-DATE- 19620630 -YEAR- 1962 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- SPEECH -AUTHOR- F. CASTRO -HEADLINE- MEETING OF DIRECTORS AND CADRES OF THE SCHOOL -PLACE- SCHOOL FO REVOLUTIONARY INSTRUCTION -SOURCE- HOY NEWSPAPER -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- 19620630 -TEXT- FIDEL CASTRO'S SPEECH ON THE ROLE OF REVOLUTIONARY INSTRUCTORS IN CUBA [Following is a translation of the complete text of the summation speech delivered by Fidel Castro at a meeting of directors and cadres of the Schools of Revolutionary Instruction on 27 June 1962. The original text appeared in the Spanish-language Communist newspaper Hoy (Today), Havana, v. 24, no. 152, 30 June 1962, pages 3-4.] Comrade directors of the Schools of Revolutionary Instruction: I know from experience with these long meetings -- and I have had a great deal of experience with long meetings -- that at the end, when it is time to make a summation or draw a conclusion, it usually happens that the people are already tired. And we ourselves are a little tired, after being here so many hours. Yesterday we had an even longer session. This one, I believe, has been a bit faster and shorter. In the first place, I want to give you our impression of the meeting. Actually, this meeting makes a very good impression on us, although generally we can never feel entirely satisfied with what we may have achieved from work. This is because all revolutionary work -- and all revolutionary work has many things to overcome -- has many gaps and defects, especially in the first part, in the first stage of a revolution. And it can be no other way. A GREAT MOVEMENT OF REVOLUTIONARY EDUCATION CAN BE SEEN IN PROGRESS In reality, one receives the impression here, at a meeting such as this one, that a great movement of revolutionary education can truly be seen in progress -- slowly, overcoming natural obstacles, stumbling, falling, rising again and struggling. The comrades representing the National Management of the Schools of Revolutionary Instruction in each province who have spoken here have done so in a serious and responsible manner. They have shown that there is a number of comrades seriously involved in the work of revolutionary instruction, that they have taken up their task with high responsibility, and that they are comrades whose talent for the work they are doing can be seen. In addition, we know that this movement of revolutionary instruction or education has been organized from practically nothing. We know that a large part of you were students in precisely the first courses that were organized and that this organization that already has several hundred male and female comrades dedicated to this work has been formed as a product of selection in the schools. It is logical that we should have much more in human resources now -- which is the important thing -- than we had when the schools were first being organized. So is the obvious fact that all of you are young comrades who have the possibilities and opportunities to continue developing, preparing, and fitting yourselves for this work that has only begun. The fact that this organization was formed out of nothing and the outlook for brave revolutionaries to continue to come from the schools themselves -- brave youths, raw material of quality for continuing to form cadres for this movement of revolutionary education -- permits an optimistic image to be drawn of the prospects that this movement has. And of course this effort or this possibility is important and encouraging, because of the importance that the elevation of the political level of the cadres and the masses has for the Revolution. THE MOST COMPLEX AND MOST DIFFICULT SCIENCE We have been perhaps less demanding than the academies, the universities, the institutes, or the [state?] organisms. There are educational centers that were already established: centers of technical and university education that are very demanding. Well, they can afford the luxury of being demanding, if they already have a number of trained teachers, even a small number, or if they have the possibility of contracting instructors to teach engineering or medicine, or to teach in the technological schools. However, the Management of the Schools of Revolutionary Instruction could not say that it had a team of highly experienced teachers, nor much less could it be imagined that we would, for a task of this kind, contract for teachers and technicians to teach revolutionary instruction here, in Cuba. Nevertheless, what is being taught is more important than medicine, engineering, or architecture. It is more important than any university department. In addition to being the most important, what is being taught is the most difficult. What is being taught is also a science, but the most complex, most difficult, and most profound science. And it is not a dead science, but a science in full historical development, because in the first place, what can there be more difficult and more complex than a revolution? What can there be more difficult and more complex in the life of peoples than politics? What can there be more difficult than that which has to go along learning in the mist of the din of struggle and daily battle, and which has to go along extracting more and more knowledge from the struggle itself and from each battle? And also because politics, the Revolution, and all these activities of human society in general are usually camouflaged from the eyes of the people, hidden by a multitude of facades that block the true background of political and social questions from the people's view. In addition, it is something that has to be learned in the midst of passions, class hatreds, and tremendous conflicts of interest. Therefore, politics and the Revolution are something much more difficult than anything studied at universities. We have been less ambitious, but nevertheless we are more ambitious. That is, we have been content to begin utilizing the little that we had, and nevertheless we aspire to being able to some day to use the great deal that we are forming now. We have been more practical because we have advanced along these paths, advancing slowly if you wish, but gaining ground every day. We have been gaining ground, achieving on the path of political science everything that we propose to win. And when we speak of political science and revolutionary science, we are referring to the only political science and the only true revolutionary science -- Marxism. WE HAVE BEEN GOING ALONG GAINING GROUND, MODESTLY The fact that our people, all of us -- some later, and others earlier -- have been going along making the only true political and revolutionary science that exists into our own means a great deal for our Revolution -- a convulsive and daring process that enters into history firmly and resolutely, defying so many difficulties. From the first moment of our Revolution, for the very fact of being a revolution, for the fact of having unloosed the revolutionary forces of our society, for the very fact of having faced the enemy resolutely -- and the enemy was none other than imperialism --, for the very fact of having faced the enemies of the peoples -- and the historical enemies of the peoples were none others than the exploiters of the peoples --, for the fact of having unloosed the class struggle in all its dimensions, we arrived inevitably at the only ideological formulation at which we could arrive. We have made the extremely rich experience of more than a century our own. The extraordinary wealth of knowledge that Marxism envelops signifies an extraordinary advantage for us in this struggle. This is because Marxism is not only the true science of politics and of revolution. From the time that man has been conscious of himself, it is the only true interpretation of the process of development of human history. And we have done nothing less than enter into this immense wealth of experience and knowledge and onto this field with that we had and develop a movement of the magnitude of this movement of revolutionary education. And nevertheless, we have been gaining ground modestly, very modestly. We have advanced and we have already practically established the bases for