-DATE- 19600625 -YEAR- 1960 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- INTERVIEW -AUTHOR- F. CASTRO -HEADLINE- CASTRO QUESTIONED BY 3 NEWSPAPERS -PLACE- HAVANA -SOURCE- RADIO SALAS -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- 19600627 -TEXT- CASTRO TELLS OF MISTAKES IN U.S. POLICY (Editor's Note--E) Havana, Radio Salas, in Spanish to Cuba, June 25, 1960, at 0155 GMT with other radio stations in the FIEL network and also TV, began broadcasting questioning of Premier Fidel Castro by representatives of three newspapers, PRENSA LIBRE, LA CALLE, and REVOLUCION, on current questions. The first question concerned a cable which according to the questioner stated that Secretary of State Herter would produce new evidence of Cuban provocations before the OAS. Castro replied that this was a cable he had not seen. The cable was read, whereupon Castro observed: But it says new evidence. Where is there previous evidence? This is one of the many silly things they write about. There have been reports recently regarding the sugar problem. I have heard nothing about the OAS peace committee, except that they were talking about unilateral action. There have been so many cables you cannot give them much attention except to feel that a series of actions is being undertaken to create confusion. Castro said they talk of going to the peace committee. We are the ones who can prove all the aggressions against us. They forget the most important thing-that we are the most important thing. Why should they do this? They could prove nothing. What would it lead to? To an investigation of us? We will permit investigation of us by absolutely no one. The Premier declared that they are talking of economic aggression against Cuba, something that is condemned in the charter. It seems strange that they speak of peace committees. We have often spoken of the lack of principle of U.S. leaders. If recent events count there is the case of Japan, the visit President Eisenhower wanted to undertake at all costs, despite the great discontent of the Japanese people. There were general strikes there against a policy leading the country into danger. Japan, he said, is the only nation in the world which has experienced the atom bomb. At the time of the bombing there was a state of war and the bombing was received with a feeling that the war thus would end. Today the peoples know better. The Japanese people could not be blamed for the war, it was the military oligarchy which was to blame. Castro then asked what justification there was for the bombing. Was Hiroshima a fort? A base? No. The military objective was on the battle front. There were only women and children in Hiroshima. Thousands were killed. What justification was there for the attack? The Japanese do not want to be placed in danger of another atomic war. But the government has approved the treaty with the United States without thought for the will of the people. It forced it on the people against the will of the majority. Castro declared that it is "mistaken U.S. policy" which has brought about events in Panama, Korea, and Turkey. Vice President Nixon's reception in Venezuela and Uruguay and the placards displayed in the Latin American countries visited by Eisenhower, he said, are the fruits of this policy. But the policy persists. Anyone reading the cables, statements, and declarations of U.S. leaders is struck by the myopia of these leaders. Every day they become more eratic. Mistakes must be expected of them. The U-2 incident at the time peace talks were to be held is an example. Naturally, no country wants to be spied on. What if we sent a plane over Florida? What they are doing is endangering the peace. It is the oligarchies which are doing this. Castro next was asked to comment on Secretary Herter's statements regarding cutting Cuba's sugar quota. He declared that the statement that Cuba would produce 1 million less tons of sugar might be for publication in Iran, but not in Cuba. who in Cuba will believe we are going to produce less sugar? This is just a lie. We are going to produce a million more tons, not a million less. We even dare to make a bet with Mr. Herter. If we produce a million tons less, we will give up our sugar quota. But if we produce a million tons more, then they should increase our quota. The American people are being deceived. We can produce more sugar than we want to. The Premier next was questioned about oil. He said that the oil companies concerned had been given the choice of correcting the situation but were forcing the government to act. We shouldn't like to give them the chance to advance campaigns against the revolutionary government, Castro said: We want the oil refined. The law is clear. It is not a question of whether the companies want to or not. They are obliged to refine state oil if the government so decides. We have brought oil and they are obliged to refine it. That is what the government has decided. The companies feel they are powerful enough to say they won't. But the government's position is definite; they must refine it; there is nothing to argue about. If they think they are somewhere else they are mistaken. We have given the companies time enough [Unreadable text] Our patience is becoming exhausted. They are on the wrong side of the law. We cannot be accused of intervention or confiscation. Castro said that one would think there were no American companies left in Cuba. There are mining firms, banks, a telephone company and other American enterprises. All are intact and administered by them. One would think that we have nationalized them all. How peculiar! So many accusations have been made against the revolutionary government and yet these company properties are all intact. We have not touched on of these companies. Castro at this point quoted U.S. Department of Commerce