Latin American Network Information Center - LANIC



Source:  Revolution (Revolution), 28 November 1960

It is better for Yankee imperialism to die at its expense than not
at our expense.

Those who have sold out for foreign gold are planting bombs; they
are the people who kneel before their masters.

They serve neither God nor fatherland; they serve privilege.

We will see who can compete with Cuba in the production of sugar
next year.

We have armed the people in order to enable it to defend its
rights to work freely.

Fidel says outlook is good in every respect.

The ceremonies organized by the university students and by the
National Association of Young Rebels ended with a social evening which was
attended by a vast multitude on the steps of the University of Havana; this
ceremony was held in honor of the martyred students of 1871, on the 89th
anniversary of their death.  Prime Minister of the Revolutionary
Government, Dr. Fidel Castro, and the President of the Republic, Dr.
Cevaldo Dorticos, who identify with the students and the people, presided
over the social affair last night.

The ceremony was also attended by various other high personalities
of the revolution; the parents and the glorious and unforgettable Major
Camio Cienfuegos; the ministers of the government; the president of the
University of Oriente and the FEU of that University; the FEU of the
University of Las Villas, a group representing the Federation of Secondary
School Students of Cuba; a group representing the Free Government of
Algeria in Exile; the representatives of Republican Spain; student
delegates from Venezuela; the president of the FEU of Uruguay; the Reverand
Father Lence, representing the "With the Cross and With the Fatherland"
association, and other groups representing sister nations.

Numerous Messages

In spite of the crowded schedule of this event, the chair received
hundreds of messages of congratulations from many institutions throughout
the republic:  student associations, professional colleges, worker
organizations, etc, all of whom expressed their support for the ceremonies
on the steps as well as their solidarity with the Revolutionary Government
and its laws.  Other messages condemned Yankee imperialism and the puppet
government in the Latin American sister republics.

Beginning of Ceremony

The ceremony was inaugurated with the singing of the national
anthem which was sung by everyone present.  Then the students sang the
university song and then Captain Fernando Ravelo, vice president of the
Association of Young Rebels, immediately took the floor.

Remarks by Captain Ravelo

The first to speak Fernando Ravelo, of the Association of Young

He said that those who assassinated the students in 1871 are the
same who today assassinate and harass the Spanish people.  The martyrs of
1871 are the victims of a system that attacks the full dignity of man.
They are a symbol and a lesson in history because they demonstrate how far
the colonialists are capable of going in an effort to maintain their
privileges.  That Spanish colonialism is the tyranny of Franco of today;
that colonialism is the same which de Gaulle upholds in Algeria where a
heroic people has for 6 years been fighting for its independence.  It is
the same which, converted in terms of finance capital, subjugates Latin
America and, in the form of Yankee imperialism, patrols the waters of the
Caribbean.  That colonialism is modern German Nazism.  That same
colonialism subjugates the negroes in the south of the United States.

The glorious Cuban insurrection is now 2 years old.  We are not
going to summarize these events now but we are going to say something in
this connection.  The facts have spoken.  The phase of Moncada has been
completed.  Today, we are in a new phase, the phase of the Havana
Declaration.  We must study it very thoroughly.

He concluded, saying that all the peoples of the world support the
Cuban Revolution and its maximum leader, Dr. Fidel Castro.

Remarks by Rolando Cubela

The president of the University Student Federation, Major Rolando
Cubela, commented on the words spoken by our apostle, Jose Marti, on the
student martyrs of 1871.  Then he briefly outlined the tremendous struggle
fought by our people until we achieved independence.

He addressed a message to the noble Spanish people who is now
fighting against the bloody dictatorship of Francisco Franco.  He recalled
that during the Batista dictatorship the university, which was in deep
mourning, closed its doors.  "The memorial celebration of 27 November 1956
left 16 students injured.  What a difference between that date and the date
of today, when the chief of the National Police is here to share the
memorial celebrations for that date with us!"

We have gathered here today to celebrate the success of the ideals
of those martyrs who fell here.  How many years have passed between 1871
and 1959!  The blood of the Cuban students and of the peasants and workers
soaked our blessed land and today we can reap the harvest.  Today we can
collect the fruit of that sacrifice which is this beautiful revolution,
this great work.

And so the martyrs of 1871 did not die in vain, nor did Nella,
Trejo, and Bchoverria die in vain.  They died because they live in each
accomplishment of the revolution and because they live on in the heart of
each and every clean and honest Cuban.  A few days ago we met with the
professors, and we swore and took an oath that we would not betray the
fatherland.  Today we gather here -- we who someday will also be
professional men -- to repeat that oath.  We feel proud of wearing the
olive-green uniform and of being students because privileges have been
eliminated in our country and because the child of the peasant and the
child of the worker have an opportunity to study here side by side with us.

He then said that nothing and nobody could break the unity of the
revolution; he emphasized the usefulness of the national revolutionary
militia and attacked the reactionary policy of Romulo Betancourt in
Venezuela.  He recalled the words of Marti:  "the front of ideas is worth
more than the front of sticks and stones" and he underscored the importance
of the university reform.

He concluded with a warm welcome to all university students.

The University Choir

The choir of the University of Havana recited fragments from the
famous speech by the apostle Jose Marti with perfect coordination; this
speech has down through the years of history become known as "the new
pines"; they earned a prolonged ovation from the thousands who attended the

Fidel Castro Speaks

When the announcer told the crowd that the Prime Minister, Major
Fidel Castro, would speak in order to summarize the memorial celebration in
honor of 27 November 1871, a tremendous ovation broke out which lasted
several minutes; in this way the audience hailed his presence on the

Prime Minister, Major Fidel Castro began his speech with a salute
to the students, young rebels, youth brigades, militia men and militia
women and the people of Cuba:

Today, on 27 November of this year, there is a circumstance worthy
of attention and that is that this event, this year, is a bigger affair
than the one last year.  This means a lot; it means that, with the passage
of time, these memorial celebrations are not losing in warmth and in
importance to the people, as used to happen in the past.  The presence of a
greater number of Cubans at this ceremony tonight means that patriotic and
revolutionary memorial celebrations are met each time with the ever greater
warmth of the people.  Why is this so?  Simply because the revolutionary
consciousness of the people is growing and becoming stronger.  But it is
not just that we have a large number of Cubans present here, this year, on
the steps of the university; this fact also signifies a defeat for the

This event here today means much to the Cuban revolution after
almost 2 years of revolution, after all of the radical and profound
measures which the revolution has introduced in our country.  If this
ceremony were to take place in the rural areas and if the peasants were to
attend in a large mass, that would be something very natural.  If this
ceremony were to take place among the workers and if the workers were to
attend in vast masses, this would be very natural of course.  The working
class and the peasants, for the most, are also agricultural workers, they
are all with the revolution and this of course is very logical.  The
reactionary forces did not try to fight within the working class.  The
counterrevolution did not try to win ground among the peasants; the
counterrevolution placed its hope of regaining some of its positions in the
University of Havana and the student circles.  Why is this so?  Because the
student mass is a heterogeneous mass.  The composition of the mass of
students is a rather varied one and, generally speaking, the children of
the poor families did not have an opportunity to study at the university.
The opportunity to study in Cuba was in an inverse ratio to the need to
study.  In other words, in order not to confuse anybody with arithmetic
here, it was in an inverse proportion to the available resources.  The
poorer a family was, the less opportunity it had to send its children to
study at the university.  Who, for example, shined shoes in the streets of
our capital?  Where did the kids who sold newspapers at night and early in
the morning come from?  What opportunity did they have to study at the
university?  And what opportunity did the children of the peasant families
have -- out there, in the rural areas, where they did not even have grade
school teachers.  Those youngsters whose family had the money could go to
the city and study at the institutes and at the university.  Those who were
most privileged were able to study abroad, in the United States or Europe.
The poorest families could not do this; in general, they were unable to send
their children to the university.  Of course, there might have been a few
poor students at the university.  At the university and in the institutes,
there are many children from poor families, children from middle-income
families, and children from rich families.