continuing ahead. Nevertheless, we have to be conscious, very conscious, of the fact that we are just beginning and that a very long stretch remains ahead of us. But we are not studying Marxism out of simple philosophical or historical curiosity. No. It is vital, fundamental, and decisive for us to study Marxism and to teach Marxism. To study Marxism and to teach Marxism are vital and decisive for the Revolution. STUDY AND TEACH For a normal political process, for a revolution of little lies, such as those "revolutions" that we have seen around many times -- and which demagogues or people with evil intentions called revolutions for the purpose of confusing the peoples about true revolutions -- it was not necessary to study Marxism, nor to study anything. Even if it were, studying to be a politician was enough for any of them. In the era of this kind of politics, nobody had to study anything at all. But in the mist of a revolution, a true Revolution such as this one is; in the midst of a change that is so deep and so daring; in the midst of a conflict of such historical dimension as the conflict in which we are engaged with the most powerful reactionary force in the world -- it is necessary to study, and truly to study. We have to enter into it in depth, and call on all the weapons and all the forces of science and truth to shine forth. We have to learn and to teach, in the first place, in order to orient ourselves and to be able to orient our people correctly. Study and teach, because it is vital and decisive for the Revolution, since historical forces and antagonistic and irreconcilable interests have clashed here in a life-or-death struggle. Thus, we cannot be irresponsible or superficial. We cannot toss study to one side, but rather must seize it. Because we shall find our best weapons in it. In it we shall find the clearest explanations and we shall find the orientation that we must give to our people, because in the collision of these historical forces, idologies are clashing. And the enemy is using his best weapons and his most subtle lies. The enemy is making use of all the force of tradition. The enemy makes use of ignorance, and in the end, he makes use of all means. And therefore we revolutionaries must make use of the best weapons of truth and of the clearest reasoning for the masses. With the weapons of truth, reason, and revolutionary passion, we must teach the masses and carry them victoriously forward. SOME MISTAKEN CONCEPTIONS I believe that no one will have any doubts about the importance that, for these reasons, the Schools of Revolutionary Instruction have. Unfortunately, the objective of the schools has sometimes been misunderstood. Unfortunately, there were irresponsible people -- such as there are everywhere -- who frequently believed that the Schools were a diversion for adults, a kindergarten for problematical persons, or a correction center for persons spoiled politically. And this has happened not only with the Schools of Revolutionary Instruction, but has frequently happened with other schools. Many times the administrator elected for a school has been the one that was obstructing them the most, or the first one that occurred to them. Unfortunately, we have had many people in many places whose brains were not able to understand the idea of the importance of education in any field -- not just in this field, which as the field of political education is the most important one, but also in technical education or any of the many teachings that the Revolution has for imparting to the masses. Unfortunately, mistaken conceptions have been encountered in our schools, and the consequences of them suffered. The schools also suffered, as did the mass organizations and the political apparatus of the Revolution, from the consequences of mistaken conceptions on the role of the masses in the Revolution, and consequently on the importance of mass organizations and of the organisms designed to strengthen the revolutionary consciousness of the masses. And cadres were taken from schools, as they were taken from mass organizations and political committees, in a policy that tended to produce permanent anemia, depriving all organizations of their best cadres. So it was not surprising that they would remove a school director in order to appoint him, for example, administrator of a warehouse, or remove a national trade-union secretary to place him as a fund administrator, or remove the secretary of a trade-union section and name him chief of a mechanical workshop. In reality, this is simply the product of a mistaken conception. It involves a position that is conclusive with respect to the revolutionary: his attitude toward the masses. THE MASS METHOD -- LETTING THE PEOPLE WALK Either one has faith in the masses or one does not have faith in them! And the method depends on this position with respect to the masses: a mass method or an anti-mass method. The anti-mass method is characterized by subjective selection, by pointing a finger, subjective methods, selection by pointing a finger, and a messianic idea about the importance of the functionary and administrator. It tries to haul the people along with horses, instead of letting the people walk, instead of making the people walk. Clearly an erroneous conception led us to erroneous methods, or an erroneous attitude to the masses led us to erroneous methods and to results that are simply absurd. Well, but this does not have to discourage anyone, and it has not done so. And the spirit with which errors have been corrected has been a truly revolutionary and truly Marxist spirit, which is leading to the strengthening of all revolutionary fronts, and whose fruits will be seen. And they will be seen soon. All of us shall understand it, absolutely all of us. Because within the Revolution there are also many honest people who can be mistaken and who do make mistakes. But since they are above all honorable and essentially honest, they understand quickly and perfectly where there can be an error and they overcome it. Mistaken methods were leading us to the formation of a party that was filling up on us more and more with opportunists and medio- crities -- that is, to having no party at all. Mistaken methods were leading us to spend millions and millions of pesos -- which come from the workers' sweat -- in educating not the working class, but in many cases the petty bourgeoisie, and to "patching up" people. And we saw the consequences in more than one course and more than one school, when poor quality shone forth -- the poor quality of certain courses or of parts of certain courses, naturally. PARTY AND REVOLUTIONARY EDUCATION: TWO INSEPARABLE THINGS Of course, the task of revolutionary education has to go closely linked with the task of the organization of the revolutionary vanguard, with the task of the formation of the revolutionary party of the working class, because they are two inseparable things. If there is no revolutionary party and no revolutionary method, there will be no revolutionary education. And if there is no revolutionary education, there will be no revolutionary party. A party of bureaucrats can be perfectly organized. Mechanical methods can be applied perfectly, and then instruction will respond to these methods and to this conception, because education cannot be freed from the consequences of errors. The conditions that are now being created are different. The doors are closed to all kinds of opportunists. There were those who taught that the rectification of errors was justification for other errors. There were even those who, failing to understand the matter of antisectarianism, tried to disguise their anti-Marxism as anti- sectarianism. And, nevertheless, the rectification of errors did not mean a step backwards, but a great step forward on all fronts. We had to take a great step forward on all fronts, because we were suffering the consequences of errors on all fronts, including the economic, among others, where we were suffering the consequences of anarchy, irresponsibility, and chaos. It will take several months, but the results of the effort that is being carried out will be seen in the economic field also. In the political field, it