figures and then commented that Cuba can take into account what they can take from us and what Cuba can take from them; we can lose part of our quota, they can lose a part of their investments; if we lose all of our quota, they can lose all their investments. We will exchange quotas for investments. We will wait for them to make laws governing Cuban sugar and then make laws governing U.S. investments. This shows that it is advantageous to act cautiously. The Premier repeated assertions made on previous occasions the Cuba [Unreadable text] not defenseless and asked if anyone had heard of Cuba talking of reducing U.S. quotas. He declared that American investors are attempting to do in Cuba what they have done in all parts of the world but that the revolutionary government will continue to advance. Armed intervention, he said, would meet with tremendous resistance. Questioned about the attack upon President Romulo Betancourt of Venezuela, Castro replied that it was a demonstration of the stupidity of international reactionaries. Castro then turned to the subject of the revolution's anniversary. July 26, he said, will be marked by ceremonies in Oriente, Santiago, Cienfuegos, Bayamo, and centers on the coast. Castro, commenting about celebrations inaugurating housing and schools in Los Pescadores on July 24, 25, and 26, cited the particular creation of the revolution: The soldier, the farmer, the student militia, the teacher, and others. Returning to the sugar problem, Castro reiterated that Cuba faces an economic aggression by the U.S. and maintained that the United States had always prevented the development of the sugar industry. He also cited figures to prove that in the matter of quotas the so-called reciprocity treaty was not true reciprocity. Castro again reviewed the history of the sugar economy from 1903 and concluded that the [Unreadable text] history of the working out of the commercial treaty had been to the disadvantage of the Cuban worker. Concluding his review of the history of Cuban sugar, Castro again reiterated that the important thing for the Cuban people to know was that the U.S. had always scoffed at Cuban aspirations and is responsible for the crises Cuba had experienced. He then reviewed congressional committee action on the sugar quota, and mentioned Representative Cooley, who had admitted that his original position had been to postpone all action on the sugar problem. Castro concluded with remarks about Raul Castro's trip to Czechoslovakia, the two Cuban diplomats expelled by the United States, and finally announced that Cuba was preparing the creation of a national institute of foreign policy and international commerce in order to prepare in Cuba a diplomatic corps of dignity and honor. The press conference lasted approximately 3 hours and 15 minutes. More detailed processing precluded during latter portion due to poor reception and the extremely hoarse quality of Castro's voice. Lecture to University Havana, Radio Salas in Spanish to Cuba, June 26, 1960, 1755 GMT--E (Editorial Report) The broadcast carried an address by Fidel Castro delivered at the closing of the "Defense of Cuba" series of lectures presented by People's University. Castro began by praising People's University and the role it can play in clarifying the work of the revolution. Castro described the proper dissemination of information as one of the many needs facing the revolution and added that the government was taking appropriate action. Referring to the national printing office, Castro said the need for an institution to publish all proceedings of the revolution was obvious and that the printing office had assumed this responsibility is addition to this regular work. Castro said the revolution is working on a project to create workers' social circles throughout the nation and that these circles will be associated with the revolution's plans and aid in disseminating of information and even education. He said the revolution plans to use television in primary education, advanced classes, and even adult education and added that schools being built will have a television set in each room. This will be a tremendous advantage, Castro said, and then asked: How else could you take 500,000 children to the movies? Castro then considered the types of shows that might be seen on television. He said Cuba has been a market for Hollywood movies, and that the reactionary spirit of U.S. leaders had eliminated progressive writers and actors. He concluded that movies, a vehicle for education, for good or evil, had been set back by this move and added that soon Cuba would have Cuban movies. Castro then turned to the topic of the defense of Cuba, saying this topic was in everybody's mind from the beginning, as the political and military setup overthrown was in the service of big and primarily foreign interests. Castro here recalled at great length the changeover form the old regime, and the attempted coup by Cantillo which he says was fostered by the U.S. State Department and embassy to prevent a true revolution from being accomplished. From the first there was a campaign to discredit Cuba, although not to destroy Cuba, for the State Department and U.S. interests still had hopes that the revolutionary policy would not be radically revolutionary, but they still took preventive measures. The first effort was to prevent Latin America from favoring our revolution, and it began with the executions; the truth was distorted; fugitives from revolutionary justice were received in the United States, and the purpose behind this was to gather a reserve to use against the revolution, Castro said. The first government was not radically revolutionary; it was rather moderate. For 45 days not a single revolutionary economic or social law was passed. However, maneuvers against the revolution were visible