-DATE- 19610105 -YEAR- 1961 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- SPEECH -AUTHOR- F. CASTRO -HEADLINE- SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF THE CUBAN REVOLUTION -PLACE- HAVANA -SOURCE- REVOLUCION -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- 19610105 -TEXT- CASTRO SPEECH ON SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF THE CUBAN REVOLUTION Source: Revolucion, Havana, 5 January 1961 In view of the exceptional circumstances under which Fidel Castro delivered his vigorous and extremely important address to commemorate the second anniversary of the Cuban revolution and in answer to the interventionalist threats of the Yankee imperialists and the counterrevolutionary planters of bombs and active phosphorates, Revolucion is publishing its text in full so that the millions of Cubans who heard him can strengthen their patriotism and their determination to defend their fatherland with their guns and bare hands by reading the words of Fidel Castro. If the haughty millionaires in the "Filthy House" in Washington, the insane militarists in the Pentagon and the Wall Street monopolists have had any illusions about the acts of counterrevolutionary sabotage they have directed and carried out within our country, believing that they can intervene, because they will find some shameless and abject allies here, they had their answer here in the thousands and thousands of men parading with rifles, anti-tank guns, machine guns, anti-aircraft weapons, and in the vigorous address by Fidel Castro. Visitors from all countries, who are encouraging and honoring us with their presence at this ceremony, and Cubans all; Once again we have met in this great plaza, which has always been filed with the warmth and the enthusiasm of our people. However, there are many who are not present: there is a large part of the mass of the people, who cannot be with us as they always have been at this moment, because other duties demand their attention. Nor can the men who paraded before the people for almost nine hours (applause) be with us here, because they left their jobs to march and they have gone back to their jobs (applause). Nor can the dozens of thousands of militiamen, who kept vigilant watch over the fatherland while they marched, so that the enemy could not make capital of today's commemoration to extract some possible advantage from it, be with us (applause). Thus, many thousands of good Cubans, of robust workers, who have always contributed, through their presence and their revolutionary fervor, the tone of enthusiasm which has always characterized these gatherings, are lacking. However, we have witnessed the usual enthusiasm. And the unusual presence of Cuban women is due to the fact that since many men could not come tonight, their wives came, and their daughters came, and their sisters came, to take their places (applause). We have come today to commemorate the second anniversary of our revolution. All of us recall that day two years ago when the revolution, properly speaking, began. Perhaps many of those who enjoyed privileged situations in our society believed that there would not be a revolution. It is possible that they did not even have any idea of what a revolution was. Those who did not want and whose interests were not served by a revolution, those who could never accept the revolution, are not with us today. Those who did indeed understand the need for a revolution, or who have come during the passage of these two years to understand this need, those who have seen, those who have had the unusual opportunity to see what a revolution is, at the end of two years, after two years, are here with the same enthusiasm as on that first day (applause). This enthusiasm (it began to rain gently, and the audience began to shout: "Put on your coat!"). I hope that the rain will not hinder the ceremony tonight. (The public shouted "We are getting wet!") I believe that indeed you will get wet, but in that case, I had better get wet with you (shouts of "No!" Dr. Castro took off the coat he had put on, and the crowd immediately shouted "Put it on, put it on!" and "Cover yourself up!:). Comrades. We understand perfectly that under other circumstances it might be more or less important if we got wet. What we have difficulty understanding is why at a time such as this, when the fatherland is in danger, in moments such as these when all of the people are ready to give their lives to defend their cause (applause), if at times of danger to our country, such as these, when those of us who lead the people are ready, together with the people, if we are all ready together, we, above all, because this is our duty, why it is worth concern at a time like this if a few drops of water fall on us (applause and shouts of "Cover yourself up!" Dr. Castro put the coat on again). If we cannot persuade you with reason, and we believe that we are right in what we are saying, we will not argue further. In any case the ceremony, the time, the minutes and the things about which we must think tonight are of much greater importance. We spoke of those who did not understand and could not understand the revolution, and of those who did understand it. First of all, a revolution does not come about without a reason. Those who believe that we are the cause of the revolution are mistaken. Those who caused the revolution, paradoxically, are those who could never want a revolution (applause). There would not have been a revolution if there had not been so much injustice against our people. It is proper to start with the fact that the blame for the fact that our country is engaged in a revolution must be assigned to the great abuses committed against our people for so many years, to the exploitation to which the country was subjected, to which it had always been subjected. Any one can understand that without these circumstances, there would not have been any reason for a revolution in our country. The revolution, then, was a necessity, and the revolution is being carried out and will be carried out (applause)! What is a revolution? Is