden behind the empty words. We must learn to look behind the screen of terms that is thrown up. We want to go on turning forts into schools, educating the people; we want to see all our cooperatives producing, and the 1,000 towns we plan to build, and all the plans for industrialization and developing our wealth. We do not want any loans. We are going to do the work ourselves. Let them leave us alone. Nobody needs to come meddling here. The Cubans govern here, and the laws here are Cuban. If the United States passes a law affecting the thousands of Cuban citizens over there, we do not say anything; the laws passed by the North Americans are not our business. And here the North Americans have no privileges. The law here is applied equally to Cubans and North Americans. We are scoring successes, and the more successes we mark up, the more they try to isolate us. The campaign is a base one. Of course we will defend ourselves by adopting any necessary measures. We are going to follow Marti's advice: Do at any given moment what that moment requires. This is not the first time the nation has been struggling, but now it is struggling with better prospects than every before. The admiration of the American people is obvious. Our success is their success. Here there is a steady increase in the number of people who are looking behind the screen. Day by day our revolution is stronger and better organized. And we point out the maneuvers against it and observe them. Question--Please tell us something about tourist development plans, and what is the situation of our national economy. Castro--Cubans used to go to Paris, or Florida, and so on and spend huge sums abroad. The revolution is promoting a tourist trade here at home. It will be increased still further when measures are passed on vacations; workers will not only get paid vacations, but will enjoy them somewhere in Cuba. The tourist trade will boom. Today the people who never before were able to travel are taking trips and seeing the marvels of our country. (Editor's Note--Castro reads statistics showing great demand on hotel and motel accommodations during Holy Week.) Almost all the tourists go to see the towns we are building, the new schools, and the cooperatives. So there will be more and more things to see in Cuba. When July 26 comes we will organize tours to the Sierra Maestra region. Our climate and beaches are unsurpassed. I was unable to attend the opening of the COTAL conference because of too much work, but I hope it will be given every consideration. We want the delegates to see the truth of Cuba, which speaks louder than any intrigue. We are ready to cooperate with them in measures needed to facilitate tourist travel, such as a Latin American tourist currency. All of us want to get to know the other American nations. Question--We would like very much to know how the 1,000 new sugarcane cooperatives are coming along, on the former administration estates. Castro--During the past three weeks we have been converting all administration canefields to sugarcane cooperatives. Some 80,000 caballerias are available to the workers who were living on this land in very poor conditions. They are now the owners. Quite a few thousand farm workers own their land and the cane on it. We will build towns for the cooperative of all kinds. The sugar situation is good; we may sell 6 million tons or more this year. As for our monetary condition, on Apr. 16 we had 137.3 million dollars in the National Bank reserve. Question--What does the government expect from the labor census? Fidel--We have been absolutely without statistics. This census will give us the exact information about the labor force, business, and industry that is indispensable to the government in providing employment opportunities for all and in industrializing the nation. (Editor's Note--In answer to a question, Fidel denounces accusations against his government made by Varges Gomez, and implies that Vargas Gomez is a good sample of the agents used by the United States in its campaign against Cuba.) They have dropped bombs on us, burned our cane; we have experienced explosions here; we have sustained casualties; there have been constant attacks on us, a slander campaign, espionage, promotion of fifth columns; military maneuvers, combinations in the OAS. And the blame for all of it is laid on us. Things happen that clearly reveal the bad faith, the unjustifiable policy of abuse of our country. There is one incident to which you have perhaps not given enough thought, as a proof of the U.S. Government's attitude toward Cuba. It is the case of the rebel soldiers, humble country boys. They were surprised and disarmed by (a group of war criminals?). The one soldier was murdered, for no reason at all. He was murdered just for the sake of the criminal act. He was murdered in front of his wife and daughter. They took the other rebel on a little boat. They could have done the same with the other instead of killing him. But they killed him in front of his wife and child. They took the other soldier, the woman, and the child on board and held (them?) 17 hours. When they reached Miami, and a newsman told of the murder and kidnaping, the authorities did not even order temporary detention of the group. They did not return them to Cuba, although during the Batista administration they sent back from New York a navy petty officer who had deserted. Yet, confronted with a disgusting, inhuman, inconceivably cruel act--a girl and her mother kidnapped after the husband was shot, and both held as hostage 17 hours in a boat--the U.S. authorities did not even order temporary detention of the men to see whether there would be legal steps. If the dead man had not been just a humble peasant--what is a peasant to those gentlemen?--just a dog--if he had been the president of the United Fruit Company, or any other of the big American trusts, that had been murdered, and his wife and child put in a boat and brought over here, and we gave the gang a big welcome and did not even put them under provisional arrest, then all the papers would show great concern. There you have the facts. Let them say this a humane attitude. Let them tell us if this fits in with all the empty words they use about human feelings. This is the reality. It does not show humane feelings, or democracy, or any kind of feeling. This is hypocrisy. It serves to show the people who our enemies are and how they conduct themselves. They call this a friendly act, and they make themselves out as the victims, rather than us who have to stand for all these things. (Editor's note: The interview ends with Castro answering very briefly a question about May Day plans, saying it is a day for the workers to show their active participation.) BONSAL SPEECH CONDEMNED BY RADIO MAMBI Havana, Radio Mambi, in Spanish to Cuba, Apr. 22, 1960, 2330 GMT--E (Summary) Today's editorial will be devoted to a reply to Mr. Bonsal's speech which he made on Wednesday before the U.S. Chamber of Commerce at a dinner attended by 191 North Americans and Americanized Cubans. The ambassador of imperialism recalled that last year on a similar occasion he had said that mutual understanding and affection between the United States and Cuba are necessary and he hoped that both nations would continue to enjoy the benefits obtained through their geographic position, historical ties, common ideals, and complementary economies. Now, if Mr. Bonsal had said that to himself before a mirror in the bathroom in his embassy we could not criticize it. However, he said it a year ago and is repeating it again before the whole world in a foolish attempt to resuscitate outdated and ridiculous concepts. In the first place we agree that mutual understanding and affection are necessary to all nations, not only to the United States and Cuba. Unfortunately the history of relations between the United States and Cuba shows that this understanding has never existed and the United States is to blame. The United States has always treated Cuba like a colony, even worse, like an immense handy sugar factor, so that the American housewives can always have sugar for their cakes and apple pies. What are the benefits obtained by Cuba during its relations with the United States? Where are the advantages to Cuba during her trade relations with the United States? For the past 62 years the United States has been mistreating us. Look at the unproductive, large latifundios; the hundreds of sugar mills from which the American companies made their profits; the large loans and loans at a high rate of interest which emptied our coffers; the Ford empire; the millions of parasites hidden inside the children sapping our human reserves; the illiteracy of 80 percent of our peasants; the starvation wages; and our election system. These things are there for everyone to see. How can Mr. Bonsal speak of benefits? With all this evidence how can he speak of the benefits Cuba has received in its relations with the United States? The United States is ultradeveloped while Cuba is "under-under-underdeveloped" and so the Cubans have to buy tomato juice made in the United States with Cuban tomatoes. In his speech Mr. Bonsal ways that the government of the United States is sorry that its most sincere efforts during the past year to establish a basis for understanding and confidence have not been reciprocated by Cuba. -END-