It might happen that a poor student could not go to school, to
college, but it would have been impossible for a rich youngster not to be
able to go to school.  The rich youngster who did not study did not do so
because he simply did not want to study.  But, generally speaking, the rich
families wanted their children to study and they were very much concerned
with perpetuating their interests through them.  There were students whose
family interests were affected by the laws of the revolution.  This is why
the counterrevolution, all over the world, does not try to gain ground
among the peasants.  What could the counterrevolution say to a peasant who
has been freed from rent payment?  What could it tell to a man whose life
has been radically changed?  What could it say to someone whom the
revolution had liberated from misery, exploitation, and humiliation?  What
could the counterrevolutionary possibly say to the worker?

The counterrevolution primarily approached the education centers,
particularly the centers of higher education.  And it tried to recruit its
agents at these centers from among the children of rich families.  Among
the children of families which were affected by the revolutionary laws.
The counterrevolution did not try to do any recruiting in the little public
school which the revolutionary government is opening up, way out in the

Pro-Batista Professors

The counterrevolution does not go to the military barracks and to
the fortresses that have been converted into schools, where the children of
workers and of poor families are studying.  The counterrevolution knows
that it has no business there and could not possibly find anything there.
And when it does look for something, it does not look for it among the
students; it looks for it among the professors in those educational
institutions.  I want to make this quite clear because there are still some
pro-Batista individuals among the teaching body in the high schools,
because there are still pro-imperialists, reactionaries, and
counterrevolutionaries among the high school teachers.

The counterrevolution approaches them.  The counterrevolution
addresses itself to them, in order to turn them into instruments for its
attempts against the people.  And the counterrevolution above all, as you
know, addresses itself to the colleges of the privileges.  Here, in the
colleges of the privileged, here is where the counterrevolution does all of
its recruiting, here and in the colleges of the superprivileged, where it
would be difficult to find any youngster whose interests have not been
affected by the laws of the revolution, in other words, his interest as a
member of the privileged class, as a member of a big landowning family, as
a member of a business business family, as a member of a sugar plantation
family, a member of a big finance family or a family that owned property in
the city, or as a member of a professional family in the service of those
interests whom the revolution has wiped out in our fatherland: it would be
difficult here to find a young man who was not in one way or another
affected by the revolution, in terms of his interests; this was a
revolution of the humble, by the humble, and for the humble.

Since I am talking here in the name of that revolution, I must
speak very clearly to our people on this subject, particularly to the
humble citizens of our nation: and I must also address the privileged of
yesterday and the semiprivileged of today, because they are left with some
privileges.  Above all, I want them to know that we, the leaders of the
revolution, and the people altogether, who support us and who back up this
revolution with their enthusiasm and their invincible faith, we know what
we are doing and we are familiar with the problem from the bottom up; I
want these semi-privileged people to know that they can stay here: we
understand what the situation is and we understand why these centers
constitute fertile soil for the counterrevolution.

And when we talk about the professors here, we are not really
criticizing our comrade, the Minister of Education.  It is not easy to
tackle the heritage which the past has left us here.  At any rate, this is
a natural consequence of the revolutionary process and above all it is a
natural consequence of the process of a revolution as generous as this one.
A revolution which has been as generous as this one, but a revolution where
generosity has not weakened it; although it is generous it has tremendous
moral strength and because of its tremendous moral force it can act.

Anti-Cuban Sermon

In many of these centers, they preach the counterrevolution quite
open; they preach hatred against the fatherland quite openly; they openly
preach class hatred; they preach hatred for the humble peasantry, for the
perker, for the humble youth, and for the humble people.  In other words,
they preach hatred against the measures and steps which were taken, not in
order to benefit privileged minorities, but in order to bring justice to
those who need it, in order to bring well-being to those who need it, in
order to bring progress and improvement to those who need it.  But they do
this quite openly and without restraint.  And why do they do it openly wand
without restraint?  Ah!  Because there is nobody more foxy than a
counterrevolution.  There is nobody in the world who is more cynical than a
counterrevolution.  And you know who the scribes and the Pharisees are and
you know who the anti-Christians are, in other words, those who do not cast
their lot with the poor of this world, those who do not want to enter
Heaven, not even through the eye of a needle, in other words, those who
want a camel to go through the eye of a needle.

Those who never lived in the humble sections of town, in the poor
villages and in the deserted hamlets, those who devoted themselves to
promoting the privileged class, which was its master.  Those Pharisees and
scribes, those who make up the entire corrupt crew of the
counterrevolution.  They know what the revolution wants; they know what the
revolution proposes to accomplish; they know that the revolution is
generous; they know that the revolution does not want to play there game;
they know that the revolution does not want to fan the fire of internal
campaigns against the fatherland.  They know what they are up to but they
also know that they are not going to fool anybody; they know that nobody is
going to be confused by them because they are in the service of
international interest; they do not care about the fire here; they are only
concerned about the fire abroad.  They want to create conflicts here in
order to make propaganda elsewhere.

They Use the Temples and the Schools for
Their Criminal Campaign

Those who use the temples or the schools of the overprivileged
here in order to launch their criminal campaign against the revolution
which has done so much for those who needed to have something done for
them, in other words, the poor of the fatherland.  Those who want to rise
up against the revolutionary fatherland because the revolutionary
fatherland destroyed egotistical interests, destroyed immoral interests,
immoral in the eyes of men and in the eyes of God; those who rise up
against the fatherland because the fatherland destroyed those immoral and
egotistical interests, they know that they cannot fool anybody here.  They
are wrong if they think they can convert some of the students here into
counterrevolutionary agents because those who died on the cross in Rome,
those who were killed in the Circus, without denying their beliefs, those
were not the children of the Roman partisians; they were the children of
the Roman plebians.