it perhaps a peaceful and calm process? Is it perhaps a rosy path? A revolution is the most complex and the most convulsive of all historical events. It is an infallible law of all revolutions, and history teaches that no true revolution can ever fail to be an extraordinarily convulsive process. If it is not, it is not a revolution. Even the foundations of a society are affected, and only a revolution can affect the foundations, and the pillars upon which a social order rest are shaken, and only a revolution can shake them. If these foundations are not affected, the revolution could not take place, because a revolution is something like the raising of an old building in order to put up a new one (applause). The new building cannot be built on the foundations of the old. Thus, the revolution in its process must destroy in order to build (applause). And this is what we have been doing during the two years -- destroying the foundations of the building. Thus, those who wanted that old building which is being destroyed by the revolution, the structure representing their privileges and the extraordinary advantages they enjoyed at the expense of the others, are watching the demolition we are carrying out sadly and in discouragement. And the revolutionaries, who feel no nostalgia for the past, and who have their eyes fixed on the future and only on the future, we are living in the hope, in the encouragement and in the inspiration provided us by the new social edifice we are building (applause). And in these two years, while the enemies of the revolution have advanced from words to deed, the facts have increasingly clearly revealed the conflict between these two criteria, between these two forces: those of the past and those of the future, those who cling to yesterday and those of us who cling to tomorrow, those who did not want change, those who wanted the continuation of a system and an existence in which the most inconceivable injustices were inherent, and those of us who are determined to create a new world for our people (applause). The conflict between the old world and the new world was inevitable, and as this conflict is growing sharper every day, it was necessary to clarify ideas for the people, but not only to help the people to understand, for we must clarify ideas for the enemies of the people as well (applause). We are not going to speak of the benefits of the revolutionary here today. There is no need to repeat here what the people know perfectly well, what everyone of you has seen and experienced. There is no need for us to enumerate to our generous visitors the number of things the revolution has done. You are not here without reason. You have not embraced the flag of the revolution without justification. Everyone knows that revolutions entail the destruction of privileges and the interest of exploiting minorities and serve the interests and the rights and the aspirations of the vast oppressed or exploited majorities (applause). We will set aside these enumerations, and we will state and analyze why a conflict of interest was inevitable, why the interests of the majority and the interests of the privileged minority had to clash. Even those who receive its benefits do not always understand the revolution. It is possible that some of those who benefit from a revolution are not even capable of understanding it. There are some men who are true sons of the past, a product of the past. This privileged minority exerts an influence over a part, which may be a smaller or larger part, of the people because it was the minority which received an education, which held political power, which monopolized all the media for culture and the promulgation of ideas, and which tried to model the thinking of the people to its thinking. Some times a large part of the masses fails to understand the revolution, as in the case of the slave who was exploited in a country in which agrarian reform was undertaken, and who exclaimed: "Why are they taking the land away from my master, if he is a good one?" (Applause.) In other cases, however, a revolution is understood by the majority of the masses, and fortunately, this has been the case in Cuba (applause). And the struggle of the privileged minority, the struggle of the enemies of the revolution, which has from the very first been designed to confuse the people, has failed. The privileged minority and the great interests which were affected by the revolution have made an extraordinary effort to persuade those very people who have profited from the revolution, the men and women liberated by the revolution, to plot against it. They have tried to turn the people freed by the revolution against their revolution (shouts of: "To the wall!"). And this is invariably the tactic of the dominant classes when they are removed from power. Anyone who analyzes how the people are deceived, for example, how through systematic false propaganda it is possible to confuse great national groups, if one understands, for example, the tragedy of the United States, the people of which are systematically deprived of all true information by the monopolistic news agencies, one can see how the most powerful thought media, which exert an influence on the ideas of the peoples, are systematically used by these dominant minorities in order to perpetrate the most criminal deception upon the people. One can understand the hopes the enemy of our revolution places in the idea of confusing a part of the people. However, it was much easier to deceive foreign peoples, the brotherly peoples of our continent, than our own people, because we were witnesses to the events, while the news received by the great masses in America comes through the agencies which are the declared enemies of our revolution. However, these masses, who are not witnesses the events happening in Cuba, are nonetheless witnessing the suffering to which these peoples are subjected and to which we were subjected, and this is the only explanation for the fact that despite the tremendous campaign waged against our revolution, our Cuban revolution has the