-DATE- 19610103 -YEAR- 1961 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- SPEECH -AUTHOR- F. CASTRO -HEADLINE- SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF THE CUBAN REVOLUTION -PLACE- CIVIC PLAZA -SOURCE- HAVANA FIEL NETWORK -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- 19610103 -TEXT- CASTRO SAYS U.S. UNDERMINES REVOLUTION Havana, FIEL Network in Spanish, Jan. 3, 1961, 0038 GMT--E (Speech by Fidel Castro at Civic Plaza in Havana on the second anniversary of the Cuban revolution) (Summary) Foreign visitors who stimulate and honor us with their presence; all Cubans: Once more we have gathered in this great plaza, which has always witnessed the warmth and enthusiasm of our people. Many are not present. Many of the people cannot be here as usual because other duties claim their presence; nor can the men who paraded for almost nine hours be here with us. They left their posts to parade and then returned to them. The many thousands of militia cannot be here either because while the soldiers paraded, they watched over the fatherland so that the enemy would not take advantage of today's celebration to attack. Many thousands of good Cubans are not here; however, the enthusiasm that always prevails at these events is also present now. There has been a large turnout of Cuban women because many of their men could not come. We gathered today to celebrate the second anniversary of our revolution. We all remember that day two years ago; that was the real start of the revolution. Perhaps many among those who enjoyed privileges in or society thought that there would be no revolution. It is possible that they did not even have a correct idea of what a revolution is. At any rate, those who did not want and could not accept the revolution are not with us today. Those who understood the need for revolution and have come to see what the revolution has been doing the past two years are present here, as enthusiastically as they were on that first day of the revolution. I hope that nothing is going to disturb tonight's event. (Shouts of "We shall win"). What we have difficulty understanding is that, at moments like these, when the country is in danger and people are ready to give their lives for the cause--if in moments of danger for us, as at present, the men who lead the people are ready to defend them, what do we care about a few little drops of water? We were talking about those who could not understand and did not understand the revolution. A revolution is not produced without reason. Those who believe that we produced the revolution are mistaken. Those who produce the revolution, paradoxically enough, are those who cannot want a revolution. There would have been no revolution if there had not been so much injustice among our people. It is well to start from this point: the great abuses committed during so many years are to blame for it; the exploitation to which the country was subjected is to blame for it. There would have been no revolution in our country, if those circumstances had not been present. The revolution was then a necessity; it is being accomplished and it will be accomplished. What is a revolution? Is it a peaceful and calm process? Is it, perhaps, a path of roses? Building New Society It is an infallible law--history teaches this--that revolutions are periods of convulsion, otherwise they are not revolutions. A revolution must destroy the old structure and construct a new one. The new edifice is not constructed on the foundations of the old one. For this reason, a revolutionary process must destroy in order to rebuild. This is what we have been doing for two years: reconstructing. Those who wished to rebuild on the old foundations are desolate at the destruction we are causing. After two years, during which the enemies of the revolution have seen facts and the differences between the forces of the past and the forces of the future have become well outlined, it must be understood that we are determined to create a new world. The clash between the old and new worlds was inevitable. Since this clash becomes sharper with the passing of each day it is well to clear up things, to help the people understand our ideas and we must also help the enemies of our people understand our ideas. We are not going to speak today about the advantages of the revolution. We are not going to repeat what the people know perfectly well. We are not going to enumerate to our generous visitors the number of things that the revolution has done. You are not here without reason. You have not embraced the flag of the revolution without justification. The revolution entails destruction of privileges and interests of the wealthy in order to benefit the great majority. (Applause) We will refrain from enumerating these things; let us admit that a clash of interests was inevitable. The revolution is not always understood even by those who benefit from it. There are some men who are genuine sons of the past, products of the past. Part of the people are influenced by that privileged minority because the minority was educated, had political power, monopolized all means of culture, and propagated its own ideas. It tried to model the thoughts of the people at its whim. Sometimes a large part of the mass does not understand the revolution, as, for example, the case of the servant of an expropriated landed estate who demanded to know why his boss's land had been taken away, even though he was a good man. Sometimes the revolution is understood by a large part of the mass. Fortunately that has been the case in Cuba. The struggle of the privileged minority, the struggle of the enemies of the revolution, their principal effort from the first step was to confuse the people. The privileged minority and the large interests affected by the revolution have made great efforts to see that the ones who benefit by the revolution reject the revolution, that the men and women work against the revolution, that the people oppose their revolution. (Shouting, "To the wall!") Revolution Versus Counterrevolution Nevertheless, it was much easier to deceive the peoples abroad, it was much easier to deceive the brother countries of our continent, than our own people because we witnessed the events while the great masses of America, receive a large part of their reports from news agencies that are inveterate enemies of our revolution. Still, those masses which are not witnesses of the events in Cuba are witnesses of their own great