is going slowly, but -- oh! -- the number of rascals that have been squeezed out and left behind, the number of rascals and opportunists! THE OPPORTUNIST IS VERY DANGEROUS What a sad business that the deserter, the traitor, the weak, and the coward, pushing more than anyone else, should be appearing and flourishing everywhere. The more so because he is the most dangerous. The opportunist is very dangerous, because he "squeezes" and then pushes everything that he can. And nevertheless, in the works that are being carried out, what a magnificent selection of the revolutionary comrades! What magnificent composition! Because it is composition that is based on what it must be based on -- quality, revolutionary honesty, the conduct of every revolutionary, and the link with the masses. What great purity! Not great in number, no. But great in the quality of the negative elements that have been filtered out within nothing less than the vanguard apparatus of the working class. Oh, and this has been reflected immediately on this work front. Because we had the opportunity of discovering that we were spending millions of pesos to educate not the working class, but the petty bourgeoisie. And, gentlemen, let us not tell tales. We have to integrate. Yes, we have to integrate everything that wants to be integrated. Certainly, everything that can be won! We must drive them toward the proletariat, and not toward imperialism and reaction. This is quite clear, but this in no way means educating the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie and turning the petty bourgeoisie into the vanguard of proletarian revolution. Let us speak clearly here among ourselves, among the bourgeoisie and proletarians that we are by origin, gathered here. Let us speak clearly without anyone's blushing, because in the end and final analysis, a man's stand in the revolution is that which he himself takes up. Whether he takes the position of the petty bourgeoisie or that of the proletariat. And the petty bourgeoisie can take up the position and ideology of the proletariat, and the revolutionary attitude that is the proletariat's. WE SHALL DEVELOP PROLETARIAN SPIRIT BY DEVELOPING THE PROLETARIAT However, let us not think that we are fomenting or developing proletarian spirit by developing the petty bourgeoisie. We shall develop proletarian spirit by developing the proletariat and educating the proletariat, including liberating it from many of the bonds and shackles that remain, because the vices and all the consequences of having had to live within a capitalist and antiproletarian society did not operate in vain and have not ceased to make their mark on the proletariat. The proletariat's spirit is stronger, comrades, and more robust. As a class, their characteristics are different than the spirit of the petty bourgeoisie and, naturally, the spirit of the bourgeoisie. And the virtues of the proletariat are more solid, stronger, and firmer, and there is no need to reason this out at length. As I was saying to the comrades of the School of Revolutionary Instruction of Havana Province, the spirit of an office worker in a ministry is not the same as that of a miner who works 1,000 meters below ground. We see constantly that the spirit of the office worker is not the same as the spirit of the peasant who turns the soil every day. Because even this peasant -- this peasant who is no proletarian but who must face up to hard and harsh Nature -- develops a firmer spirit and a capacity for greater self-sacrifice, a more accentuated capacity for sacrifice. This can be seen. The selection for the schools were made "by pointing." So-and-so goes to the provincial school, so-and-so to the national school. Characteristics, qualities, and merits were absolutely not taken into consideration. Nuclei were selected "by pointing" and even "clandestinely." But we are not dealing with this today. I am only making reference to it. Unfortunately, it was this way. Of course, many good people can often be picked out "by pointing," because any "pointing" can be to a great individual. there were many good people that were "pointed out" in the nuclei, but their status as members of a nucleus had nothing to do with their conduct and their merits, but rather with the good fortune that they were known, that the person who organized the nucleus knew of their existence. It had nothing to do with the masses, nor with an opinion of the masses. It was also this way for the school. And it turned out that the Revolution was spending 10 million pesos -- 10 million pesos! And real pesos, because they were for food and material expenses. Ten million pesos were being spend on this. THE SCHOOLS ARE NOT FOR PATCHING OVER Clearly, the entire effort that the comrades in the schools were making was limited in its results by these methods. From now on, the functions of the school will be very different. One comrade put it this way: "Only history can say whether it was good or bad to patch up many people," and I concur with this comrade's point of view. Even when the selection was not the best or ideal one, the school did not stop producing its effects on many people. It did not even stop patching up a great number of people, but really patched them up, of course. But the schools are not for patching, and independently of whether history says that patching was good or bad, there is no room for doubt that the only correct thing at this time is for the schools to be turned into schools fundamentally of the working class, nor do we have to wait for history to learn this. The new composition of the student body is already being reflected in the schools. Because not only do the schools have a better program -- the product of experience, naturally, a more detailed program, and a program that naturally is undergoing adaptation, until later on the material that is to be studied at each level is established; apart from the programs, there is already a different composition in the schools. SCHOOLS OF THE WORKING CLASS And here is the proof. The previous course in Havana Province had only 18% industrial workers, the greater part being of non-proletarian origin. And at this time there are 46.2% industrial workers in the Havana Province School. That is, the composition has increased from 18 to 46.2%, and this, certainly, is a high percentage if one takes into account that we are an underdeveloped country. Office workers, 15.48%. The previous proposition was possibly the reverse. I say possibly, because I do not have the exact figure here. Technicians, 5.31; public administration, 4.87; armed forces, 3.98; educational workers, 1.33. Students of proletarian origin have defensive influence now in the school. Naturally, in many provinces there is not even any industry, but there are agricultural and non-industrial workers, and of course it was customary to have a large proportion of bureaucrats in the provinces. Because although Havana is a seat of bureaucracy par excellence, this is countered by the fact or the presence of a large number of industrial workers, since of the little industry that we had in our country, a large part was in the capital of the republic. The composition is changing now in the schools and in the future -- as Comrade Lionel explained -- 80% of the students in the provincial schools will be selected by merit in the basic schools. The members of nuclei and the best workers, workers selected from each center, will go to the basic schools. That is, workers who are not members of the nucleus can go to the basic schools. There can even be the case of a worker who is not a member of a nucleus turning out to be such a good student and so correct, punctual, and obviously revolutionary in his behavior that he will go to a provincial school, even though he is not a member of the nucleus. What is very possible is that this worker who went through the basic school and the provincial school has a great chance of being accepted afterwards in the nucleus of the work center from which he comes. Naturally, the schools will not be for nuclei alone, but rather for teaching the masses and the working class. They will be useful for discovering intellects and revolutionary heads and character. They