sympathy of the broad masses of the brotherly peoples of Latin America (applause). The perception of suffering itself has been more powerful than all the distortions of truth to which our revolution has been subjected. But if we want to understand things as they should be, we must remember that no revolution has been spared slander. There are circumstances which repeat themselves so inexplorably that it is virtually useless for us to hope to be free of them. The distortion of truth, the worst slander and the worst kind of attack have been the first harvest of all the great revolutions in the history of mankind. If we wanted to measure the merit of our revolution and its courage, it would suffice to measure the hatred of it felt by the great reactionary interests in the world. It would suffice to observe the hatred the worst and vilest exploiter among the modern imperialists feels for it (shouts of "out!"). It would suffice to note the hatred of the most reactionary press in the world for our revolution, the tremendous campaign of slander which it began to promote against it from the very first. This will help us to see, to the great satisfaction of our people, that our revolution,too, will go down in history as a great one (applause). But no revolution can be free of these inevitable evils -- slander, distortion of the truth, aggression. We should not believe that we can escape these things or any of the other inevitable consequences of any true revolution, because this is a true revolution (applause)! The conflict of great interests is inevitable. The bitter struggle between the revolution and the counterrevolution is inevitable. The struggle to the death between these two forces was inevitable, and within a revolution, all struggles are to the death (applause). Only dreamers and the ignorant can imagine otherwise. We have known this since the very first, and we understand it more clearly every day thanks to the experience the struggle provides and because of what one learns in a revolutionary process, as we have all learned, you and we (applause). However, as there is no better teacher than the facts, it was necessary for the facts to teach us. It was necessary for the facts themselves to lead the people, the great mass of the people, to a better understanding of what a revolution is, to understand above all and first of all, that a revolution is not a bed of roses, a revolution is a struggle to the death between the future and the past (applause). The very nature of any revolutionary process makes any other alternative impossible. The conflict of interest is too acute within a revolution for things to be otherwise. The old order always resists death, and the new order, the new society, the new world which is forged by a revolution fights with all its energy to survive (applause). The struggle becomes a vital matter for both forces. Either the counterrevolutionaries destroys the revolution, or the revolution destroys the counterrevolutionaries (applause and shouts of "we will triumph!"). Both forces have their goals and their tactics. Both forces know what the resources they have are. Every counterrevolutionary movement represents a force, and there can be no revolution which does not generate a force opposed to it. The revolution itself generates the forces which combat it. And the counterrevolutionary movement finds its social support among the great privileged interests which have been ousted from economic and political power. It finds its support among the great estate owners who have lost their lands, the great landowners who have lost their properties, the great industrialists who have lost their factories, the great bureaucrats who have lost their sinecures. It finds its support in all the parasites existing in society. (Shouts of "out!"). It finds its support in the social scum which is the product of ignorance and exploitation. The counterrevolutionary movement has the support of all the parasites and all the social scum (shouts of "out!:), that sometimes large army of elements which thrive on what is rotten, the large army of men who were satellite parasites, small parasites in orbit around the great ones, and whom we know in our country as the hired ruffians (shouts of "out!:), spies, petty politicians, men who lived off vice, either gambling, traffic in drugs, smuggling, white slavery or crime, or from the rental of their strength to the powerful ones, whose privileges they defended and for whom they killed and oppressed the people -- all of this social mass, including all the cowards, all of those who are vicious, all of those who are miserable, all of those who are parasites, support the counterrevolutionaries (shouts of "to the wall!"). But in our country there was also a very special circumstance, because the most powerful support of the counterrevolutionaries, their main force, was not this mass of the miserable, the parasites, the exploiters, the assassins, the vicious and the cowardly. The main support of the counterrevolutionary came from a force which has made itself felt throughout the world, a very powerful force, so powerful today that it is the main hindrance to the progress of mankind, so powerful that it is creating conflicts in all the continents of the world, so powerful that it is interfering in the affairs of a majority of the nations in the world, so powerful that it seeks to determine and in many cases does determine the state of other peoples. The basic support of the counterrevolutionaries in Cuba was inevitably that of the great foreign monopolies, that is to say, the support of the great imperialist forces. This force is so powerful that how many governments are there is America which can say no to it? How many politicians can say no to it? This force is so powerful that there are very, very few politicians among the various peoples of America who can say no to it, and the governments which can deny it are true exceptions. This force is so powerful that the majority of the men in public office, and the vast majority of the government leaders on this continent and the