sufferings, similar to our sufferings. This explains why the tremendous campaign against our revolution failed, why our revolution has the sympathy of the large masses of Latin Americans. The feeling of suffering has been more powerful than all the deformations of truth that our revolution has suffered. But if we want to understand things as they should be, we should remember that n revolution was free from slander. The deformation of truth and slanders have been the first harvests of all great revolutions in the history of humanity. If we wanted to measure the merit of our revolution and the value of our revolution, it would be enough to observe the enmity of the great reactionary interests of the world. It would be enough to observe the enmity of the world press--the campaign undertaken against Cuba from the first day is enough to demonstrate to the people that our revolution is a great revolution. There is a conflict of great interests. There is an acute struggle against the revolution by the counterrevolution. This struggle was inevitable, and in a revolution the struggles are to the death. Only the dreamers and the ignorant are capable of thinking otherwise. We knew it from the first day and we understand it more clearly every day; due to the experiences gained from the struggle and the revolutionary process, all of us have learned. Nevertheless, since there is no better teacher than events, it was necessary that events teach the great mass of the people, give them a better understanding of what a revolution is and, above all, teach them that a revolution is not a flowery path but that a revolution is a death struggle between the past and the future. The very nature of all revolutionary processes preludes all other alternatives. The clash of interests is too great in a revolution to be otherwise. The old order resists to the death, and the new order, the new society, the new world that is forged in a revolution, clashes with all its energies in order to survive. The struggle for both forces becomes vital: either the counterrevolutionaries destroy the revolution, or the revolution destroys the counterrevolutionaries. (Chanting: "We will conquer") Both forces have their objectives and tactics. Both forces know their resources. The revolution itself generates the forces that oppose it and the counterrevolution has its special support in the large privileged class that has been displaced from political and economic power; it has its support in the large landowners who lost lands, in the big owners who have lost their property, in the large industrialists who have lost their industries, in the top bureaucrats who have lost their sinecures. They have their support in all the parasites of society, and they have their support in the society that is the product of ignorance and exploitation. They are supported by a numerous army of men whom we knew in our country as henchmen, petty politicians, sinecurists, gamblers, drug traffickers, smugglers, white slavers, criminals, those who offered their help to kill the people--the counterrevolutionaries can always count on them. In our country there were special circumstances. The strongest support for counterrevolution did not come from that bunch of miserable parasites, murders, exploiters, and cowards. The strongest support for counterrevolution did not come from that bunch of miserable parasites, murderers, exploiters, and cowards. The strongest support for counterrevolution is a force that makes itself felt all over the world; a very powerful force, so powerful that today it is the principal brake on mankind's progress, so powerful that it creates conflicts throughout the world so powerful that it interferes in problems of many nations, so powerful that i aspires to decide the fate of nations and in many cases does so. The main support of counterrevolution in Cuba is the support of the great imperialist forces. This force is so powerful that among so many American nations, few, very few, political figures and governments can say "no" to id. It is so powerful that the majority of public figures and the immense majority of governing figures of all continents always have to say "yes," and our people said "no." "No" is not said with impunity to the face of such a powerful force. Cubans had to say "no" to imperialism, and imperialism decided to destroy this revolution. The mighty empire decided to destroy the Cuban revolution. The revolution could not but clash with the great empire. Can anybody believe an agrarian reform could be carried out without a clash with imperialism? Could anybody believe it was possible to nationalize public services without clashing with imperialism, or to aspire to having an independent economy and an independent policy? There cannot be anyone so ingenuous, particularly when events have shown us the truth. The counterrevolutionary force found support in imperialism, and the revolution's battle stopped being a battle within national limits and became a battle of our national interest against the interests of imperialism. This fact fulfilled a law of of all revolutions: reaction, defeated in one country, always seeks support from reaction abroad. In the world there is solidarity of reactionary forces. In every revolution, reactionary forces have tried to regain mastery over the country with the support of international reaction. But in this case it was the struggle of David against Goliath, the battle of the small nation against the imperialist giant whose long hand reaches to nations on every continent. Imperialism Leads Counterrevolution The battle of the Cuban revolution became an epic, the epic of a revolution in a small country against the mightiest imperialism of contemporary history. And this mighty imperialism has thrown all its services and all its resources on the side of the counterrevolution. Imperialism became the leader of the counterrevolution, and today we find ourselves engaged in a struggle in which the counterrevolution enjoys the full support of this mighty empire. Maybe this is the greatest merit of our revolution; may be this is the greatest merit that history will concede our revolution: that we are not facing a small enemy, but a very powerful enemy and this powerful enemy has taken it upon itself to sir up things inside our country. Surely, without the efforts of imperialism against our revolution, our country would have no problems. This would be the happiest land in the world, and this would be nation of peace