Those who burned on the cross, those who were devoured by the
fierce animals, they were slaves or semi-slaves; they were the poor of
Rome; and these were the people who had a strong faith; these people were
not accustomed to the comforts of the ruling class which lived from one
feast to the next.  But they did not have an easy life, after all, because
they had no belief to guide them, because they were not loyal or faithful
to any religious or political idea; amid all their wealth, they were not
satisfied, they did not know what suffering meant and what pain was; and in
our time, these people were riding around in luxurious automobiles, they
always had plenty of food, but no belief that judgement day would ever

The Final Judgement on Privilege

And so the hour came in our fatherland for the final judgement of
the privileged and the final judgement on the criminal exploitation of our
people.  We did not find any heroes among the children of the privileged; we
did not find the kind of conviction that enables men to die for their
beliefs; that sort of thin we never found among the children of the
privileged; they simply could not get used to the idea of dying in front of
those who were always prepared to die.  But they are now being recruited to
make propaganda abroad; they are being recruited to cause provocations.
They know what they are up to, they know that the revolution is generous,
they know that the revolution does not want to fan the flames of the
campaigns against the fatherland; and they utilize this fact in order to
spread reactionary opinions, class opinions, opinions of the class which
has lost its privileges, egotistical opinions, opinions against the
fatherland, opinions against the revolution, opinions against the people;
they try to spread these opinions among children whose minds are not yet
fully formed.  They know what the attitude of the revolution is and they
continue to provoke it.  Perhaps they imagine that the revolution is afraid
of them; perhaps they think that the revolution trembles at the thought of
the day when all of these crimes and all of this shame will have to be
judged. (Prolonged ovation)

The Case of the University of Villanueva

They set themselves the task of spreading the most unfounded lies;
and in spite of all this, the revolution has proved what its attitude
toward these centers is; this was the policy of the revolution from the
very first moment on; we even went so far as to ask a group of teachers at
one of these colleges to help us solve these problems and we talked to them
and we asked them to change their attitude, to renounce some of the
legitimate rights which they had in view of the revolutionary policy of
ours which was aimed at demonstrating our generous attitude toward these
sectors; we ask them not to adopt a belligerent attitude against the
revolution; we went to that university of the super-privileged which had
expelled a group of youths; we went to that 100% Yankee and pro-Yankee
university in order to talk with the students and to ask them to be
generous to those students who had been expelled, while thousands of other
students were giving their lives, while dozens upon dozens of students
fell, assassinated in the streets, and while they did not even have the
basic decency to express their solidarity with their comrades at the
University of Havana; amid the fatherland's adversity, the university
closed its doors and preferred to launch its students against the tyranny.

The Priests Also Got Checks

However, the revolutionary government toned down the sanctionist
that were asked by students who had lost two or three or even four years of
study time while those young gentlemen were getting their degrees without
any trouble.  In other words, the revolution does not want to give anybody
an opportunity accuse it of having been aggressive or hostile to those
centers of the privileged.  But the revolution was against privilege; the
revolution was against the economic interests of the privileged classes;
this was not a problem of religion, there was not problem of religious
beliefs, instead there was a problem of material interests, a problem of
money, an economic problem; but all the rest, faith and belief and religion
and other things served as a pretext to protect, no religions, nor faith,
but the low-down and egotistical interests of individuals, the economic
interests, because the revolution discovered that there was a close link,
for example, between the ranch owners, the military, and the clergy.

When the sugar plantations and mills were nationalized it was
found that subsidies of several hundred pesos were given to some clergymen;
in other words, they sent their checks not only to the cops, they sent
their checks not only to the sergeants, the lieutenants, the captains, and
the majors; they sent their checks not only to the famous lawyer who
defended their interests, the sacrosanct interests of these gentlemen.
They sent their little checks also the clergy and this resulted in a rather
repugnant marriage between the exploiting ranch owner, the ranch owner who
exploited the workers and the poor peasants, the cop who gave information
and did the assassination work, the lawyer who collected tremendous fees in
order to defend their privileges, and the priest who preached submission
among the workers and the peasants.

Cops in Cassocks

Some of these cops in cassocks did not preach the Gospel of
Christ; they preached real counterrevolution sermons in the churches; and
put out parish bulletins which the faithful received with the national
anthem on their lips.

Ah, yes!  The god faithful did not know all that.  The humble
faithful did not know about that: they did not know that these hypocrites
received their checks from the ranch owner who exploited the humble people
of our fatherland.  The revolution did not adopt any hostile attitude
toward religion.  The revolution did not clash with the church.  The
revolution nationalized the sugar plantations but not the church.

The revolution did not clash with the laws of the church, it did
not clash with the faith; it was never against the interests of any church,
nor has it ever harmed any religious rites.  Ah, yes!  But the
revolutionary laws did go against the big landowners, against the
monopolies, against those who exploited the poor tenant farmer, against big
property and the land rend system.  But no revolutionary laws were
promulgated against any church.

We have never used any arguments against religion but,
nevertheless, they insist in harming the interests of the classes for whom
these laws were passed.  These truths were denounced here by a worthy
Catholic priest.  These same truths were proclaimed here by a man who came
here, wearing his habit, to speak from this revolutionary tribune, to serve
his fatherland, to serve the people, without denying Christ; here one can
serve a faith or a revolutionary line and a religious faith, because the
revolution practices freedom of religion and worship and it respects those
who believe and those who do not have any religious affiliation.

But one thing is certain:  in this fatherland of our we have all
of those who love the fatherland and in the revolution we have all of those
who love the people.  Those who do not belong within the revolution are
those who hate the people.  Those who do not fit into the revolution, nor
into the fatherland, those who cannot love God -- they are the ones who
serve the egotistical interests of the privileged.  They are the ones who
cannot speak from this tribune where the truth shines; and the entire big
lie was done away with from the very first moment and these arguments
explain why the counterrevolution tries to take up positions among the
students in the universities and in the private colleges.  And so it tries
to recruit among the students in the private colleges.  But we are not
going to get angry.  We said that we would put up schools for the humble
families, better than the best private schools; and we are carrying out our
promise.  It is difficult for some of the schools to compete with the
school center at Ciudad Libertad.

It is logical that, as these schools grow, the others will
continue to shrink, for two reasons:  first of all because there will be
schools better than these other schools and, then, because the privileged
will not be privileged anymore.

The Government Is Not Closing the Schools

This money of the big landowners, which used to be employed in
supporting the schools for the privileged, will now be used to build
schools for the people.

In addition, we have converted the military barracks into schools
and we have also built some new school facilities.  Of course, they, the
privileged, are not happy with that.  What are they trying to do now?
Before shutting the schools down, they double and triple their provocations
in order to call attention to the fact that the schools, which are being
closed because there are no more special privileges for anybody, have been
closed by the government; they do this for international consumption.  The
government is not shutting any schools down, as they would like to have you
believe at that "University of Yankee Land."  The revolutionary government
is not afraid of the activities of these Yankee Land organizations; they
have no right to act with such impunity and they should not entertain any
illusions that the poor might not be with the revolution in this struggle;
the poor will fight and the privileged will find themselves all alone; the
privileged are not cut from the same cloth as those who knew how to die
well in times of ancient Rome.  The privileged take refuge in the embassy
and then they go off to Miami.  And they go there and live in a section of
their own; it would readily be interesting to see how some of them live
there; it would be interesting to see whether they live any better there;
and still they dare criticize the revolution when it wants to take over
certain homes, when it wants to build school centers and give the people

And then they dare say that the revolution is bad.  It is so bad
that it left the landowners with 30 caballerias.  It is so bad that it left
the owners of big buildings, people who owned many houses, with 600 pesos.

But they are so good and they believe these stories to the effect
that the Marines of the United States Navy would come; and so that went
away and they left us the 30 caballerlas and they left us their 600 pesos.
Nobody will miss them.  They could not live on 30 caballerias of land.
They could not live on 600 pesos.  Especially if the Americans were going
to come.  Then they would get their big estates back; then they would get
their big apartment houses back.