others in the world always have to say yes. And our people say to the powerful force to which so many say yes, our people say no (applause and shouts of: "Cuba, yes, Yankee, no"). But it is not easy to say the word no to a powerful force. The peoples cannot say no to the face of a powerful empire with impunity. This no to the imperialists had of necessity to be the Cuban revolution, and the imperialists decided to destroy this revolution which said no, refusing to joint he infamous chorus of those who had always said yes. The powerful empire decided upon the destruction of the Cuban revolution. The Cuban revolution inevitably clashed with the powerful empire. Is there a naive individual in the world who believes that agrarian reform could be undertaken, that the land could be taken from the great imperialist companies without a conflict with imperialism? Is there any naive individual in this world who believes that public services could be nationalized without a clash with the imperialists? Is there any naive individual who believes that it is possible to aspire to an independent economy and an independent political life without a conflict with imperialism? It is hardly likely that such a naive individual could exist, particularly since events have been teaching us the truth. Thus, the counterrevolutionary forces found their support in imperialism, and the struggle of the Cuban revolution ceased to be a struggle within the national framework, and became a struggle of our national interest against those of the imperialists. And this reflected a law governing all revolutions: the reactionaries who are defeated in a country always seek the support of foreign reactionary forces. Reactionary solidarity exists in the world, and in all revolutions, the reactionary classes have always tried to regain domination of a country with the support of the international reactionaries. But in this case, it became a struggle between David and Goliath: the struggle of a small people against the imperialist giant, whose vast hands can reach the peoples of all of the continents of the world. The struggle of the Cuban revolution became an epoch, the epoch of a revolution taking place in a small country, struggling against the most powerful empire of modern times, and this powerful empire has placed every resource and every facility in the hands of the counterrevolutionaries. The imperialists became the leaders of the counterrevolution, and at this moment we are engaged in a struggle in which the counterrevolutionaries have the full support of this powerful empire. Perhaps this is the greatest merit of our revolution. Perhaps this is the great merit which history will assign to our revolution -- the fact that it did not face a small enemy, but a very powerful one, and this powerful enemy undertook to "restore the rule of the abject" here in our country (applause). And the abject individuals stirred to life, became active again. Quite certainly, without the effort the imperialists have made against our revolution, our country would not have the slightest problem, this would be the happiest land in the world, and this would be a nation of peace and work. Without imperialist support, what could the enemies of the revolution do? The enemies of the revolution would not even dare raise their voices. The enemies of the revolution would not even dare to challenge the great mass of the people. The enemies of the revolution tremble before the people, tremble before the great majority of the people, but the imperialists took away this fear, the imperialists gave them hope, the imperialists gave them support and resources, but above all, they gave them the belief that one day they would be able to dominate this great mass, they made them believe that it does not matter how great the popular support of the revolution was, that sooner or later the revolution would be destroyed by the imperialists and then they, the abject ones, could rise to power over the lost hopes and ideals of our people. (Applause) And the abject ones indeed believe that one day their imperial masters would place them here again, with a little flag they claim as a national emblem, with the hymn they claim as the national anthem, and with a mark on the map to promote the fiction that the abject govern and that they give the orders. But these people could not live except on that which is rotten, and they could neither exist nor serve as the tools of imperialism, except in the corrupt world and environment in which our people lived before the bright day of 1 January 1959 (applause). And the revolution was able to raise up this country, eaten away by rot. The revolution was able to raise up the country, which was the setting for all political vices, all kinds of crimes. The revolution was able to block all the abject individuals from public life. The revolution was able to block all the petty politicians from public life. The revolution was able to block all the criminals and tortures from national life. The revolution was able to block all the parasites from national life. The revolution was able to do away with the vicious and the vices. The revolution was able to do away with all the public immoralities. The revolution was able to do away with theft, with crime, with hunger, with misery, with ignorance (applause). (Shouts of "Fidel, Fidel!"). The revolution was able to do away with banditry, with dishonor, with lies, with treason, with injustice, with exploitation (applause and shouts of "to the wall!"). The revolution was able to do away with the shameful submission to foreign interests and the revolution was able to liquidate these foreign interests (applause). The revolution was able to do away with prejudice, with unjust and cruel discrimination (applause). The revolution was able to create hope in the people, to awaken in the sleeping people the most noble aims and ideals (applause and shouts of "we will triumph!"). The revolution was capable of awakening national shame and reviving and giving rebirth to the extraordinary virtues of our people. And from a past in which