will also serve to strengthen the revolutionary nuclei, not only ideologically, but also numerically. However, the members of the nuclei come first, of course. But there is also a program for these members, and the material is being assembled. Of course, many of the members of nuclei have already gone through the basic schools. These comrades will help those who have not gone through the basic schools in studying the program and material that will be sent to every nucleus. Material is being printed for the study circles of the nuclei, in which the members will study with the assistance of those who have already gone through the basic schools. Other workers who are not members of the nucleus can also study at these study circles, thus introducing them to the material so that they can go to the basic schools later. Selections for the provincial schools will be made in the basic schools. Twenty per cent of the quota for the provincial schools will be reserved for cadres, comrades who do not come directly from the basic schools, but rather are political cadres. That is, a margin has been left for selection by Party organisms for the provincial schools. THE FIRST LESSON: NO PRIVILEGES WILL BE GIVEN Now then, what is one of the first things that you have to explain to the students in every course? That the course is not going to give them any privileges; that the course is not going to give them any special rights; that at the end of the course they are going to return to the place from which they came; that they will not come out of the course as leaders for the simple fact of having completed a course; that their work will not be changed as a result of the course; and that the school is an opportunity for strengthening their political knowledge, but that they will return to the place from which they came. So that nothing happens like the case of that agricultural worker who went to the Sierra Maestra School and, on finishing the course, told some of this comrades on the [state] farm: "Look. They have forgotten me. Here I am, still hoeing on this farm." This man went through a three-month course, and when he returned to the countryside, he thought that he no longer had to work as he did before. But even more, when they go to a provincial school, they must be impressed with the fact that they will return from there to their places of work. Because the provincial schools also have as their basic mission educating cadres that are already cadres, preparing militants, and making good workers better. But what is going to happen? Will the 900 students that go through the provincial schools, for example, be turned into cadres? No. We had to take many cadres and teachers from the first schools. But this is not the objective of the schools. They will return to their place of work from the provincial school. When the Party needs to turn a militant into a cadre member, naturally it will select the militant who is best prepared. But this does not mean that he is automatically turned into a cadre member on finishing the school. Instead he will return to his nucleus, to his place of work. WHAT THE REVOLUTION NEEDS What the Revolution is interested in is having in every place of work prepared workers; workers with high political education; workers capable of orienting their comrades; workers capable of explaining socialism, or arguing with defeatists, of arguing with the ignorant, of taking issue with the arguments of enemies; of explaining the reasons for every difficulty; and of explaining the past, the present, and the future. What the Revolution needs in every place of work is capable workers with the most political education possible, because the more revolutionary militants with a high level of political education we have at the place of work, the more force and solidity the Revolution will have, and the more support among the masses. TO BE A REVOLUTIONARY: ABNEGATION, SACRIFICE, HUMILITY Because, gentlemen, it is a basic principle that the Revolution and the Party are not instruments for personal gain. Make it clear to every pupil and student in the schools, as the first principle, that being a revolutionary means abnegation, sacrifice, and humility. It means being the first in the most difficult work, the first in example, the first in effort, and the first in danger. This business of exchanging a hoe for a tractor -- no! And dispel from anyone's mind the notion that the school or the Party are vehicles for anyone's personal gain. A hoe is exchanged for a tractor in a school for tractor drivers, in a technical school. One job is exchanged for another by technical achievement, not through this school or the Party. The Party is not a benefice; it is sacrifice. The Party is seeking nothing for itself. Let us teach them, first, that nothing is for the individual revolutionary. Everything is for the Party. And let us defend every revolutionary from those administrators who try to take a good trade- union cadre member away from the trade-union organization and put him in a workshop, or try to take a student who has finished a school and turn him into the chief or administrator of something. Because these administrators who operate this way are the enemies of our effort, enemies of our effort to create a great revolutionary party. Because then there will be people who want to go to the school to see if they get better work when they return. And then when we have a good revolutionary militant, they will take him away and make him a chief. They will then have a chief, but we shall have lost a militant, and a revolutionary militant interests us more than an administrative chief. This is a basic principle. For administrators, administrative schools. For administrative cadres, go to the masses, because the masses are a great quarry. What we have to do is create a situation so that no one is elected to anything for having gone to a cadre school or for being a member of a nucleus. Every nucleus must make efforts to see that in every place of work there exist conditions that will permit any worker from the masses, any member of the masses, to be promoted to more important administrative positions and to tasks of responsibility because of his merits, his ability, and his qualities. Let any worker arise from the masses. Let no worker see only the privileged in the nucleus. Let no one see the nucleus as a springboard for personal position. The nucleus is not this, nor is the militant. We are much more interested in this humble militant with a humble salary, converted into a bulwark of the Revolution, than in the militant converted into an administrator. CONDITIONS SO THAT THE BEST INTELLECTS ARISE FROM THE MASSES If at a given moment the most capable, most competent, and most knowledgeable worker must be selected from a department, and this turns out to be a military from the nucleus and they take him, that is all right. But let them not take him because he is a militant. There can be someone in the same department who is not a militant and who has more knowledge and more experience. And what should the militant do? Back the other one. And if they are going to take him anyway, say: "No, don't call on me, because my comrade has more knowledge and more experience and can carry out the job better than I. He would not be able to carry out my role here as a militant and soldier of the Revolution as well as I, but he can carry out the role of chief of that department or fill that production task better than I." These are the conditions that we must create in all places of work. That is, conditions so that the best values arise from the masses and so that the best minds for each task arise from the masses. It cannot be imagined that when a theater needs a violinist they should turn the porter into a violinist because he is the best militant of the revolutionary nucleus. Another violinist must be sought. The porter cannot be turned into a violinist. And if he does not have a musician's mind, we must not make him a musician. We should make him anything else but a musician. We must try to extract the best values from the masses. The political organization will always be a selection. The political organization is not the masses; it