It is quite possible that there are very few places in the world
where they had residences such as the ones these people had here.  It is
possible that such residences, with all these luxuries might not even be
found in the United States.  By say of a revolutionary lesson, we recommend
that you take a walk through these grand palaces; and then you ought to
take a look at the humble huts in which humble families live just a few
blocks away; in one place, millions and millions would be spent on
residences and just a few blocks away people would be living in small
apartments which rented for 60 and 80 pesos.  This is why these rich people
like the fatherland, but Marti said that the fatherland was for everybody
and for the good of all.  The revolution has come to fulfill this promise
by Marti, to the effect that the fatherland belongs to everybody and it has
accomplished this in a singular form.  It achieved this without using the
guillotine, because, as we know, in France they did not just tap the
privileged on the head, they chopped their hands off altogether.  When the
slaves had their uprising in Haiti, they took the coffee plantation owners
and chopped their heads off.

In those days, when the people rose, things were not as gentle as
they are today.  Here, whenever somebody feels that he cannot stand it any
longer, he simply takes a cab to the embassy.

Our attitude has always been generous.  If they want to leave, let
them go.  If Uncle Sam wants to pay their expenses, well, that's just fine
with us.  It is better for them to go there than to be a financial burden
to us.  They have set up a find to help refugees.  These are the refugees
who have left 30 caballerias of land behind; these are the refugees who
left big bank accounts behind.

Here, they have lots of capital invested in real estate and
houses.  What are we supposed to do with that?  These houses are good for
our guests, of course, for the worker leaders and the students and for all
illustrious visitors, the kind which the revolution always receives.  We
are going to fix up 100 of these houses in grand style and we will leave
the Cadillacs in the garages, for use by our guests.

Thousands of Scholarships

And our high school students can be the tourist guides for these
people and they can be the chauffeurs of these Cadillacs.  And then, these
same students will go to the university and in the future they might even
advance to become ambassadors of the Republic.  And it is not going to cost
them a penny.  We will maintain the gardens and we are even going to
improve them.  And we are going to employ other centers of this kind and we
are going to equip them so that they can handle visitors.  When we have
visitors, the students will take care of them and after the visitors have
left they can go back to school.  And in this way, those Cadillacs will
last us a long time.  This is what we are going to do with the houses in
Cubanaean which the illustrious families have left voluntarily i order to
claim the hospitality of Uncle Sam.  All right, thanks a lot for all these

This, very simply, is what has happened here, sons of these
gentlemen leaves and we now have a school which used to be called Havana
Military Academy.  All right.  We are already building additional wings and
we are going to have our first technological school for young rebels here;
a thousand revolutionary brigades will attend this school.  Not a single
building will stand empty because the revolution already has the necessary
organization and manpower for doing everything that we want to do here.  We
already have 600 university scholarship students and we have a capacity for
2,000 more; we are finishing up 3 buildings which can be used as
dormitories for another 2,500 scholarship students.  And all of them come
from humble families; anybody who wants to get an education need only apply
for his scholarship.  They do not need any sponsorship, they do not need
any recommendations.  All they have to do is come to the office and say "I
want to study for such and such a career and I have no economic resources."
What are we doing with these students?  Do we give them alms?  No! Is
this some kind of government charity?  No!  These students are going to pay
after they get through studying.  We are simply advancing them the money.
How are they going to make out there?  Well, they are going to live under
the best conditions possible.  They will have books and clothing and all
their expenses will be paid and they will have good food and they will get
10 pesos per month during the first year.  And as they make progress, they
will be given more funds.  They will have everything to concentrate on
their studies:  a library, dining room, social facilities, and an athletic
field.  They will lead a real student life, while University City is being
built.  They will have all necessary opportunities for becoming magnificent
engineers; and then, over a period of 10 years, they will repay the cost of
their studies and they will thus help thousands upon thousands of new
students to attend college and get their scholarships.  What is the
revolution doing?  It is simply offering them this opportunity.  And the
simple thing will be done by the University of Las Villas and the
University of [Unreadable text].

None of the Poor People Ever Plant Bombs

No, they never do that.  These bombs are planted against the poor
people.  None of these bombs are planted by poor people who have received
benefits from the revolution; these poor people include the poor mountain
farmer, where we have sent 1,000 teachers to teach the children of the
mountain farmers; none of these bombs are ever planted by a worker or a
former sharecropper whom we have given the right to own his home; none of
them are ever planted by a family whose children are studying in the old
fortresses where their sons were assassinated; none of these bombs are
planted by patriots, in other words, by people who really love their
fatherland.  Who does plant these bombs?  The cops, the people who have
been subverted, the agents of imperialism, those who grovel before the
foreigners, those who want to soak the fatherland in blood.

In the past, the revolutionaries used dynamite to fight against
crime, corruption, tyranny, against the cope, the political thieves and the
wrong-doers, those who extracted the fatherland's wealth, in order words
they used dynamite to fight against privilege.  And so they tried to
assassinate them and to [Unreadable text] confessions out of them under
torture.  The revolutionary, who fought for his ideal, know that there was
a torture chamber in every bloc, that instruments of terror were awaiting
him at the police stations, he knew about the hell and the terror at the
police stations, he knew about the shot in the back of the neck, the big
pool of blood where his corpse would fall; and he valiantly confronted all
that.  Nobody paid him, nobody reimbursed him for his services.  The
counterrevolution, the agent of imperialism, the criminal who gets paid for
his services by the embassy, he knows that there are o crimes awaiting him,
he knows that his life is guaranteed by the generosity with which the
revolution has treated the terrorists.  I believe that not a single
terrorist has as yet faced the firing squad.  They know that nobody will
lay a hand on them in the police station.  They know that the revolution
has been generous and that the revolutionary courts have been benign.  But
we know that, in the heart of a criminal who gets paid for his services,
there is no valor for confronting the revolutionary tribunals and for
facing up to the punishment which he deserves because of his crimes.

They Are Satisfied With Making Noise

But we must now become impatient because of all this.  This is
only the proof of their powerlessness.  Where are the mercenaries who were
being trained in Guatemala?  Where are the aircraft and the landing
vessels?  How come they have not landed as yet?  How come they have so far
been content with just making noise and planting little bombs?  They know
that we have thousands of men ready; they know that we have plenty of
supporting weapons ready, including guns, machine guns, antiaircraft guns
and other heavy weapons.  They know the number of battalions which we have
organized and armed.  They know about the extraordinary mobilization of the
people and they know what these guns in the hands of the workers and the
peasants and the students mean; these are the university students who have
taken off their uniforms in order to put on the blue shirts of the worker
militia; they understand the great honor that has been accorded them in
allowing them to stand shoulder to shoulder with the workers of the
country.  The enemies of the fatherland and of the revolution know that
these weapons are in the hands of the people.

They Have No Hope of Victory

They know what it would take to win; they know that they don't
have a chance now that the working class and the peasants of the country
have been armed -- with guns, not just automatic rifles, but guns of
considerable caliber and in considerable numbers; the mercenaries who could
defeat our people have not yet be born and the imperialists who could do
this have not yet been born.  And this is why they brood about their
powerlessness and this is why they keep in making noises which only serve to
stir the people up more.  What idiots they are!  When we were fighting,
even under the most difficult circumstances, we were sustained by the idea
that we were in the right, that we were defending a just cause, that the
people would rise up in support of that cause, and that we would destroy
the enemy.  What hope do they have of destroying the people if they
advocate such ignoble objectives?  What hope of victory would they possibly
have?  Are they incapable of figuring out what a people in arms really
means?  Could they be so stupid as to harbor the most remote hopes?  They
are incapable of tackling even a portion of the people but now all our
people have become stirred up and a good portion of the world supports us.

