Latin American Network Information Center - LANIC


(Editor's Note--E) Havana, Radio Salas, in Spanish to Cuba, June 25, 1960,
at 0155 GMT with other radio stations in the FIEL network and also TV,
began broadcasting questioning of Premier Fidel Castro by representatives
of three newspapers, PRENSA LIBRE, LA CALLE, and REVOLUCION, on current

The first question concerned a cable which according to the questioner
stated that Secretary of State Herter would produce new evidence of Cuban
provocations before the OAS.  Castro replied that this was a cable he had
not seen.  The cable was read, whereupon Castro observed:  But it says new
evidence.  Where is there previous evidence?  This is one of the many silly
things they write about.  There have been reports recently regarding the
sugar problem.  I have heard nothing about the OAS peace committee, except
that they were talking about unilateral action.  There have been so many
cables you cannot give them much attention except to feel that a series of
actions is being undertaken to create confusion.

Castro said they talk of going to the peace committee.  We are the ones who
can prove all the aggressions against us.  They forget the most important
thing-that we are the most important thing.  Why should they do this?  They
could prove nothing.  What would it lead to?  To an investigation of us?
We will permit investigation of us by absolutely no one.

The Premier declared that they are talking of economic aggression against
Cuba, something that is condemned in the charter.  It seems strange that
they speak of peace committees.  We have often spoken of the lack of
principle of U.S. leaders.  If recent events count there is the case of
Japan, the visit President Eisenhower wanted to undertake at all costs,
despite the great discontent of the Japanese people.  There were general
strikes there against a policy leading the country into danger.

Japan, he said, is the only nation in the world which has experienced the
atom bomb.  At the time of the bombing there was a state of war and the
bombing was received with a feeling that the war thus would end.  Today the
peoples know better.  The Japanese people could not be blamed for the war,
it was the military oligarchy which was to blame.

Castro then asked what justification there was for the bombing.  Was
Hiroshima a fort?  A base?  No.  The military objective was on the battle
front.  There were only women and children in Hiroshima.  Thousands were
killed.  What justification was there for the attack?  The Japanese do not
want to be placed in danger of another atomic war.  But the government has
approved the treaty with the United States without thought for the will of
the people.  It forced it on the people against the will of the majority.

Castro declared that it is "mistaken U.S. policy" which has brought about
events in Panama, Korea, and Turkey.  Vice President Nixon's reception in
Venezuela and Uruguay and the placards displayed in the Latin American
countries visited by Eisenhower, he said, are the fruits of this policy.
But the policy persists.  Anyone reading the cables, statements, and
declarations of U.S. leaders is struck by the myopia of these leaders.
Every day they become more eratic.  Mistakes must be expected of them.  The
U-2 incident at the time peace talks were to be held is an example.
Naturally, no country wants to be spied on.  What if we sent a plane over
Florida?  What they are doing is endangering the peace.  It is the
oligarchies which are doing this.

Castro next was asked to comment on Secretary Herter's statements regarding
cutting Cuba's sugar quota.  He declared that the statement that Cuba would
produce 1 million less tons of sugar might be for publication in Iran, but
not in Cuba.  who in Cuba will believe we are going to produce less sugar?
This is just a lie.  We are going to produce a million more tons, not a
million less.  We even dare to make a bet with Mr. Herter.  If we produce a
million tons less, we will give up our sugar quota.  But if we produce a
million tons more, then they should increase our quota.  The American
people are being deceived.  We can produce more sugar than we want to.

The Premier next was questioned about oil.  He said that the oil companies
concerned had been given the choice of correcting the situation but were
forcing the government to act.  We shouldn't like to give them the chance
to advance campaigns against the revolutionary government, Castro said:  We
want the oil refined.  The law is clear.  It is not a question of whether
the companies want to or not.  They are obliged to refine state oil if the
government so decides.  We have brought oil and they are obliged to refine
it.  That is what the government has decided.  The companies feel they are
powerful enough to say they won't.  But the government's position is
definite; they must refine it; there is nothing to argue about.  If they
think they are somewhere else they are mistaken.  We have given the
companies time enough [Unreadable text]

Our patience is becoming exhausted.  They are on the wrong side of the law.
We cannot be accused of intervention or confiscation.