is the leader of the masses. It is what leads the masses, advances the masses, and creates the conditions that permit the best to arise from the masses -- its best values to work for society and for the fatherland. These are the conditions that the Party must create everywhere. What method and what line are we going to follow? Well, we are going to follow the line of defending the Party cadres, of defending the cadres of mass organizations and of schools, and let the schools go on training cadres. But let them not take cadres from the schools. And let it not happen that one day when a factory administrator is needed, we take a school director and put him in a factory, which would possibly mean taking this comrade from something that he knows how to do and placing him in something that he does not know how to do. TO WORK AS A POLITICAL CADRE: THE HIGHEST HONOR We must defend the school cadres. The cadres of mass organizations must be defended. And above all, the political cadres must be defended more than anything else. We cannot have them moving political cadres about, or removing them from their organizations. It takes a great deal of work to make a good cadre. It takes years to acquire experience, and it is simply a mistake and an outrage to take the cadres away from mass organizations. Because the mass organizations are the most important ones that the Revolution has. And their political apparatus is the most important of all, more important than the administrative apparatus, because while a good administrator is certainly important for production, he is not the one that impels production. It is the masses that do this, and the masses are moved by their organizations, their trade-unions, their youth organizations and women's organizations, the Defense Committees, and the militamen. No, this is a "messianic" idea. The administrator is not the "non plus ultra." Certainly a poor administrator does more damage than an elephant in a china shop, because he impedes the work of the mass organizations! (Applause) He impedes the work of political cadres and mass organizations enormously, but what can an administrator do alone, no matter what a marvelous administrator he is, if there is no spirit of work among the workers, if there is no emulation, if there is no vanguard in every place of work, and if there is no one to set the standards and give an example? To work in a political cadre, just as working in a mass organization cadre, must be the highest honor that the Revolution can confer for every revolutionary, so much more so since he will possibly be paid less and his income will be more modest. In the end, this must not be important to the revolutionary, and we have to make revolutionaries. To be a revolutionary means marching at the vanguard of everything, in the vanguard of ideas. Being a revolutionary means contemplating with realism the objective conditions of every historical moment, but at the same time understanding that these objective realities do not conform to the supreme ideals that the revolutionary carries within himself, the supreme aspirations. Just as right now, objective realities dictate many privileges yet to us, and within our society, despite all the advances we have made and within being able to avoid it, there still exist many privileges and many privileged situations. REVOLUTIONARIES ARE THE ONES THAT GO AHEAD The revolutionary contemplates this truth with objective vision and with a true sense of history, but he knows that this is transitory, and that for himself, his position has to be one of being above all these privileges. He must be prepared to abandon any privilege at the time that is should become necessary. Revolutionaries are the ones that go ahead. Reality is imposing inevitable inequalities for many years -- inequalities that exist within our society and will continue to exist for many years. We compared the case of the physician who was doing 60 consultations a day in Rural Medicine and earning $240.00 [ = pesos -- Tr. note] with that of the owner of a candy factory who was earning $3,000.00 a month, and we commented on how sad it is to think that "someone like you, who every day are helping 60 people to keep their health, earns ten times less than one within our society who, without helping anyone, earns twelve or fifteen times more than you do." These are the realities that exist and, unfortunately, will continue to exist for a time in our country -- a time that will be shorter to the degree that we dare to defy these privileged classes that remain [in?] the power of the Revolution. (Applause) And if the power of the Revolution is defied by these classes, inspired by imperialism, then their interests and their position as a class will last here as long as a sugarplum lasts at a school door. (Applause) We have already arranged things for replacing it if circumstances require it. For this purpose we are committed to the task of making a powerful revolutionary party, we are creating the conditions for being in a position to go out and confront the enemy whenever and under whatever circumstances it should be necessary, and we are developing a new method and a new conception. WE TRUST THE BRAIN OF THE MASSES MUCH MORE THAN MEN'S FINGERS Our method previously did not allow us to wage battle against this class. Why? Because finding administrators for 160 centers was not an impossible task. Finding 160 men was not an impossible task -- 160 more or less competent comrades. While the struggle was with the upper bourgeoisie, we could go on ahead with our previous methods -- the method of taking from here, taking from there, looking here, and looking there. But when the battle was to be with this much more numerous class, then if our methods were the previous ones -- our finger methods of taking from here and taking from there and soon there would be no place to take from -- then how would we face up to this class? Ah, when the methods are mass methods and when 3,000 are needed to study administration, we select them by assemblies of the best workers, and we do not give this finger task to anyone, because we trust the brain of the masses much more than men's fingers. (Applause) Because it is more difficult to deceive the masses than to deceive men, to win over the masses than to win over men, and to flatter the masses than to flatter men. If we know how to extract all their values from the masses, as we have extracted more than 300 youths to go to Helsinki. And what an impressing and extraordinary thing it is to see how they have selected the best youths at the schools and mass centers! An infallible method, and we have proof of it. Because we learned that there was a girl from Cienaga de Zapata, practically illiterate, who came to a little school and who had such talent as a writer and whose intellectual qualities were so conspicuous that she went from there to a teachers' school. And we learned later that her comrades had chosen her unanimously to go to Helsinki. We said to ourselves that this is no accident. It was logical. When we learned of a "Camilito" who had advanced so much in two years, from illiteracy to a basic secondary [school], a boy of obvious qualities, and when we later saw him chosen by his comrades at the newspaper, we thought, "No mistake is possible there." Because it was clear and evident to us that when the masses selected, they chose people of whose brilliant qualities they had already heard. And where these boys were, they, and not others, were chosen. When in Oriente the army chose a sergeant who, when a group of mercenaries landed, followed them indefatigably with a handful of men until he liquidated them, or when they chose that deputy who, when he was surrounded by counter-revolutionaries and called on to surrender, told them, "I should surrender in my free homeland!," and fired on them, killing two and causing the rest to flee. (Applause) We thought, there can be no accident; the masses do not make mistakes easily; the masses have a high spirit of justice. Clearly, some of the comrades chosen to go to Helsinki were not chosen by the masses. Certain athletes, chosen for their muscles, or certain comrades with artistic qualities, chosen for their