The Heritage of the Revolution

What about their hopes, then?  Do they perhaps hope that they
could mobilize the unemployed?  The 200,000 workers who got jobs after the
revolution?  Or are they going to mobilize, against the revolution, the 35%
new industrial workers who have found work?  Were they able in any way at
all to stop the work of the revolution?  Judging by what they have
accomplished in recent months, it would seem that anything they can do in
the future will be much worse.  So far, we cannot see any of the fruits of
their endeavors to date.  But they act as if we had not created 600
scholarships at the university.  As if we did not have 600 members from the
youth brigades here, the first detachment from the first 2,000 who are
going to come here.

Those 600, who have a 5th-grade education, are already prepared to
matriculate at various education centers; 150 will go to the aviation
school.  Those who have the talent and the interest will learn how to
handle machinery for civilian use.  And after that, we will teach some of
them to handle agricultural machinery.  And then they will get some
military training.  And then will come those who will fly our big transport
aircraft.  This is how we are going to train our future pilots.  But all of
this began through the youth brigades of the "Camilo Cienfuegos"
revolutionary project.

And they will have had to spend 4 months in the Sierra Maestra.
They will have had to climb Mt. Turquino 5 times and they will keep
climbing it.  None of these youths will able to fly an aircraft overnight.
These youths will be the purest product of this revolution.  They will be
the seeds for the new fatherland because they will build a generation that
will be better prepared for continuing our revolutionary effort.  The
revolution must guarantee our climb to an ever better future.  The
enthusiasm of the people today must be replaced with the enthusiasm of a
generation which will be entirely the product of the revolution.  A short
while ago, I talked about the heritage of the past and the heritage which
the Cuba of tomorrow will receive -- if we accomplish all we set out to

We will have tens of thousands of engineering scholarship
students.  We will have tens of thousands of young people selected because
of their abilities, their natural talents; those who are weak in character
and spirit will remain behind and the best will have the opportunity to go
on successfully and to keep progressing.

Some will attend the schools of art and maritime officers and
within a year they will be handling the first high-seas fishing fleet
whose ships are already being built by our shipyards.  Others will go to
the naval schools, where, in a 6-month course, they will learn the
indispensable fundamentals that will enable them to be crew members on war
ships.  They will serve without pay for 2-1/2 years.  These 2-1/2 years
will be partly apprenticeship and partly coast guard duties.  They will
defend our sovereignty and then they will have a guaranteed job in our
national merchant marine and they will sail the ships of Cuba all over the

In other words, this is the opportunity they will have.  Some of
them will go to the aviation school and others will go to the naval school.
Others, still, will go to the technical schools where they will constitute
combat units while they study.  At the end of their studies at the
technological school, they will be able to go to the factories or they can
get scholarships to the university in order to complete their higher
studies.  And these will be sons from humble families.  Many of them have
been selling newspapers and others have been shining shoes or doing other
work of this nature.  These youths indeed are the pure extract of the
revolution.  There will be no counterrevolutionaries among them.  What a
contrast between them and the little gentlemen at the Yankee University of
Villaneuva!  The youths who have passed the toughest tests, the youths who
have exhibited this formidable spirit, are the guardians of the
revolution, the defenders of the fatherland; they will handle our warships
and combat aircraft and they will handle the heavy weapons and they will
continue their studies all the time.  In other words, they will be students
while they prepare for peaceful and creative work.

Each brigade will have its own teacher and those who have already
achieved a higher level will be able to go to a certain education center.
Those who have not yet achieved a higher level will, grade by grade,
acquire the necessary knowledge; at the same time they will be sent cut
into our mountains to plant trees that can be cut down for lumber, vast
zones with millions of timber trees.  They will do work for the people,
they will build school cities.  And they will march on and on, 2,000 will
be involved in this test, 3,000 will be sent to the mountains, to the
encampments in the Sierra Maestra, and 10,000 will be there by next
February 28.

Tens of thousands of youths, such as these, are already being
organized and they will be engineers and diplomats; they will be
professional men and skilled workers in the factories; they will be the
captains of our ships and they will be the pilots of our planes.  And that
is the revolution, the revolution which will seek out the best in the
fatherland.  By calling on the best in the fatherland, the revolution will
prepare a better future for all Cubans.  And so we will continue to march
on with what we have.  But what we have is not exactly perfect.  We have
taken over the heritage of the past which in many respects is negative;
nevertheless, the people have gone into action; the professional men have
responded to the need; many of them, by the way, are products of the past;
but they have responded to the revolution and they have come out against
those who have left the fatherland; and they have come here, to these steps
in front of the university, to swear loyalty to the revolution and to the
fatherland henceforth.  And these professional men are responding and the
miserable individuals, the low-down cowards and the men who are so poor in
spirit and who have left the fatherland -- they look more miserable every

And the students, who will graduate as physicians in the next few
months, have sent the revolutionary government a document; this coming
graduating class is much larger and much better than the preceding class
which is now in the field and which, directed by 2 or 3 suspect leaders,
made some exaggerated economic demands and indicated that they did not want
to go on working for the revolution and for the people under these
circumstances.  We think that it was unfair that the doctors, who were in
the field in the beginning, should be making 240 pesos a month.  And this
was not a matter of money because the revolutionary government and the
national economy is not shaken up by a few pesos more or less; this was a
moral issue.  What we were concerned with here was the moral quality of the
doctors; some of those doctors, who graduated with the preceding class,
were not entirely up to the requirements of the revolution; two or three of
these openly counterrevolutionary petty leaders stirred them up and
prevailed upon them to assume an incorrect position.  But the boys who are
going to graduate this year have had a diametrically opposed attitude.

(Fidel next read a document from the 6th-year medical students,
stating that they would support the measures of the revolutionary government
with their lives, if necessary; that they are at the unconditional
disposition of the Cuban authorities for whatever may be necessary, that
they readily and with a spirit of sacrifice accept the pay which the
revolutionary government thinks proper and can pay them, that they reject
as counterrevolutionary any attitude that tends to downgrade the spirit of
the revolution and that they ask all of their fellow students in this
course to accept this revolutionary posture.)

Well-Paid Engineers

Now, what do we propose to do with the engineers?  Well, very
simply, we will pay them according to merit, in other words, we will pay
them well, because an engineer must dedicate the portion of his life to
study without getting any income.  This engineer certainly deserves the
incentive of good pay, as compensation for the efforts he has made and in
return for the service he renders the country.  We are very much concerned
with revolutionary engineers, we want revolutionary engineers, and the
people of the country are prepared to pay these revolutionary engineers
according to merit.

And we believe that we can do this because the economy of the
country is growing at an extraordinary rate.  We are building hundreds of
settlements and housing developments and we want at least one doctor in
each settlement.  For this, we must have doctors.  In the past, the
engineers could not find work; for many years they had to work for
miserable salaries.  The revolution now has put all of these engineers to
work.  There is not a single doctor, engineer, or professional technician
with a university degree who does not have a job now.  It would therefore
be unpardonable for the engineers to refrain from pitching in now, because
they did not pitch in when the country lived amid terror and crime; but now
that the country is underway, the engineers must put their shoulders to the
wheel likewise.