from the beginning, Castro stated. Later came the notes, protests against revolutionary measures, threats to cut the sugar quota, and so on, Castro said. The revolution has advanced in keeping with the growing revolutionary awareness of the people. Social ills are not enough for a revolution to occur unless the people are aware of the evils. One of our tasks is to evaluate accurately the stage of revolutionary awareness of the people. When the coup was attempted to thwart the revolution, the awareness of the people was advanced far enough so that we defeated the attempt easily, Castro said. The U.S. press campaign and the U.S. notes were intended to discourage and intimidate the Cubans. The came a divisionist campaign. These things were not done at random; they represented the same method already used in other countries, like Guatemala. There was propaganda about submarine bases and communism, he added. We have said we pursue goals of interest to the nation. In the revolution the people had a common purpose, without regard to each individual's religious or political beliefs. Everybody had a right to believe in what he pleased, but all were out to end the tyranny. Citizens of all ideas united behind that goal, Castro stated. After the victory, which was won through that unity, we were still faced with great tasks. And so men were not going to differentiate among themselves because of their religion or their political beliefs. We were going to differentiate among those who were for and those who were against the just laws and measures of the revolution. That is the only possible difference. The revolutionary measures have been so just that it is impossible to combat them squarely. Their opponents had to find some pretext, and the handiest pretest is communism. The champions of the old system had propagandized against any social reform. Their philosophy was directed against any social reform. Their philosophy was directed against social progress. They controlled the press, radio, television, schools, and other media of propaganda by which the minds of the people were influenced. Wealth meant privilege: poverty meant lack of education, food, and clothing. The wealthy dominated the economic, political, and cultural life and used it for their own interests. Of course they never passed any agrarian reform law, or turned fortresses into schools, or established people's stores. We had the spectacle of the highest labor leader in Cuba being a millionaire and big land owner, Castro said. The parties served to divide the people. There were the traditional parties which presented no program. The Socialist Party did have a revolutionary program; that should be said here. I was not in that party; I was in another. The fact is, the peasants were divided among the different parties and fighting each other. The workers were divided, the students were divided; the technique was perfect. The people kept on hoping for a law in favor of the peasants but the parties were controlled by the big economic interests and people were divide. The peasants and no organization, no schools, no resources, and moreover, were prey to all sorts of injustices and immoralities. Theft was sanctioned by our society. Embezzlers were never sent to jail. Millions were stolen. But now no one can doubt that there has been a revolution in Cuba. The thousands of illiterates cannot doubt it. Castro added that earlier all means of forming public opinion were controlled. When a revolutionary radio program arose it was closed down. The mentality of the people was hampered, and they were kept that way. It is said that another government must be set up to save the action from communism. All resources are to be used to save people from progress. The last resource is force. We have always heard of that. These ideas were instilled in us. But the same news service now writing about Cuba have been writing the same thing about event elsewhere for 40 years. UPI and the AP are paid by U.S. monopolies. At breakfast Cubans were indoctrinated by cables carried by all papers. Cubans did not get true reports and their minds were being formed. The truth has been against big interests. The Pharisees do not like to be told the truth. The Pharisees, the rich of former times, the embezzlers preached the truth. (This statement was followed by sustained heavy applause.) Whatever social reform takes place, first it must happen in the conscience of the people. So much effort was exerted to prevent the people from knowing the truth, and to educate them with falsehoods, and to control means of information, the conscience of the people was prevented from knowing about improvements and progress. On Jan. 1 there was no true revolutionary awareness; there was a civic awareness and a sense of national dignity. The revolution is a big revolutionary school. The revolution teaches and the awareness of the workers is not the same as it was on Jan. 1; the workers are advancing rapidly. From the beginning we had to face threats, attempts to divide the people, attempts to weaken the revolution through impressed economic sacrifices. Why reduce the sugar quota? Why try to deprive us of oil? It is because the earlier maneuvers have failed. The threats failed, the divisionist campaigns failed, the attempts to set up fifth columns failed. Economic aggression failed, and now hopes lie in reducing the Cuban quota. Difficulties will be created for us and the revolution. They hope to cripple the development program but they will fail as they have before, Castro declared. Above all in the revolution is an awareness of the revolution. Without revolutionary awareness there is no sense of revolution. What the revolution is, had done, and will do depends upon a revolutionary awareness. It is a sense of revolutionary maturity. Revolutionary awareness