qualities in the need for organizing some artistic groups. But the immense majority were chosen for their merits and by the masses. What a significant method! How it elevates merit in the eyes of society, how it elevates sacrifice and the concept of labor, and above all, how it elevates the opinion of the proletarian and toiling masses, since it shows everyone that no one can "run like a rabbit" past here, because there is an ever more developed opinion, a vigilant opinion, a correct opinion that knows where there is merit and where there is falseness! How this will help us in our gigantic historical task, how it will help us to make a better people, how it will help us to create a true and real consciousness of the Revolution of labor -- how it will help us! And these are the only methods with which one can find, if they are needed, 20, 30, or 40 administrators in any town, large or small. We have the proof in a small town here, where the counterrevolutionaries were on the offensive. The bourgeoisie made use of an inevitable incident that had occurred with the public force, which had gone out to surround a group in a thicket, where they had hurt a dispatch carrier in company maneuvers the day before. On calling on these elements to halt, they fled, whereupon one was killed and one hurt. An absolutely accidental happening that had nothing criminal about it. The bourgeoisie, old political sergeants who became rich in the shadow of Guas Inclan or Orue, or by exploiting the workers in that town, went out into the streets, closed their shutters and businesses, and tried to stage a counter-revolutionary "show." When we heard of this, we proposed to the National Leadership a thorough investigation of all the antecedents, of the weaknesses of the organizations and of the masses there, of the weaknesses of the Revolution there, and the reason for the errors committed -- there were certainly many, since they had permitted the counter-revolution to acquire enough forces to promote a show -- for the purpose of taking the appropriate measures. However, considering at the same time the fact that under a capitalist system a member of the bourgeoisie who closes his business can pass as the possessor of great virtue, that the great citizen who closes his business, that civic-minded citizen can pass for a good citizen and civic-minded person under a capitalist system, under a bourgeois system. But for a member of the bourgeoisie to close his business under a socialist revolution will never be tolerated! (Applause) Because here no exploiter can ever pass for virtuous, and let him be content! Let him be tolerated for the time that it is necessary to tolerate him, but let him not begin to gamble against the proletarian revolution, because he exposes himself to the immediate cessation of his position as an exploiter much sooner than he would have been able to remain. THE MASSES KNEW HOW TO CHOOSE What did we do in that village? We analyzed the causes of our weaknesses and errors, which are errors that are committed in many places: a wretched political cadre, discredited and a poor example; an entire series of other errors. We assembled the mass organizations, with all their weaknesses. The workers, the women, the defense committees, the militia, the young communist organization were assembled. There was practically no nucleus. The mass organizations were assembled. On one hand the mass organizations were assembled, and on the other the state security [police] arrested all the bourgeoisie in that village (applause), except for a certain few who had maintained a good attitude to the Revolution and had not closed. And immediately afterwards, an administrator for each business was named by the masses from within the revolutionary and mass organizations (applause). See! From the inn of a Portuguese that was there to the tile works of the area, going through groceries, pharmacies, bakeries, and every business whose owner had participated in the counter-revolution. (Applause) And the masses knew how to choose, and they chose the best one for every shop and everything. And there was no one to choose for the pharmacy, so they had taken one from the pharmacy, and they spoke of a militia comrade who was in Sagua, "Bring him for the pharmacy -- he is a great revolutionary." And what happened? They ended up revolutionarily intervened and confiscated. (Applause) Administrators were named immediately by the mass organizations. An economic commission to supervise the work of every business and every administrator was set up. An accountant to keep the joint account of each of the administrators was appointed, to be supervised by the economic council. A board of revolutionary organizations was named, to which the economic commission would have to account for its actions. The inn did not go over to a combine, nor did the tile works. New organisms had to be discovered, and we discovered them. Because later a tile works in Trinidad was intervened and put into a combine, which is like putting a needle into a haystack. Sometimes these businesses are intervened because the owner leaves, or for whatever reason, and they are put into the sack, the bottomless barrel of a combine. (Applause) We can imagine a combine of sugar centers, great factories with similar problems and similar replacement parts, but who can imagine a combine of grocery stores or of inns? It happens sometimes, as, for example with the INIT, which has a cafeteria in Consolacion del Sur with just two employees, and a bar in Baracoa. They have gone over to it because their owners have gone or for whatever reason, and this is simply absurd. From right there among the people, an administrator was appointed for each thing with a modest salary, warning him that his position was not in perpetuity and that if he did not work well, he would be replaced, with an honorary economic commission to oversee the work, and with a board of revolutionary organizations. If someone does not work out, all the organizations are notified, the economic commission is notified, the problem is solved immediately, and changes and solutions are made and measures taken at the local level. LOCAL SOCIALIZED ENTERPRISES And what do we have in mind? That at the end of the year a general assembly of the people be held, and that the administrators give an account of the administration of that property to the people (applause) -- that local socialized property, local socialized enterprises which continue to function as well as the inn functioned previously, under the administration of the Portuguese. Now it continues to function under the administration of a comrade from the people, supervised by an economic commission, an accountant, and in addition by the mass organizations. The result: by nightfall the inn was serving food and hot bread was to be had in the bakery, and by the next day everything was going as well as -- if not better than -- it had before. What actually happened there in that village? I am referring to the village of El Cano in Marianao, in case I have not mentioned the name here -- an area of a great deal of politicking influence on the part of the old caciques. The bourgeoisie there owned all the businesses, all the machines, all the automobiles, and all the trucks. They all had telephones in their homes and owned all the money, and they had control over the workers and gave them orders -- the bosses of the place. Money, control over workers, to whom they gave orders every day . . . automobiles, trucks, telephones. Well, all their automobiles were confiscated -- 28 automobiles confiscated! All their trucks were confiscated, and all their telephones were removed and transferred to workers' homes. (Applause) Their power crumbled like a house of cards. The only thing of theirs that was not touched was their bank accounts. This was because the Revolution, which is interested in saving, has to establish the principle that money kept in banks is sacred, as it did during the currency changeover (applause). And also so that they would not begin playing the part of poor beggars on the streets the next day. They were left with enough to get by on (laughter), while they either adjust or leave for