Criminal Physicians

The doctor who leaves an institution of the people is simply a
criminal because the doctor is sent there to save lives and anyone who
would subject many of his compatriots to the risk of losing their lives, by
simply leaving Cuba, is committing a criminal act.  But the architects, the
engineers who treasonably leave their country are also criminals.
Yesterday, the National Medical College agreed to give them one last
opportunity, that is to say, they can return before 31 December; but after
31 December, 23 do not think that any of these professional men who have
left their country in difficult times should be given another opportunity
because they should not in any way be rewarded for abandoning their country
in difficult times.  These people should lose at least their citizenship
and their right to pursue their profession here.

Jobs for Another 200,000

And our student dormitories are now being filled up with new
students and these new student housing facilities will be filled up with
students who do not have any funds; the revolutionary government is
prepared to spend whatever necessary in order to help them and in order to
fill the universities with new students; the revolutionary government is
prepared to spend whatever necessary in order to train engineers for
tomorrow.  Today we not only have a revolutionary student body but we also
have a revolutionary university; the curriculum here is being revised on a
large scale and we have at last carried out the university reform also.

Last year, we were just talking about university city; well,
within a few days, we will begin construction on university city and the
students are going to help us and the workers from the construction
industry will come over to help; and the youth brigades and the Young
Rebels will pitch in and help; and by next September we will have a capacity
for 8,000 scholarship students at the University of Havana.  We can
therefore look to the future with optimism in all respects, because we can
see everything much more clearly right now.  We can see everything much
more reliability and accurately, we can say that we have a better
organization now and more experience and a better outlook in all respects;
the revolution is stronger and the circumstances are better.

The new year will begin soon.  Suffice it to say that we will
create 200,000 new jobs for Cubans next year, though the agrarian reform,
alone; these will be farm jobs.  Now, these figures are more or less
accurate, in other words, we are not exaggerating; we are in a position to
provide jobs for another 200,000 people in the rural areas.  This is only
in the farming areas, in agriculture.  But the outlook is good in every
respect.  The coming year will also be the year of education.  The battle
against illiteracy is a big battle.  We propose to eliminate the very last
vestiges of illiteracy within one year and we are sure that we can win
this battle.  Soon we going to have more than a hundred thousand persons
working in this campaign; but if we see that this not sufficient, that our
mobilization here is not enough, that we need to do more to defend the
country in this respect, in order to eliminate illiteracy, well, then, we
will mobilize many more leaders, students, workers, Young Rebels, and
members of the public at large who can then teach others to read and write.

The revolution has triumphed; the revolution is a reality and the
revolution will continue to go on invincibly.  What can imperialism do in
view of the world situation which it faces?  Are they not going to attack
us with mercenaries?  And, with each day that passes, do they not have an
opportunity to pick up more junk with which to ferry the mercenaries over
here?  This is why the military strength of the revolution has grown so
much; and now we can await the mercenaries, while we laugh ourselves sick.
During all this time, what has imperialism achieved through its patrol in
the Caribbean?  More loss of prestige, and further proof that they do not
know what they are doing.  They have a revolution in Guatemala and they
rush their cruisers and guns over.  What does that mean?  Fear!  What does
this mean?  That revolutions need not be exported at all, that they happen
by themselves on the American continent.

They Had Made Themselves Ridiculous

What have they done with their boats?  They have made themselves
ridiculous!  What have they accomplished with all of their maneuvers?  They
have made themselves look ridiculous!  And sugar prices have gone up
tremendously in the United States.  We will see what happens next year and
we will see how they solve their sugar problem.  At the end of December of
early in January, we are going to rally all of the workers, cooperative
members, planters, in other words, everybody, and we are going to hammer
out a sugar policy in accordance with the prospects.  There are countries
that want to speculate on the sugar problem.  We are going to see who can
compete with Cuba in the production of sugar.  We are going to pick a
policy and we are going to see what happens and we are going to find what
the new administration, which is supposed to replace the Eisenhower
administration, will do about that.

We are going to see what line it pursues because Mr. Kennedy has
spouted a lot of demagogy in his election campaign, suggesting aggression
against Cuba; but talk is one thing and action is another and we are going
to see what Mr. Kennedy will do.  Yes, indeed, we are going to see!  We are
going to see whether, along with our literacy campaign, Mr. Kennedy becomes
politically literate and is re-educated politically.  Perhaps this literacy
campaign might help Mr. Kennedy understand what goes on and then we are
going to see what he will do; we are going to see whether they want to
pursue their policy of aggression against our country, a stupid policy, a
blind policy, a policy that has failed -- or whether they decide to leave
is in peace because that would be the best thing for them.  At least they
will have an opportunity to do so.  These aggressions are costing them a
lot.  Many factories in the United States have been ruined and the very
stupid leaders of that country have sacrificed their own workers, they have
sacrificed their own industry, but they have not done us any great damage
with their embargo.

There Will Be Lots of Suckling Pigs This Christmas

We did all right in spite of the embargo; and we can say that our
agricultural output has increased at an extraordinary rate; this Christmas
we will have enough frozen chickens for our Christmas dinner.  And we are
now gathering the grain harvest; we have more than 50,000 turkeys right
now; the production of special types of pigs has increased extraordinarily;
we have been developing this effort for a number of months and it has been
making such tremendous progress that we will have plenty of little roast
suckling pigs this Christmas.  There will be no need for those who love
this dish to go without it this Christmas.  The embargo has failed; we have
gone on, resolving our problems and they, over there, have simply lost this
market.  This is a stupid policy.  It would suffice to have them do the same
thing all over the world and before you know it imperialism would cease to
exist.  If they do the same thing they did with Cuba, they will be wiping
themselves out in 6 months.  They will see how dumb they were in doing what
they did to Cuba.

We are going to plan our sugar policy and we are then going to see
what imperialism is going to do about.  If it persists in its aggression,
that will be one thing; or it might at last begin to understand that the
Cuban revolution is an indestructible reality and it would then leave us
alone and in peace.  We want peace.  Why do we want peace?  Because we have
grand projects, tremendous plans, and we can see how everything is making
progress here; we are happy to contemplate the future of our country, an
extraordinary future for our country which will be an example for all the
peoples of America and which will be an object of appreciation on the part
of all the other peoples of the world.

Imperialism Headed for Suicide

We need peace to accomplish this great work.  We hope to invest
all of the energies of our people in this work; we do not want blood, we do
not want a single young soldier to die, not a single soldier, not a single
militia man, not a single worker, not a single Cuban.  We would all like to
see them working.  We only armed them in order to defend this right to
work; yes, we have invested these extraordinary energies in the preparation
of our defense and we will continue to improve our military defenses
because the best guarantee, the safest guarantee against imperialism is a
condition in which we are all well armed.

And we are achieving this condition.  Very soon, we will be well
enough armed and well enough prepared to defend ourselves against any

And then, back to work, to accomplish the great plans of the
revolution; this military preparation will then give us the right to
continue our work.  It has been a requirement for our being able to
continue working; perhaps we will get imperialism to reconsider and to
realize that an attack upon Cuba is condemned to failure, that an attack
upon Cuba would be the suicide of imperialism and it is indeed preferable
that imperialism should not commit suicide because of us; instead,
imperialism should die slowly, because of itself, until it has completely
disappeared from history.

We have been speaking these truths here quite bluntly whenever
they had to be said.  But we have great faith.  This is why we spoke to you
from these steps and this is why we believe that every day will be more

This university is, each day, more identified with the people and
in reality this is the best homage for the students of 1871; it is an
obligation for us and for the students and for the entire people to honor
those innocent victims of the privileges of yesterday, the innocent student
victims, victims of the idea that justice would inevitably triumph over the
foreign interests that exploited us and our fatherland; and those innocent
victims, who were sacrificed by the exploiters of yesterday, joined the
victims of more recent times, the victims of our exploiters of today.