life was a shame, a past in which life was without hope, the revolution brought to the country to a time in which it is a great honor to be a son of this nation (applause and shouts of "Cuba, yes, Yankees, no!"). The revolution awakened the moral sense of the people. The revolution awakened human solidarity in the men and women of our people. The revolution did away with egotism and made generosity the main virtue of each citizen. The revolution gathered the best of the nation. The revolution cleaned house, the revolution purified, the revolution made the country decent, the revolution redeemed the country. But the abject ones cannot resign themselves, and they, aided by their imperialist masters and entirely in their service, paid in the miserable gold of the imperialists, are dedicated to corrupting the country, of working to return the country to corruption and slime. They place bombs (shouts of "to the wall!"), murder innocent children, injure women and men without consideration, and attempt to destroy the wealth of the people. Those who did not place bombs in factories yesterday when they were the property of exploiting farmers do so now that they are the property of the people. (Shouts of "to the firing wall!"). Those who in the past did not sabotage industries which were owned by foreign enterprises or millionaires sabotaged them today when they are owned by the people. Those who yesterday, when the national economy was in foreign hands, when the wealth of our fatherland served to swell the fabulous fortunes of the foreign monopolies, when the bread produced by the sweat of our people was not for us, when the wealth created through the work of the people was not for the benefit of the people, did not sabotage, did not plant bombs, did not spread active phosphorous, did not attack now do so, when everything belongs to the people. We, the men who were in the mountains, never have adopted the tactics of terror. We have felt a real revulsion for these methods. But nonetheless we could understand that the young people wanted to destroy enterprises which were not national, but foreign, and a means of exploiting the people, that they wanted to destroy wealth which was not Cuban, but foreign. We could understand that young people rebelled with hatred against vice, against crime, against plunder. We could understand how they felt hatred for the assassins, the thieves, the torturers. We could understand that they had a noble aim. But today, against whom are the planting the bombs? Against the scrupulous and absolute honor of the men governing the republic? (Applause). Against whom are they planting the bombs? Against the barracks we have converted into schools? (Applause). Against whom are they planting the bombs? Against the teachers we have sent to our rural people? (Applause). Against whom are they planting the bombs? Against the doctors we have sent to every corner of the country? (Applause). Against whom are they planting the bombs? Against the lands we have given to the peasants? (Applause). Against the homes we have provided for the people? (Applause). Against whom are they planting the bombs? Against the 200,000 new employees to whom the revolution has given jobs? (Applause). I would like all the men and women who are here and who work to raise their hands (the men and the women of the people raised their hands). Look at this sea of hands! This is what the revolution has done! And we ask ourselves, for whom are the bombs meant? For these hands which labor, these hands which produce the national wealth? (Prolonged applause and shouts of "to the firing wall!"). The bombs are meant for the clean hands of those who create, the honest men and women of our people, the men who are fulfilling their duty nobly and gallantly, the men who have learned to respect the human individual. Those who did not attack the ruffians want to murder soldiers, militiamen and men who have never struck a single citizen, who have never put hand on anyone (applause)! The cowards encouraged by the imperialists have filled themselves with the false bravery which leads them to believe that the abject ones, protected by the powerful, can triumph. The cowards have filled themselves with the false bravery allowed by the fact that the revolution has been generous and extraordinarily humane. The abject ones have filled themselves with false courage because they know of the concern the revolution has devoted to avoiding strict measures, severe measures. The abject ones have filled themselves with false valor. They know that no representative of the authorities will strike them or torture them. They know that this is an immovable principle of the revolution. But since, moreover, the revolution decided one day to abandon the revolutionary courts and suspend the executions, and although later it reestablished the revolutionary courts, it was very generous and very tolerant with the counterrevolutionaries and traitors, what happened? What happened was that the abject ones carried on as they pleased. Planting bombs and engaging in sabotage became a lucrative business, and a safe one. If they were not caught, they received the splendid funds with which the American Embassy paid terrorists here (shouts of "out!"). If they were not caught, there is a crowd of agents of the CIA, the FBI and the Pentagon here who are operating with impunity (shouts of "out!") and it is these agents who have given the terrorists the most modern tools of destruction. It is they who have supplied the terrorists with high power explosives, with very effective chemical substances, with all the tools of destruction and sabotage. It is they who have supplied the terrorists from bases there, in US territory, and their planes are constantly harassing our fields and our cities. It is they who have given hospitality there to the criminals, to those who have murdered soldiers here and who have gone to hide there, those who have stolen planes even at the cost of passengers' lives. It is they who have been constantly sending weapons to various parts of Cuba in an attempt to promote