Miami! But what happened? They had mobilized 60 or 80 persons. At the meeting of the mass organizations there were 200. Not everyone had been summoned, but only a selection. TEN TO ONE IN FAVOR OF THE REVOLUTION A ceremony was held the other day, and over 2,000 citizens of that village went. What does this prove? That even in that village where these negative elements had great influence, where there was a great negative influence from the past, the proportion in favor of the Revolution was ten to one. It was proved there by the facts. The humble sectors, the workers, and the dispossessed responded with spirit, energy, and enthusiasm. (Applause) When our organization becomes strong; when in every municipality, village, and place we have a trained, disciplined party secretary, educated in faith in the masses and convinced that there is an infinite quarry of values in the masses and that the men and women whom we need for every task are there among the masses -- ah, then we shall be in a better position to wage battle against the enemies of the working class and against the enemies of our workers, at the village, city, province, or country level, if circumstances should require it. This example serves to illustrate the importance of the vanguard apparatus of the Revolution. It serves to orient revolutionaries and to warn counter-revolutionaries and the bourgeoisie, so that they will know that we are not playing with revolution and that they will have to avoid a clash with the workers -- that they have to avoid a clash with the working class and that they have to learn to respect the proletarian revolution, and that they know what they have to answer for if they defy the power of the proletarians. Therefore, comrade directors, it is important that along with the first lessons -- those to which we made reference on the role of the school, the spirit of sacrifice with which one has to go to the school and to the Party -- it is necessary to explain to the students that our revolution is traversing a period of sharp class struggle, an inflamed struggle of national and international classes; that a numerous rural bourgeoisie of middle proprietors exits; that a numerous urban bourgeoisie exists, with automobiles, money, telephones, resources, gadgets, and with a certain culture; with a profound class hatred for the proletariat, with their eyes fixed on foreign lands, an enemy of the homeland, with their eyes fixed on the power of imperialism, dreaming of razing the proletarian revolution, dreaming of establishing again their odious system of exploitation and parasitism in our country, their system of hunger and poverty. Their pitiless system for the masses, obliged to live without a future and without hope. And these classes dream of this. Teach the pupil that the revolution was not made on the first day, nor in the first, second, third, fourth, or fifth year, and that the revolution is a long battle, a long struggle, such as the struggle to win power was. But after winning power we have to continue struggling harder than ever against this class, its influence, and its reactionary spirit. These are the ones that make difficulties for us when we free the peasants from restrictions, because they are our allies. When we adopt measures to make it easy for the peasants to sell their products, they go out and pay $10.00 for a chicken, or $50.00 for three turkeys. THE MALANGA OF THE WORKERS' CHILDREN They are the ones who, since they have money and resources, go to "Rancho Mundito" and buy 4,000 quintals of malanga on a single Sunday. The malanga that we need to fulfill the requirements for rationing for six days in the capital of the republic. The malanga of workers' children and of humble families. They go in their automobiles to buy it, paying any price. They are the ones who add to our difficulties at this time of difficulties and promote speculation. They bribe, throwing themselves to feed at the expense of those who have no machines or resources like the parasites they are, at the expense of those who cannot pay $50.00 for three turkeys. These are the ones that create problems and interfere -- these very ones. And this class exists and will continue to fight against the Revolution, if they do not decide to accept the stage of inevitable transition, if they continue to be encouraged by imperialism, and if they do not resign themselves. It is logical that they should feel heartened and emboldened in a country like ours, 90 miles from Yankee imperialism, the greatest reactionary power in the world. For this reason, we must resort to the theory of the class struggle in order to give a clear explanation to the students in the schools, so that they do not fell into illusions -- that illusionism into which many who thought that the Revolution was a promenade and was already made fell. Those that fell into this idealistic position, foreign to the reality of history and to the essence of what a true revolution is. So that every student who finishes the schools will understand the age in which we live and this struggle, in order that he understand and be able to explain why the Revolution has to struggle arduously and overcome huge obstacles. This is because the conscience of a true revolutionary, a combative revolutionary, individuals prepared to give battle at any time, must be created in every one of the students who finishes the schools. Because what we can neither accept nor imagine is the revolutionary who sees the enemy in the street and does not engage him, who sees the enemy speaking of the Revolution and does not rebuff him immediately. Because if there is one revolutionary in the street and 100 enemies come along, then even if alone, he must take a stand before them and make them kill him if necessary. (Applause) This is the attitude of one who is convinced of a cause. It is the attitude of a true defender of a cause. He does not look to see how many enemies there are, but rather thinks of the cause he is defending against the unhealthy interests of the mercenaries, cowards, exploiters, and traitors. The Revolution today is facing the enemies of the proletarian class, the lumpen, all kinds of parasites, the instruments of imperialism, and those who are ready to play games with the imperialist who is blockading us. We must smash the pot on the head of those who would go out with it to play games with Kennedy. (Applause) Because it is there exploiters, these reactionaries that are trying to increase the homeland's difficulties, that Yankee imperialism is happy with. With these mercenaries, exploiters, bourgeoisie and the lumpen that has joined them. Because there have united against the proletariat latifundists, speculators, all kinds of traders, politicians, yesterday's flunkeys, "fixers," whoremongers, and all kinds of vicious people, because it is the embrace of the lumpen, vice, and crime with privilege and exploitation. These are our enemies, and they shall always be. And for the enemy, no consideration; for the peasant comrade, for the working comrade, for him who works for society with his mind or his muscles -- our heart and our life. For the enemy, from wherever he comes to face us, our fist; for the enemy, a hard fist and destruction, from wherever he comes to challenge us. (Applause) Because they are hoping for a St. Bartholemy of the proletariat, a St. Bartholemy of revolutionaries, a St. Bartholemy of the humble. They dream of this; they dream of the time when they can bathe the soil of the homeland in proletarian, peasant, revolutionary, and humble blood and implant their odious, vicious, corrupt, and infamous world. And since we know that they are dreaming of this, this is what they are going to find any time that they confront the proletarian revolution. Because the Revolution has power, conviction, morals, enthusiasm, and all the dignity necessary to do battle with its enemies and to eliminate its enemies, if it is necessary to eliminate its enemies. A STRUGGLE OF LIFE AND DEATH We understand very well that this is a struggle of life and death. We understand very well that a revolution is a battle that can end only with the triumph of the revolutionaries or with the triumph of the counter-revolutionaries. Plus