Castro said that one would think there were no American companies left in
Cuba.  There are mining firms, banks, a telephone company and other
American enterprises.  All are intact and administered by them.  One would
think that we have nationalized them all.  How peculiar!  So many
accusations have been made against the revolutionary government and yet
these company properties are all intact.  We have not touched on of these

Castro at this point quoted U.S. Department of Commerce figures and then
commented that Cuba can take into account what they can take from us and
what Cuba can take from them; we can lose part of our quota, they can lose
a part of their investments; if we lose all of our quota, they can lose
all their investments.  We will exchange quotas for investments.  We will
wait for them to make laws governing Cuban sugar and then make laws
governing U.S. investments.  This shows that it is advantageous to act

The Premier repeated assertions made on previous occasions the Cuba
[Unreadable text] not defenseless and asked if anyone had heard of Cuba
talking of reducing U.S. quotas.  He declared that American investors are
attempting to do in Cuba what they have done in all parts of the world but
that the revolutionary government will continue to advance.  Armed
intervention, he said, would meet with tremendous resistance.

Questioned about the attack upon President Romulo Betancourt of Venezuela,
Castro replied that it was a demonstration of the stupidity of
international reactionaries.

Castro then turned to the subject of the revolution's anniversary.  July
26, he said, will be marked by ceremonies in Oriente, Santiago, Cienfuegos,
Bayamo, and centers on the coast.

Castro, commenting about celebrations inaugurating housing and schools in
Los Pescadores on July 24, 25, and 26, cited the particular creation of the
revolution:  The soldier, the farmer, the student militia, the teacher, and

Returning to the sugar problem, Castro reiterated that Cuba faces an
economic aggression by the U.S. and maintained that the United States had
always prevented the development of the sugar industry.  He also cited
figures to prove that in the matter of quotas the so-called reciprocity
treaty was not true reciprocity.  Castro again reviewed the history of the
sugar economy from 1903 and concluded that the [Unreadable text] history of
the working out of the commercial treaty had been to the disadvantage of
the Cuban worker.

Concluding his review of the history of Cuban sugar, Castro again
reiterated that the important thing for the Cuban people to know was that
the U.S. had always scoffed at Cuban aspirations and is responsible for the
crises Cuba had experienced.  He then reviewed congressional committee
action on the sugar quota, and mentioned Representative Cooley, who had
admitted that his original position had been to postpone all action on the
sugar problem.  Castro concluded with remarks about Raul Castro's trip to
Czechoslovakia, the two Cuban diplomats expelled by the United States, and
finally announced that Cuba was preparing the creation of a national
institute of foreign policy and international commerce in order to prepare
in Cuba a diplomatic corps of dignity and honor.

The press conference lasted approximately 3 hours and 15 minutes.  More
detailed processing precluded during latter portion due to poor reception
and the extremely hoarse quality of Castro's voice.

Lecture to University

Havana, Radio Salas in Spanish to Cuba, June 26, 1960, 1755 GMT--E

(Editorial Report) The broadcast carried an address by Fidel Castro
delivered at the closing of the "Defense of Cuba" series of lectures
presented by People's University.  Castro began by praising People's
University and the role it can play in clarifying the work of the
revolution.  Castro described the proper dissemination of information as
one of the many needs facing the revolution and added that the government
was taking appropriate action.

Referring to the national printing office, Castro said the need for an
institution to publish all proceedings of the revolution was obvious and
that the printing office had assumed this responsibility is addition to
this regular work.  Castro said the revolution is working on a project to
create workers' social circles throughout the nation and that these circles
will be associated with the revolution's plans and aid in
disseminating of information and even education.  He said the revolution
plans to use television in primary education, advanced classes, and even
adult education and added that schools being built will have a television
set in each room.  This will be a tremendous advantage, Castro said, and
then asked:  How else could you take 500,000 children to the movies?

Castro then considered the types of shows that might be seen on television.
He said Cuba has been a market for Hollywood movies, and that the
reactionary spirit of U.S. leaders had eliminated progressive writers and
actors.  He concluded that movies, a vehicle for education, for good or
evil, had been set back by this move and added that soon Cuba would have
Cuban movies.

Castro then turned to the topic of the defense of Cuba, saying this topic
was in everybody's mind from the beginning, as the political and military
setup overthrown was in the service of big and primarily foreign interests.
Castro here recalled at great length the changeover form the old regime,
and the attempted coup by Cantillo which he says was fostered by the U.S.
State Department and embassy to prevent a true revolution from being
accomplished.  From the first there was a campaign to discredit Cuba,
although not to destroy Cuba, for the State Department and U.S. interests
still had hopes that the revolutionary policy would not be radically
revolutionary, but they still took preventive measures.  The first effort
was to prevent Latin America from favoring our revolution, and it began
with the executions; the truth was distorted; fugitives from revolutionary
justice were received in the United States, and the purpose behind this was
to gather a reserve to use against the revolution, Castro said.  The first
government was not radically revolutionary; it was rather moderate.  For 45
days not a single revolutionary economic or social law was passed.
However, maneuvers against the revolution were visible from the beginning,
Castro stated.