insurrections, and it is they, above all, who have encouraged these miserable abject individuals. Thus, they have found a lucrative business -- destroying a people's factory, a people's shop has become a task for which the imperialists pay well. If they are caught, they have no problems in the police stations, and also the revolution has not executed them (shouts of "to the firing wall!" and "now, yes!"). The revolution sentenced them to prison, but as the counterrevolutionaries believe blindly that the imperialists will get them out of jail and place them in power, they are full of illusions. And the history of revolution teaches that in this sharp battle of interests the counterrevolutionaries are not concerned with prison sentence, because they live with an ambition, they live with the hope of receiving their sinecures some day, and what is important to them is to live, because they believe that the powerful foreign master who aids them will rescue them from prison and will save them. This is a harsh truth, but it is a truth. The prison sentences do not frighten the abject ones, they believe that they will spend only a few days in prison. And for this reason, with the greatest impudence, even in these days when there has not been a single family which has not had enough, what is necessary to spend a few happy and tranquil days (applause), when the revolution has managed to give all the workers an end-of-the-year bonus, they have planted bombs in crowd-filled establishments, and they have burned warehouses full of Twelfth Night toys for children (shouts of "to the firing wall!"). And they believe that they can destroy with impunity the wealth that the people create with their work and their clean and honorable hands. The hands of the abject ones want to destroy what the hands of the honest men, the men and women workers of our country, produce, in order to collect their miserable pay from their foreign masters. The abject ones believe that the revolution cannot do away with them, and the revolution, which has done away with many evils, knows how to do away with them also (applause)! The revolution has had great patience. The revolution has allowed a number of agents of the CIA, disguised as diplomatic employees of the American Embassy, to remain here plotting and promoting terrorism. But the revolutionary government has decided that within 48 hours, the Embassy of the United States here will not have a single employee more than we have (interruption of a prolonged ovation) allow me (ovation continues) allow me to complete my thought. The fact that we made this statement in a certain way served the purpose of discovering the desires of the people. We were not going to say all of the employees, but not one employee more than the number we have in the United States, in other words, 11 (applause). And these gentlemen here have more than 300 employees, of whom 80% are spies (shouts of "let them go!") if they all want to go (shouts of "let them go!") then let them go!. (Shouts of "let them go!"), "Cubans, yes, Yankees, no!" and "Down with Caimanera!"). While on the one hand they are exerting pressure to persuade the governments of the Latin American peoples to break off relations with us, they, through their diplomatic representation, have brought a real army of spy agents and promoters of terrorism here. And in recent days they have gone so far in lack of respect for the interests of the people, that in making investigations in search of some houses in which to establish a voluntary teachers' training center, we found three Embassy employees living in a house left them by a gentleman who had gone to the United States, and despite the urban reform, these three gentlemen were living there openly without even paying rent (shouts and whistles). We must realize that they had purchased a large part of the money stolen by the war criminals, that is to say, they gave them dollars, purchasing pesos at a very low price, at 20 cents each, and some have been so shameless as to steal the price of the rent of a house from the people of Cuba (shouts of "out!"). And while they exert pressure on other governments to break off relations with us, they use the Embassy to introduce spy agents and terrorists here, because they have been directing the terrorism under the cover of diplomatic immunity. For this reason, the revolutionary government is adopting this position I have set forth here. We will not break off relations with them, but if they want to go, so much the better (applause)! And as the revolution is a struggle to the death between the people who want to advance and the abject ones who want to cast us back into corruption, there is, as we have said, no alternative to the revolution: either the counterrevolution will annihilate the revolution, or the revolution will annihilate the counterrevolution (applause). Either the counterrevolutionaries will wipe out the revolutionaries, or those of us who are revolutionaries will wipe out the counterrevolutionaries (applause). And therefore, we proclaim here our readiness to adopt severe measures against the abject ones in the service of imperialism (applause). All of the guests present at this ceremony and at this commemoration of the second anniversary are special witnesses to the feeling of our people (applause) and to the fact that the paid agents of imperialism have destroyed the wealth of the people and are destroying the lives of the people. Our visitors are witnesses to the fact that a small country, undertaking the true revolution against the opposition of an enemy as powerful as the imperialists, who have such a volume of economic resources for bribery and the purchasing of consciences, such resources with which to corrupt, such technical resources with which to destroy, the Cuban revolution finds itself faced with the vital necessity of annihilating the terrorists and the counterrevolutionaries (applause and shouts of "to the firing wall!"). And on the fourth of next month the Council of Ministers will meet to approve a very severe law providing for capital punishment not