The victims included Mella, Trejo, and Echeverria; they were
victims of the fact that we were a Yankee colony; they were victims of
Yankee rifles; but in the end, all of these efforts helped us do away with
our colonial status, do away with the privileges, and achieve true freedom
and true justice so that our fatherland may shine.  In expressing our
homage here, we also express our appreciation to those who died in the war
and our recognition for those university leaders including our comrade
Rolando Cubela, who played a great role in the war and who also did his
duty in peace.  He will soon graduate from this university with a degree in
medicine and he is certainly worthy of our public recognition; we are
satisfied, highly satisfied, that he can give his name to the prize to be
awarded to the honor students; he has certainly earned the right to hold
his head high and to reap the appreciation of his people.  We want to
express our optimism and our recognition for the entire university.  We are
firmly convinced that the University of Havana will also be in the front
rank in this glorious hour of the fatherland.

If this ceremony were to take place in the rural areas, it would
of course be quite natural.  If this event were to take place among the
workers they would certainly attend in mass, and this would be quite

The peasants and the workers are with the revolution and this is
very logical.

The counterrevolution will not try to gain ground among the
workers and the peasants; it has placed its hopes in the University of
Havana and in the student sectors.

This is because the mass of students is heterogeneous and variable
and because, in general, children from the poorer families did not have an
opportunity to study at the university.

The opportunity to study used to be in a direct ratio to the
economic resources of the family.

But where do they come from, those children who used to shine
shoes and sell newspapers at night and early in the morning?  What
opportunity did they have to study?  What opportunity did the children of
the peasant families have -- children who did not even have a primary

There were of course children from poor families at the university
and in the institutes, but any rich boy who did not study, did so simply
because he did not want to study.

Among our university students, there were those who family
interests had been affected by the laws of the revolution.

What can the counterrevolution say to a peasant whom the
revolution has liberated from misery?  What can the counterrevolution say
to the workers?

The counterrevolution first of all went to the education centers,
the centers of higher education, in an effort to recruit agents among the
sons of the rich families who had thus been affected.

The counterrevolution does not try to approach the little schools
which have opened up in the mountains.

The counterrevolution does not try to do any recruiting in the
military barracks that have been converted into schools, where the worker
children study.  Imperialism and the counterrevolution know that they are
not going to find anything there.

There are still pro-Batista people among the high school teachers.

There are still reactionary and counterrevolution pro-imperialists
among the high school teachers.

The counterrevolution contacts them in an effort to turn them into
instruments for its designs against the people.

The counterrevolution addresses itself primarily to the colleges of
the privileged.

Here, in those colleges, the counterrevolution finds fertile

The privileged of yesterday and the semi-privileged of today must
know that the leaders of this revolution -- whom the people support with
their enthusiasm and their invincible faith -- know what they are doing.

In saying that there are counterrevolution professors, we are of
course in no way criticizing our comrade Minister of Education.

This is part of the revolutionary process and above all it is part
of the process of a generous revolution, such as this one.

Because it is so generous, it has the tremendous moral force it
needs to take action.

In many of these centers, they preach the counterrevolution quite
openly; they preach hatred against the fatherland, they openly preach class
hatred, hatred against the peasant, the worker, the humble people.

They criticize laws that were not made to defend the privileges of
the minorities but to bring justice and well-being to those who needed
these, to bring progress to those who needed it.

They do this openly and without concealment because nobody is
foxier in the world than a counterrevolutionary, nobody is more cynical in
the world than a counterrevolutionary.

You know who the scribes and the Pharisees and the anti-Christians
in this country are.  They are those who refuse to cast their lot with the
poor, those who want the "camel to go through the eye of a needle."

They know they are not going to fool anybody here but they still
serve international interests.  They are not concerned with what goes on
here but only with what goes on abroad.

They want to create conflicts here so that they can conduct
campaigns far from here.

Those who use the temples and the schools of the privileged, those
who want to rise against the revolutionary fatherland, because the
fatherland destroyed immoral and egotistical interests before the eyes of
men and God, they know they cannot fool anybody here and that they cannot
trigger any fanaticism here.

Nor can they generate any fanaticism among the children of the
rich families, in can effort to turn them into agents of the
counterrevolution, because those who in the days of Rome died without
breaking with their faith were not children of the Roman patricians but
rather the children of the Roman plebeians.

Those who burned on the crosses, those who were devoured by wild
animals, were slaves and semi-slaves; they were the poor of Rome.  These
were the men and women with a strong faith; they were not accustomed to the
pleasures of the ruling class.

It was difficult for the happy and the satisfied to be loyal and
fanatical because they did not know what suffering and pain were.

It was difficult for those, who did not serve any ideas, to be
loyal to anything; it was difficult for those who were riding around in
fancy cars, whose tables were always bending under the weight of the food,
it was difficult for them to believe in anything; it was difficult for them
to believe that the moment of final judgement had come.

But the hour had come in our fatherland, the hour of the final
judgement for the privileged and the hour of judgement for the exploitation
of our people.

Among the children of the privileged, they will not find the kind
of conviction that leads men to die, they will not be able to implant the
idea of dying for something in them, quite in contrast to those who are
prepared to die for what they believe in.

And so they recruit them in order to make propaganda abroad, in
order to cause provocations.  They know what they are up to, they know that
the revolution is generous, nevertheless, they know that it does not want
to spark the fires of campaigns against the fatherland and they exploit
this in order to develop reactionary opinions, against the fatherland,
against the revolution, opinions against the people, among the children
whose minds are not yet fully formed.

Perhaps they think the revolution is afraid of them, that the
revolution is trembling at the thought of the day when it will be necessary
to decree an end to all this crime and all this shame.

And all this applies to this pro-Yankee University, where they did
not express their solidarity with the students of the University of Havanna
which closed its doors and sent its students out to fights against the
tyranny in the streets.  The revolutionary government has mitigated the
sanctions against those who were easily able to obtain their degrees while
others lost college attendance time.

If there is anything you can accuse the revolution of, it is that
it was aggressive and hostile toward those centers of the privileged.

The revolution was against privilege, against the economic
interests of the privileged classes; it was not against religion; this was
not a problem of belief but rather a problem of money and economic
interests; faith and religion served as a pretext for reopening the wounds
and for advancing the egotistical interests of certain individuals.

The revolution discovered the close bond that exists between the
big ranch owners, the military, and the clergy.

When the sugar plantations and refiners were nationalized, it was
found that some of the clergymen had been getting subsidies; and so they
did not sent their checks only to the cops, to the famous attorney, but
also to the clergymen.

Some of these cops in cassocks, who were vary far away indeed from
the true sermons of Christ, were prevailed upon to give counterrevolutionary
sermons in the churches.

The good faithful did not know this.  And the generous revolution
did not clash with anyone in any church; it nationalized the sugar
plantations and it did the same thing in the various government
departments, but it did not subsidize anybody, the way the others had done.

The revolution was never against any church; it has never
interfered with the rights of any church or any cult; but the revolutionary
laws did go against the big landowners, against the foreign monopolies,
against those who exploited the poor sharecropper.

These same truths were proclaimed here by someone who can serve
his people without denying Christ because here you can serve a
revolutionary idea and a religious faith.