Later came the notes, protests against revolutionary measures, threats to
cut the sugar quota, and so on, Castro said.  The revolution has advanced
in keeping with the growing revolutionary awareness of the people.  Social
ills are not enough for a revolution to occur unless the people are aware
of the evils.  One of our tasks is to evaluate accurately the stage of
revolutionary awareness of the people.  When the coup was attempted to
thwart the revolution, the awareness of the people was advanced far enough
so that we defeated the attempt easily, Castro said.

The U.S. press campaign and the U.S. notes were intended to discourage and
intimidate the Cubans.  The came a divisionist campaign.  These things were
not done at random; they represented the same method already used in other
countries, like Guatemala.  There was propaganda about submarine bases and
communism, he added.

We have said we pursue goals of interest to the nation.  In the revolution
the people had a common purpose, without regard to each individual's
religious or political beliefs.  Everybody had a right to believe in what
he pleased, but all were out to end the tyranny.  Citizens of all ideas
united behind that goal, Castro stated.

After the victory, which was won through that unity, we were still faced
with great tasks.  And so men were not going to differentiate among
themselves because of their religion or their political beliefs.  We were
going to differentiate among those who were for and those who were against
the just laws and measures of the revolution.  That is the only possible

The revolutionary measures have been so just that it is impossible to
combat them squarely.  Their opponents had to find some pretext, and the
handiest pretest is communism.  The champions of the old system had
propagandized against any social reform.  Their philosophy was directed
against any social reform.  Their philosophy was directed against social
progress.  They controlled the press, radio, television, schools, and other
media of propaganda by which the minds of the people were influenced.
Wealth meant privilege:  poverty meant lack of education, food, and
clothing.  The wealthy dominated the economic, political, and cultural life
and used it for their own interests.  Of course they never passed any
agrarian reform law, or turned fortresses into schools, or established
people's stores.  We had the spectacle of the highest labor leader in Cuba
being a millionaire and big land owner, Castro said.

The parties served to divide the people.  There were the traditional
parties which presented no program.  The Socialist Party did have a
revolutionary program; that should be said here.  I was not in that party;
I was in another.  The fact is, the peasants were divided among the
different parties and fighting each other.  The workers were divided, the
students were divided; the technique was perfect.

The people kept on hoping for a law in favor of the peasants but the
parties were controlled by the big economic interests and people were
divide.  The peasants and no organization, no schools, no resources, and
moreover, were prey to all sorts of injustices and immoralities.  Theft
was sanctioned by our society.  Embezzlers were never sent to jail.
Millions were stolen.  But now no one can doubt that there has been a
revolution in Cuba.  The thousands of illiterates cannot doubt it.

Castro added that earlier all means of forming public opinion were
controlled.  When a revolutionary radio program arose it was closed down.
The mentality of the people was hampered, and they were kept that way.  It
is said that another government must be set up to save the action from
communism.  All resources are to be used to save people from progress.  The
last resource is force.  We have always heard of that.  These ideas were
instilled in us.  But the same news service now writing about Cuba have
been writing the same thing about event elsewhere for 40 years.  UPI and
the AP are paid by U.S. monopolies.  At breakfast Cubans were indoctrinated
by cables carried by all papers.  Cubans did not get true reports and their
minds were being formed.

The truth has been against big interests.  The Pharisees do not like to be
told the truth.  The Pharisees, the rich of former times, the embezzlers
preached the truth.  (This statement was followed by sustained heavy

Whatever social reform takes place, first it must happen in the conscience
of the people.  So much effort was exerted to prevent the people from
knowing the truth, and to educate them with falsehoods, and to control
means of information, the conscience of the people was prevented from
knowing about improvements and progress.  On Jan. 1 there was no true
revolutionary awareness; there was a civic awareness and a sense of
national dignity.  The revolution is a big revolutionary school.  The
revolution teaches and the awareness of the workers is not the same as it
was on Jan. 1; the workers are advancing rapidly.  From the beginning we
had to face threats, attempts to divide the people, attempts to weaken the
revolution through impressed economic sacrifices.  Why reduce the sugar
quota?  Why try to deprive us of oil?  It is because the earlier maneuvers
have failed.  The threats failed, the divisionist campaigns failed, the
attempts to set up fifth columns failed.  Economic aggression failed, and
now hopes lie in reducing the Cuban quota.  Difficulties will be created
for us and the revolution.  They hope to cripple the development program
but they will fail as they have before, Castro declared.