only for terrorists, but for the leaders of the terrorists (applause), severely punishing not only the planting of bombs, but the possession of explosives of any nature (applause), authorizing capital punishment for those in possession of explosives and inflammable substances used in sabotage (applause), for every act of terrorism against the revolution, and every act of sabotage of our national wealth (applause), and authorizing the application of these penalties by means of summary procedures, such that 72 hours after the discovery of an act of terrorism or sabotage (applause), the terrorists or saboteur will be penalized by the revolutionary government (applause). We know how to liquidate the terrorists, we know who the terrorists are, we know who supports the terrorists, what the interests here which are allied with the terrorists are. We know that the terrorists hide in homes of privileged gentlemen or whose affected by the revolution. We now that the terrorists hide in the homes of the rich, we know what social class supports the terrorism, we know how to liquidate terrorism, liquidating not only the terrorists, but doing away with the last privilege and the last economic interests of those who support the terrorists (applause). And if we have to take possession of the homes of the privileged individuals who aid the terrorists, we will take possession of them, one after the other, and establish school centers there, or put the inhabitants of the poor quarters which still remain in the capital to live there (applause)! We know how to take the social fortresses which support the counterrevolution, and if we have to take over an entire quarter, we will do so (applause). You can be certain that for each privileged individual who lives in a luxurious home there are ten families here which live in a single room (applause). In saying this, we set forth our determination to liquidate the counterrevolution, to liquidate the counterrevolutionaries, to destroy all of the support of the counterrevolution and the terrorists (applause). And therefore, this year will be one of struggle, a year of hard battle, but this year we will liquidate the counterrevolutionaries (applause and shouts of "we will triumph!")! They are trifling with the revolution, and they cannot imagine the strength and the resources of a revolution. The revolution is preparing to defend itself against its enemies. These weapons you have seen paraded here, which are only a small part of the weapons the people have, because here only a small part of the forces the nation has to defend itself parade, but you were witnesses to the bravery, the martial aspect and the enthusiasm of these women and men. We should mention here that these men have for months given up their periods of leisure, and in some cases they have given up the warmth of their homes to take courses lasting several months, sometimes without seeing their families, in order to train themselves in the handling of these weapons (applause). The men who handle the anti-tank batteries are all worker-militiamen, 20 to 30 years of age (applause). The men handling the heavy mortars are worker-militiamen under 25 (applause). The men handling the anti-aircraft guns are young men whose average age is 17 (applause). The young men handling the bazookas are members of the youth brigades who have climbed to Turquino Peak five times and have passed extremely rigorous tests (applause). They are men of the people, men of humble origin, who were today, parading before the illustrious visitors who are our guests, the pride of the nation (applause). They know, as the poet Neruda said, that our battle is their battle, and that our victory is the victory of the brotherly, peoples of America (applause). And they will go away with an unforgettable memory of what they have seen today. What have they seen? A traditional military parade? No. Our people have never applauded an military parade when the weapons were in the hands of those who used privilege against the people. The people, on the other hand, massively applauded the parade of their armed forces: the people applauded the tanks, the guns (applause), because they are their tanks, their guns, because they are their weapons for defending all that the revolution has won for them. And they are not defended by a military caste, but by the weapons of the humble workers and peasants, who have learned to handle guns and other weapons more perfectly than the privileged ever did. And the abject ones, the privileged individuals, the parasites and the children of the parasites who want to hoist the shameful banner of crime and betrayal of the fatherland -- let them realize that they will not have little boys to deal with, but that they will be faced with men (applause) who know labor and sacrifice! And if they still believe that imperialism will raise them to power, if they harbor illusions, let them know what they should know. We hope that no one doubts that these men who have paraded here are men ready to die (applause). The people are much stronger than any oligarchy. The people are much more powerful than any minority interests, and if they hope that here, supported by the imperialists, they will be able to cause bloodshed and to oppress the fatherland, let them know that they will find nothing, they will not take a single building intact, they will not find a single house intact, because we will defend each building with automatic weapons, with machine guns, with bazookas and with cannons (applause)! And we will defend each building and each house from the roof to the cellar, and when there is not a wall left standing, we will defend the ruins of the houses (applause)! And in each building and each fortress there will be one of us, in each building and each group of men there will be a leader who will never surrender (applause) and who will fight to the last bullet and will then fight on (applause)! These men who wear on their sleeves the honorable insignia of rebel officers or militia officers are men who know what their fate is (applause), and each rebel army