In this fatherland of ours, we must all love the fatherland; those
who do not fit in with the revolution are those who hate the people, those
who serve the interests of the rich;

All of this explains why the counterrevolution tried to take up
positions in the universities and private colleges.

We said that we would put up schools for the children of the
humble families, better schools and than the best private schools.

It is logical, that as these education centers for the people
grow, some of the schools of the privileged will lose some of their
importance.  There are two reasons for this:  because we have people's
schools which are better than those other schools and, second, because the
privileged have been pushed aside.

And if some of these colleges of the privileged, who did not
resign themselves to economic downgrading, were ruined, then this would not
to the fact that these measures were aimed against them, so much, as to the
fact that these measures were intended to help the people as much.

Before closing the schools, they tripled their efforts to make
everybody believe that the revolutionary government had shut them down; but
the revolutionary government did not close them.

This is what they are doing at the university of Yankee Land now.

The revolutionary government does not give them a pretext for
launching a campaign, but this does not mean that these gentlemen of Yankee
Land have the right to go unpunished.

Let them not engage in any illusions:  in this struggle, the poor
will be with the revolution and the poor will fight and the privileged will
be left alone; the privileged are not cut from the same cloth as those who
in ancient Rome know how to die.  They always escape to the embassy.

All you have to do is visit the Country Club and then walk
through the slum district of Las Yaguas.

This revolution is so "bad" that it left the landowners with 30
caballerias and that it left the owners of big houses with an income of 600
pesos a month.

And they are "so good" that they listened to the rumors to the
effect that the Americans would come; and so they departed, and they left
us their 30 caballerias and their 600 pesos -- and this is just fine; they
also left us the country club.

They believed that the Americans would come and return their big
estates to them.

They yearn for that world in which 400 or 500 lived in palaces
while millions lived in slums.

Marti put it quite clearly:  "the fatherland belongs to everybody
and exists for the good of all."

The revolution has accomplished this basic principle stated by
Marti without the guillotine.

Whenever the people rise, they do not do so very gently.

It is better for Uncle Sam to pay their expenses than for us to
have to pay them.

What are we going to do with the houses they have left us?  We are
going to use them for our guests, for workers leaders and peasant leaders,
for our visitors.  We are going to prepare a hundred houses and we are
going to put Cadillacs and everything else in them and all of this will be
for our visitors.

The high school students and the pre-university students will be
the guides and even the chauffeurs for these visitors; and then they can
study for a diplomatic career and they might even make ambassador someday.

We already have 600 university scholarship students and we have a
capacity for another 1,000; we are putting up 3 student dormitories which
will be able to accommodate another 2,000 students.

All of this is for students without money.  Are we giving them
alms?  Is this some kind of government charity?  No!  These students are
going to pay for their studies; all we are doing is advancing them the
money now.

They will have everything to concentrate on their studies and they
will leave a real student life while we build university city.

This is what the revolution will do at the University of Havana
and the University of Las Villas.

That bomb was not planted by any peasant or any worker or any
family that owns its own home; none of these bombs were planted by humble
citizens or patriots.

These bombs were planted by cops, by the men who have sold out, by
the men who have been kicked out, by the men who have been agents of
imperialism, by those who bow before the foreigners.

In the past, we used dynamite to fight against the tyranny,
against the wrongdoers, against the imperialist exploitation; and all the
time they were assassinating our people and trying to extract confessions
through tortures.

The revolutionary knows that shot in the back of the neck was
waiting for him; he knew that he would end up in a pool of blood; and the
revolutionary valiantly fought for his ideal.

The agent of imperialism is a criminal who gets paid for his
services by the embassy and he knows that the terrorists have been treated
with generosity.

And they will fly the combat planes and sail the warships and
handle the heavy weapons and all the time they will continue to prepare
themselves for their civilian careers.

And so we will continue to march forward with what we have; what
we have is not perfect but this is only because we had to take over the
heritage of the past.

The doctors who were graduated with the last class were not
really up to the requirements of the revolution; two or three petty
leaders prevailed upon them to adopt a rather money-minded attitude here.

All honor to the students who will graduate in the next class to
come, all honor for the patriotic and revolutionary document which they
have signed.

We propose to pay our engineers on the basis of merit, in other
words, they will be paid well.

The country's economy is growing at an extraordinary rate; we are
building a hundred housing developments and we want to have at least one
doctor in each.

The doctor who goes away and leaves the country is nothing but a
criminal; he is the man who subjects our compatriots to the risk of having
to lose their lives and he does this by abandoning his country.

And the engineers, the architects, and the other professional men
who leave the country are also traitors.

As of 31 December, no professional will be given any opportunity
to return to the country; they will lose their citizenship and their right
to exercise their profession here.

Today we have a revolutionary student body and a revolutionary
university because we have at last carried through our university reform.

Within a few days, we will begin to build university city; and by
September of next year we will have a capacity for 8,000 scholarship
students and the University of Havana.

We need peace to accomplish this great work.  We do not want
blood; we do not want a single Cuban to get killed.  We invested all this
energy in the preparation of our defense so as to be able to defend the
right to work in peace.

Perhaps we will get imperialism to reconsider and to refrain from
attacking Cuba because an attack upon Cuba would be suicide for
imperialism; it would be better for imperialism to die a slow death until
it has disappeared completely from history.

This vast flight of stairs in front of the university has become
increasingly revolutionary each day and it has identified itself more and
more with the people and there can be no better tribute to our students

These are the students who also died as victims of the privileged
class, victims of the Spanish colony, and these victims included Mella,
Trejo, and Jose Antonio Echeverria, victims of Yankee rifles, of Yankee

We want to hail the student leaders who fought in the war and who
continue to fight in peace.

Where are the mercenaries who have not yet landed?  Where are
their aircraft and their boats?

They know how many men we have, they know how many weapons and
cannons and machine guns and antiaircraft guns and heavy weapons we have.

They know what it means to have all of these weapons in the hands
of the workers, the peasants, and the students.

The counterrevolutionaries know that there are no mercenaries or
imperialists who could take the cannons away from the peasants and the
workers -- yes, cannons of considerable caliber and in considerable

What hopes have they of victory?  Do they realize what it means to
face a nation in arms?

And they will also have to face that part of the world that
supports us.  Where are their hopes!

Could they possibly stop the work of the revolution?  Well, they
haven't seen anything yet.

Already, we have our first university scholarship students here,
and the first 600 of the youth brigades, which will climb Mt. Turquino 5
times, are already here.

Our future pilots will start out in the "Camilo Cienfuegos"
revolutionary work youth brigades.

They will have spent 5 months in the Sierra Maestra and they will
have climbed Mt. Turquino 5 times; none of them will learn to fly a plane
overnight.  But their most legitimate pride will always be to the

They will be a generation that will be better prepared for
continuing the work of the revolution because the revolution must make sure
that it will continue to advance.

We will have tens of thousands of scholarship students, tens of
thousands of youngsters who will be selected on the basis of their merit
and special conditions.

Those youngsters from the humblest families are the pure extract
and essence of the revolution.  The counterrevolutionaries are not going to
find any recruits among them.

Now we can see everything more clearly; we have a better
organization and more experience and better prospects and the revolution is
stronger.  Next year, in the rural areas, through the agrarian reform
alone, we are going to create another 200,000 jobs for Cubans -- in
agriculture alone.