Above all in the revolution is an awareness of the revolution.  Without
revolutionary awareness there is no sense of revolution.  What the
revolution is, had done, and will do depends upon a revolutionary
awareness. It is a sense of revolutionary maturity.  Revolutionary
awareness is the job of all; students, militia, peasants, and workers.
It is because of the degree of awareness developed in the country that all
antirevolutionary measures have failed.  We are convinced the revolution
will not be conquered.  Now we are prepared.  We have the peasants who have
given special proof of personal initiative, courage, and intelligence.
Peasants have arrested armed elements while they themselves were unarmed.
In the case of Beaton the peasants arresting him did not have any weapons.
This must be considered an act of courage.  The peasant's revolutionary
mentality, his spirit of struggle, and ability to fight are seen here.

Now, imagine if he were armed, if he had a machine-gun! (Much applause)
Imagine peasants with hand grenades, mines, antitank grenades, bazookas,
with all the instruments of fighting.  He could defend the country, and
fight any invader.  Imagine a well-armed peasant.  How can he be destroyed
or overcome?  I am certain that not even a million could defeat him, Castro
said.  An invading force would have to fight not only the rebel soldier who
already is well organized, but also the workers, peasants, men, the women,
the young people, the students.  It would have to fight the youth brigades
of revolutionary labor.  (Sustained applause)

No revolution, no real revolution had been overwhelmed in the history of
the world, because to destroy a revolution is against the law of nature.
Revolutions are laws of human progress.

Therefore, a law of human society cannot be destroyed.  It is a type of
fighting quite different from classic warfare.  In the Algerian war, the
French Army is well equipped, but half a million French soldiers cannot
crush the effort of the patriots.  (Applause)  And we have more weapons
that the Algerians.  (Sustained applause)  The fighting against us would be
more severe because we have more organization.  The people have developed a
sense of honor for their cause, this faith in the future, this awareness
which could only be forged during the last 18 months.  If the monopolies
understand this, perhaps we shall be spared sacrifices which would arise
out of a cowardly attack, and they will be spared stupid sacrifices
inflicted upon their own people.  We are convinced we shall be able to
defend the revolution perfectly.

However, we must increase our assurance.  The militia must prepare
themselves as such preparation will mean a more crushing victory.  Courage
is collective.  This collective courage, this courage of a nation makes
each citizen forget his individual situation in favor of the community.
Each one must forget individual life in favor of a life of country.  We
will feel mingled with the people and we will know that this life we have
is the life of the nation.  Any one of us can die, but the nation cannot
die.  The only true death would be the death of the country.  Individually
we are nothing.  The children of those who died in the Le Coubre incident
will not be orphans, they will be children of the nation.  These families
will belong to the nation and will be protected by the nation.  Therefore,
we are certain that everyone will do his duty, and will do so with pride.
We all have one clear idea, and it is our nation will not be subjugated to
a foreign nation, dominated by foreigners, Castro announced.  (Sustained

We are a small nation known in the world as producers of sugar, tobacco,
and rum.  There were many person, chiefly in the United States, who did not
really know where Cuba was on the map.  They know of it as a small colony,
which under normal conditions was a good source of raw materials, and a
good place for investments by monopolies.  Things are now different.  The
rum, sugar, and tobacco producing people have become a nation producing a
great revolution.  We are producing a great example.  This generation is
making a great effort.  There are those who did not think the people would
know how to act and govern.  They think they can make us believe in freedom
when there is hunger, ignorance, and poverty.  We were working for freedom,
but we could not attain it amid ignorance, poverty, exploitation.

We are ending freedom to deceive people, to exploit the peasants and
workers, the freedom to be a parasite on the efforts of others.  We defend
the true freedoms which nations desire:  The country master of its own
destiny, master of its own efforts and the sweat of its brow.

We are not doing all this to satisfy the desires of a few.  We are making
efforts to help those who can't work, children, the sick, and beggars.
What we are producing is not to make the powerful fat.  We do not want
thousands of children on streets begging and becoming delinquents.  The
fifth column, the interventionists want to destroy the country because they
cannot stand the idea of justice in our country.  Castro concluded that the
betrayers do not belong in the revolution; they have no place in the
revolution.  Those who do not fit in the revolution will have to resign
themselves to being on the margin of events and those who fight the
revolution will have to resign themselves to the role of being conquered.

Here there was sustained heavy applause which finally merged with the
singing of the national anthem.  The program ended at 2227 GMT.  Castro
spoke 4 hours and 32 minutes.


Havana, Radio Mambi, in Spanish Cuba, June 24, 1960, 2330 GMT--F

(Station editorial:  "We Shall Never Bend Our Knees")

(Summary) Go on, keep going, you idiotic Congressmen of the "Yankee"
empire.  Do not stop.  Continue along the path of aggression.  Go on and
cut our sugar quota and get it over with.  Carry out the drastic order
given to you by His Majesty, Caesar Attila Nero Caligula Eisenhower I,
Emperor of the United States and of the adjacent putrid democracies.  Bow
to the plucked and lousy imperial eagle.

[Unreadable text]