the fact that history teaches that it ends, in every historical time, with the revolutionaries that know how to interpret this historical time. And therefore, we know that even though they do not resign themselves easily and although they do the inexpressible, victory will inexorably end up on our side. We know what a revolution is, and we know who are the antagonists that face each other in a revolution. We also know that this Revolution is developing under special conditions, which perhaps would not be the same if we were at a distance of many miles from Yankee imperialism -- and I say only perhaps, because the Yankee imperialists have their hooves stuck into every continent. But the fact is that the circumstance of our being 90 miles from them makes our conditions special and our situation special, and this greatly determines the attitude of the class enemy -- the special circumstance of the proximity of imperialism. For this reason they find it hard to resign themselves; for this reason they feel encouraged; and for this reason only the facts will determine objective reality and will dictate the future of our relations with this class to us. But in any case we must prepare to give battle. We must be ready to give battle if it is necessary -- to give them battle in whatever manner it should be necessary. WE SHALL NEVER FALL INTO EXTREMISMS We shall not give battle unnecessarily. We shall never fall into unnecessary extremisms. We prefer not to have to fall into these extremeisms; or put in a better way, they cannot be called extremisms when they are necessary. It would be better to say: "We prefer that it should not be necessary to do it; we prefer for the Revolution to follow its rising curve without being obliged to take drastic measures against our class enemies." We would prefer for them to resign themselves to the Revolution and to resign themselves to disappearing gradually without any great sacrifices for them, rather than for us to have the need to make them disappear as a class drastically. But you will understand that in contemplating the problems of the revolutionary process, that for this we need to strengthen our mass organizations, our revolutionary apparatus, our cadres, and the ideological and political level of the masses. THE ENERGY EVERYWHERE IS IMPRESSIVE Comrades: The energy of our Revolution at this time is impressive. The advance of the people on all fronts is impressive -- the way they have advanced in the military field as well as in the labor field. The effort that is being made everywhere at this time is impressive. This very movement of revolutionary education is impressive. The number of schools for the propagation of Marxism and the tens of thousands of men and women who have finished these schools exceeds all our dreams. Only rarely and in few places has there been such a steep rise of the masses toward education and truth. Everything is impressive, and more impressive yet when one considers the difficulties that we have ahead of us and the obstacles that imperialism has put in our path. It is impressive to see about 100,000 students on scholarships studying, the movement of education and training that there is all over the country, and the effort that is being exerted everywhere. Of course, along with the difficulties, we have had more good fortune than other revolutions, because we have had three and a half years to do this, whereas the Soviet revolution, for example, had to spend these three years fighting foreign intervention on the battlefield. They could not have done what we have been able to do, what we are going at this moment -- the impulse that we are giving to the revolutionary education of the masses. And this allows us to strengthen ourselves. It allows us to give solidity to the Revolution. It allows us to have the Revolution take deep roots and solid and indestructible bases. It allows us to think of our Revolution as an irreversible fact, as a bright episode in the history of our continent. It allows us to have greater security and more faith in the final victory of our people. Let us explain and teach and study in order to be able to see more and to teach more; to understand realities; so that there will be no mysteries for any of us in revolutionary work; and so that we learn to know our enemies and our friends and the allies of the working class -- the small peasants. Such as that admirable peasant from the mountains, who has given tens of thousands of brave and stoic sons to the Revolution's armed forces. Such as that peasant from the eastern mountains who, in defending the proletarian revolution, has fought against mercenary bands in Matanzas, Las Villas, and everywhere. Learn to know this ally. Let us strengthen ourselves on all production fronts in order to take clothes, shoes, medicine, teachers, and doctors to this peasant, and to give him economic aid. And, of course, we already know that we do not have all the teachers or doctors that we need. We already know, and it is very painful to think of it, that there are teachers who teach hardly two days [a week?] and doctors who do not condescend to give consultations to the sick. We know it, but it does not matter. We are not only making an effort to raise the revolutionary conscience of the teachers; we are also turning out new generations of teachers, new generations of doctors, and new generations of technicians. Just as we are turning out new generations of fishermen together with the project for the construction of great fishing fleets; just as we are turning out new generations of administrative cadres; just as we are impelling the future of the homeland with faith and conviction and without becoming discouraged because of the present difficulties, because we know that they are temporary; and also because they do us honor; and also because we know that they make us strong (applause); and also because the people become strong not in abundance, but in sacrifice, struggle, and adversity. And we know what the people are capable of. REVOLUTION IS WAR THAT CHANGES FORM Everything depends on our understanding and knowing how to make the others understand that a revolution is not a promenade or a bed of roses, but of sacrifice -- a hard and self-sacrificing struggle. On our knowing that we are not living in normal times and that the Revolution is a tremendous struggle -- a war that changes form. Sometimes it turns into armed battle, and sometimes into class war, unarmed [struggle], sabotage, campaigns, resistance, or interference with revolutionary work that can take the form of armed struggle, as it did at Giron and as it did in the Escambray during the campaign against the range there. The enemies will never rest in their task of trying to sow terror; murdering teachers, militiamen, and workers; and committing the repugnant and odious crimes and the reactionary gangs have committed everywhere. Know that this is a hard struggle. And we know what the people can bear, because we saw them in the Sierra when neither we nor the people had salt, sugar, or cigarettes. What we had was airplanes and bombs, and families living in caves. And with what stoicism they bore it all, knowing that this was the struggle, that this was the war, that better times would come! We also know that the people are unyielding and that they are capable of the most inconceivable sacrifices, and that when the timorous and faithless are being brought to their knees, the people begin to react energetically and bravely -- to react against their enemies. The enemies have become boastful, and the reaction of the people was not late in coming. It can already be seen. It can be seen everywhere, and it will be seen ever more. It will be seen on 26 July, the fourth anniversary after the triumph of the Revolution, which will also be a day of struggle and recounting, and a day of battle. We shall mobilize the people right there in Santiago de Cuba, and send the revolutionary message to the entire nation from there. Comrades of struggle, combat, and offensive, you must begin this new stage in the schools with this spirit. You must go to teach your students with this spirit. Homeland or death! We shall win! (Applause) -END-