and work. Without imperialistic support, what could be done by the revolution's enemies? They did not even dare to speak out, or challenge the masses of the people, they trembled before the great majority; and yet imperialism shook them out of their fear, gave them hope; imperialism gave them support and resources; but above all it gave them the belief that some day they would be able to dominate the great masses; it made them believe it did not matter what great popular support the revolution had, but that the revolution would be destroyed by imperialism sooner or later. And so they came to believe that one day their imperialist masters would return them to their former places here with false independence. The rotten country of the past was lifted up by the revolution. The revolution swept from public life all the corrupters, the cheating politicians, the criminals and torturers. It swept parasites from national life. It swept away vice, public immorality, theft, crime. It ended hunger, poverty, lack of education. Yet the worms, aided by their imperialist masters pledge themselves to corrupt the nation. They set off bombs. (Shouts of "Firing squad"); they murder innocent children, try to destroy the wealth of the people. Those who yesterday did not set off bombs in the plants when they were owned by foreigners, today set off bombs in plants that belong to the people. Those who yesterday did not sabotage foreign-owned plants, do so today when they are owned by the people; and those who yesterday--when the country's wealth was in the hand of foreigners and the wealth created was not ours--did not commit sabotage and throw phosphorous bombs, do so today. The men who went into the mountains did not use terrorist tactics. We understood that we had a noble aim. Against whom and what are they setting off the bombs? Against the barracks we have converted into schools, against the teachers we have sent to our farmers, against the doctors we have sent to every corner of the country, against the land we have given to the farmer, against the homes we have given to the people, against the 200,000 new jobs the revolution has created for the people? All the men and women here who are employed should raise their hands. We observe that sea of hands and we ask why the counterrevolutionaries are setting off bombs against these working hands that produce the national wealth? They are setting off bombs against our honest men and women, against the clean hands that produce wealth, against those who have human dignity, against soldiers and militia who have never beaten anyone. The cowards, nursed along by imperialism, which had led them to believe that they can triumph, and taking advantage of our humane revolution, have taken on false courage. They know that no one is going to beat and torture them. They know that the revolution suspended the firing squad sometime ago. The revolution has been very generous since it restored the revolutionary courts. The setting off of bombs became alucrative and safe occupation paid for the the American Embassy. CIA and FBI agents have been operating here with impunity. These agents are the ones who have given the terrorists the most modern instruments of destruction. They have supplied the terrorists with high-power explosives and chemical substances. They have given the terrorists every means of destruction and sabotage. They have given hospitality to the criminals who have murdered here, who have stolen planes. They have helped those who have hidden in the five corners of Cuba to cause destruction and havoc. The worms have found a lucrative business: destroy a store or a plant belonging to the people. They are well paid for it by the imperialists; Not much danger is involved. (Shouts of "Firing squad"). The revolution condemned them to prison sentences. If the worms really believe that imperialism is going to take them out of prison and put them in positions of power, they are suffering from illusions. When the revolution succeeded in giving every worker a Christmas bonus, the worms put bombs in places crowded with people and toys for the children on Epiphany. (Cries of "Oh, Oh") Do they believe that they can destroy without punishment the wealth created by the people? The hands of the criminals want to destroy what is produced by the honorable hands of our people, after which they receive the miserable pay from their foreign masters. The worms think than the revolution cannot do away with them, but the revolution which has been able to stop their evils, can also stop these worms. (Applause) CIA Agents in Embassy A group of CIA men in the guise of diplomats have been directing terrorism here. But the Revolutionary Government has ordered that in 48 hours the U.S. Embassy should not have here a single official more than we have in Washington, that is, eleven. (Wild applause) Permit me to finish the thought. The fact that we have established an order while speaking has served in this case to discover a desire of the people. We were not going to say all officials, but not a single official more than the number we have in the United States, which is 11; and these gentlemen have more than 300 officials here, of which 80 percent are spies. If they all want to go, well then, let them go. (Shouts of "Let them go, let them go," and "Cuba si, Yanquis no"). While in the one hand they have been pressuring the Latin/American governments to break relations with us, they, through their diplomatic representation, have sent here a real army of conspiratorial agents and promoters of terrorism, and they have reached such peaks of disrespect for the interest of the people that recently, when we were trying to find some houses to establish a center of training for volunteer teachers, we found that in one of the houses, belonging to one of the gentlemen affected by the revolution, lived three embassy officials who had been given the house when that gentleman went to the United States; and despite the urban reform, those three gentlemen shamefully did not even pay rent. Considering that they have purchased a large part of the money robbed by the war criminals, that is, that they gave dollars for pesos, buying the pesos at a very low price--for them a peso costs 20 centes--some still have been so shameful as to rob the price of house rent from the Cuban people. While they pressured other governments to break with us, they used the embassy to send agents conspirators, and terrorists here, because they