soldiers in these units you have seen parade here today, each militiaman in the special combat battalions, whose firepower is equal to the firepower of an entire division in the last war (applause), is a man who knows what his fate is. The honorable and worthy men and women of this country are men and women who know what their fate is (applause), and each one of the thousands of members of the juvenile brigades is a young person who knows what his fate is. Each one of the teachers who has paraded here is a man or woman who knows what his fate is, and each of the workers who paraded here, or who did not parade because he was in a trench, and each of the workers who are here, each of the modest men of this country is a man who knows what his fate is (applause). This is the destiny we have chosen, and it is one to which there is no alternative. For this reason, we wait, confident and alert, calm and determined. The danger which hovers over the fatherland does not frighten us, but emboldens the people (applause). We wait confident, we await whatever may come with confidence. However criminal and treasonable the blow may be, it does not frighten us. We will live through days of danger, real danger, and the responsibility will fall not only to this administration, but to the president-elect of the United States, because if they believe that they can push the blame on the present administration, we warn them that no attack could ever be carried out without the complicity of the new government leaders elected in the United Sates (applause). We hope for some corrections on the part of the new administration. We know that the political circumstances in the world and the circumstances of the change which will take place in the United States will force the new administration to adopt a more sensible and calmer policy if it does not want to lead the world toward real slaughter and an apocalyptic holocaust (applause). Today we are in the same danger as the rest of the world, we are running the risks the rest of the world is running,and the world is running the risk of a war. The world knows who is always pushing mankind to the brink of atomic war. There are many places where these enemies of mankind and of peace have created zones of conflict, and mankind has the right to nurture the hope that a maximum of good sense will lead the new political leaders of the United States toward a more cautions and sensible attitude, because no interest, much less the bastard interests of the monopolies, the egotistical and repugnant interests of the monopolies, can justify forcing mankind to live in the nightmare and the anguish involved in the consequences of a war. The world has a right to hope that there will be a minimum of sense on the part of these men, and the world has a right to hope that in the coming eighteen days the rotten leadership of the current administration will not push the United States into the most criminal, the most shameful, the most cowardly and the most repugnant of all its actions (applause)! We have accepted all of the contingencies of this struggle. Calmly, we are prepared to face what it is necessary to face. Therefore, there is no uncertain path for us. For us, all the paths, that is to say, all that we will do and all that we hope for in the future, are known, because we have established a line for ourselves and whatever our fate may be, it will certainly be a great one, because the destiny of peoples who triumph is great and the destiny of peoples who know how to die rather than accept defeat is great (extensive applause)! We will never be conquered. For those of us who defend a just cause, defeat does not exist (applause)! And along with the fate of our country, they are trifling with the fate of the world, they are putting the fate of mankind in danger. Humanity will continue to advance, no one can doubt this. Man will triumph over evil. Mankind will triumph over all injustices. What we do not know is what the price will be, what victory will cost, what the backward and reactionary forces of the world will make mankind pay for its triumph, for the fulfillment of its hopes. How much will humanity have to pay? This is the question mankind asks today with real uncertainty, and which mankind views with justified concern. Humanity is fighting to be spared a truly catastrophic price for its advance to a world without colonies, without slaves, without the exploited and the exploiters (extensive applause)! Mankind will triumph, no one doubts it, whatever the price may be. One need only examine history to understand that those in the modern world who are acting as the warmongers, the provocators do, are inevitably condemned to defeat, as fascism was condemned and as Nazism was condemned, but mankind paid a very high price. Would that there were in these men who in some way influence the decisions of the United States a minimum of common sense which would give the humanity, which wants peace and does not want war, a little hope (applause)! The destiny of the world is at stake now, and an attack upon our country, which would give rise to adamant and prolonged resistance, would be an attack upon the world, which will not leave us to fight alone (applause)! Because we know what we are not alone, because w know and we are certain that an imperialist attack upon Cuba would lead them to their own destruction. But nonetheless, we do not want them to commit suicide at our expense (applause)! And we are not thinking only of Cuba, for this would be egotistical. We are thinking also and with sadness of the sacrifices which an attack upon our country would involve for other peoples, the dangers it would mean for mankind, because above man, above individuals, there are nations, and above nations stands mankind (applause)! Thus, today, as we return to our homes or to our jobs, we must realize that we are living in an overwhelming important time in the history of our country and of the world. We must be persuaded that our slogan, fatherland or death!, is not just a slogan for the fatherland, but one for mankind! (Ovation.) -END-