is the job of all; students, militia, peasants, and workers. It is because of the degree of awareness developed in the country that all antirevolutionary measures have failed. We are convinced the revolution will not be conquered. Now we are prepared. We have the peasants who have given special proof of personal initiative, courage, and intelligence. Peasants have arrested armed elements while they themselves were unarmed. In the case of Beaton the peasants arresting him did not have any weapons. This must be considered an act of courage. The peasant's revolutionary mentality, his spirit of struggle, and ability to fight are seen here. Now, imagine if he were armed, if he had a machine-gun! (Much applause) Imagine peasants with hand grenades, mines, antitank grenades, bazookas, with all the instruments of fighting. He could defend the country, and fight any invader. Imagine a well-armed peasant. How can he be destroyed or overcome? I am certain that not even a million could defeat him, Castro said. An invading force would have to fight not only the rebel soldier who already is well organized, but also the workers, peasants, men, the women, the young people, the students. It would have to fight the youth brigades of revolutionary labor. (Sustained applause) No revolution, no real revolution had been overwhelmed in the history of the world, because to destroy a revolution is against the law of nature. Revolutions are laws of human progress. Therefore, a law of human society cannot be destroyed. It is a type of fighting quite different from classic warfare. In the Algerian war, the French Army is well equipped, but half a million French soldiers cannot crush the effort of the patriots. (Applause) And we have more weapons that the Algerians. (Sustained applause) The fighting against us would be more severe because we have more organization. The people have developed a sense of honor for their cause, this faith in the future, this awareness which could only be forged during the last 18 months. If the monopolies understand this, perhaps we shall be spared sacrifices which would arise out of a cowardly attack, and they will be spared stupid sacrifices inflicted upon their own people. We are convinced we shall be able to defend the revolution perfectly. However, we must increase our assurance. The militia must prepare themselves as such preparation will mean a more crushing victory. Courage is collective. This collective courage, this courage of a nation makes each citizen forget his individual situation in favor of the community. Each one must forget individual life in favor of a life of country. We will feel mingled with the people and we will know that this life we have is the life of the nation. Any one of us can die, but the nation cannot die. The only true death would be the death of the country. Individually we are nothing. The children of those who died in the Le Coubre incident will not be orphans, they will be children of the nation. These families will belong to the nation and will be protected by the nation. Therefore, we are certain that everyone will do his duty, and will do so with pride. We all have one clear idea, and it is our nation will not be subjugated to a foreign nation, dominated by foreigners, Castro announced. (Sustained applause) We are a small nation known in the world as producers of sugar, tobacco, and rum. There were many person, chiefly in the United States, who did not really know where Cuba was on the map. They know of it as a small colony, which under normal conditions was a good source of raw materials, and a good place for investments by monopolies. Things are now different. The rum, sugar, and tobacco producing people have become a nation producing a great revolution. We are producing a great example. This generation is making a great effort. There are those who did not think the people would know how to act and govern. They think they can make us believe in freedom when there is hunger, ignorance, and poverty. We were working for freedom, but we could not attain it amid ignorance, poverty, exploitation. We are ending freedom to deceive people, to exploit the peasants and workers, the freedom to be a parasite on the efforts of others. We defend the true freedoms which nations desire: The country master of its own destiny, master of its own efforts and the sweat of its brow. We are not doing all this to satisfy the desires of a few. We are making efforts to help those who can't work, children, the sick, and beggars. What we are producing is not to make the powerful fat. We do not want thousands of children on streets begging and becoming delinquents. The fifth column, the interventionists want to destroy the country because they cannot stand the idea of justice in our country. Castro concluded that the betrayers do not belong in the revolution; they have no place in the revolution. Those who do not fit in the revolution will have to resign themselves to being on the margin of events and those who fight the revolution will have to resign themselves to the role of being conquered. Here there was sustained heavy applause which finally merged with the singing of the national anthem. The program ended at 2227 GMT. Castro spoke 4 hours and 32 minutes. U.S. CONGRESS DARED TO CUT SUGAR QUOTA Havana, Radio Mambi, in Spanish Cuba, June 24, 1960, 2330 GMT--F (UNCLASSIFIED) (Station editorial: "We Shall Never Bend Our Knees") (Summary) Go on, keep going, you idiotic Congressmen of the "Yankee" empire. Do not stop. Continue along the path of aggression. Go on and cut our sugar quota and get it over with. Carry out the drastic order given to you by His Majesty, Caesar Attila Nero Caligula Eisenhower I, Emperor of the United States and of the adjacent putrid democracies. Bow to the plucked and lousy imperial eagle. [Unreadable text] -END-