have been directing terrorism under the cover of diplomatic immunity. Therefore, the Revolutionary Government adopts the position it expresses here: We will not break with them, but if they want to leave, good luck to them. (Applause) And since the revolution is a struggle to the death between the people who want to advance and the worms who do not, therefore, we proclaim here our decision to adopt severe measures against the worms that serve imperialism. All visitors who have attended this ceremony and commemoration of the second anniversary witness the feelings of our people and are exceptional witnesses that the paid agents of imperialism have been destroying the wealth of the people and the lives of the people. Capital Punishment Decree On Jan. 4 the council of ministers will meet to adopt a very severe law punishing by capital punishment not only the terrorists, but the leaders of the terrorists also severely punishing not only those placing bombs but also those having in their possession explosives of any kind, punishing by capital punishment those who have explosives or inflammable materials to be used for sabotage, punishing acts of sabotage against national resources, and applying the sentences through summary procedures so that within 72 hours of the act of terrorism or sabotage, the terrorists or saboteurs will be sentenced by the revolutionary courts. We know how to liquidate the terrorists. We know who the terrorists are. We know who support the terrorists, what interests are allied with the terrorists. We know that the terrorists hide in homes of the rich. We know what social class supports terrorism. We know how to liquidate terrorism--not only by liquidating the terrorist but all the interests that support the terrorists. And, if we must occupy one by one the homes of the privileged that aid the terrorists, we will occupy the houses of the privileged and place the poor of the capital there to live. They are playing with the revolution and they are incapable of imagining the forces and resources of a revolution. The men who handle the antitank batteries are worker militiamen of 20 to 30 thirty years of age. The craft men average 17 years of age. The men who handle the bazookas are members of youth brigades who have scaled Turquino Peak, men of the people, men of humble origins who are today the pride of the nation. Every soldier of the rebel army and every militiaman of those special combat battallions, whose firepower is equal to that of a division during the last war, are men who know their destiny. And the honest and worthy men and women of this country also know what their destiny is. (Chanting) So do the thousands of members of the youth brigades, the teachers who [Unreadable text] here, and every worker. That is the destiny we have chosen and it is a destiny that does not admit of alternatives. That is why we are alert. The danger hovering over our fatherland does not frighten, but rather encourages the people. We will experience days of danger, of real danger, and the responsibility will not fall solely on this administration but also on the President-elect of the United States. For if they think they are going to place the responsibility on the current administration, we proclaim that no aggression would ever be carried out without the complicity of the new leaders elected in the United States. We hope for some rectifications from the new administration. We know that world political conditions and the circumstances of the change to take place in the United States compel the new administration to adopt a more sensible and calmer policy unless it wants to lead the world to a true hecatomb, an apocalyptic holocuast. Today we are running the same risks the world runs--the risk of war, and the world knows who is always taking the world to the brink of atomic war. Mankind has the right to harbor hopes that a minimum of common sense will lead the new shapers of U.S. policy to adopt a saner, more sensible attitude,for no interest, much less the bastard interests of the monopolies, the selfish, repugnant interest of the monopolies, justifies mankind's having to live amid the anxiety and nightmares presented by the consequences good sense in those men, and the world has a right to hope that these 18 days will go by without the rotten leadership of the current administration leading the United States to the most criminal, shameful, cowardly, and repugnant of its acts. We have accepted all the contingencies of this struggle. We are ready to face calmly whatever is necessary. Therefore thee is nothing uncertain for us in the choice of our road. Everything that awaits us in the future is assured, for we have mapped out for ourselves a line of conduct, and great destiny awaits us and the nation. We will never be defeated. For those who are defending a just cause there is no defeat. Along with the destiny of our country, they will be risking the destiny of the world, of mankind. Mankind will continue forward; nobody can doubt that, mankind will conquer evil, mankind will conquer injustice. What we do not know is what the price will be, what mankind will be forced to pay by the retrogressive forces of the world, for the fulfillment of its hopes. Mankind is struggling so that it will have to pay a catastrophic price to attain a world without slaves, without exploiters and the exploited. One need only look at history to understand that those who now behave like terrorists and provocateurs are inexorably doomed to defeat, as was fascism and nazism. We hope the men who have some influence on U.S. decisions will have the necessary minimum of good sense. The destiny of the world is now at stake. Aggression against our country would meet with stubborn resistance; it would also be an aggression against the world, a world which will not abandon us. We know that we are not alone. We are sure that aggression by imperialism on Cuba would bring abut its own destruction. But we do not want the imperialists to commit suicide at our expense. We do not think only of Cuba--that would be selfish--we also think sadly of the sacrifices aggression against our country would mean for other peoples. Today as we go home or to our posts we must take with us the feeling that we are going through a tremendously important hour in the history of our country and of the world; we must carry away the conviction that our slogan of "Fatherland or death" is not just a slogan on behalf of our country but of mankind as well. -END-