-DATE-
19630703
-YEAR-
1963
-DOCUMENT_TYPE-
INTERVIEW
-AUTHOR-
F. CASTRO
-HEADLINE-
EXCLUSIVE IN SOVIET TRIP TO SIEMPRE
-PLACE-
CUBA
-SOURCE-
SIEMPRE
-REPORT_NBR-
FBIS
-REPORT_DATE-
19630703
-TEXT-
FIDEL GRANTS EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW ON SOVIET TRIP
TO "SIEMPRE"

/Following is a translation of an article by Victor
Rico Galan in the Spanish-language Mexican magazine
Siempre (Always), Mexico City, 3 July 1963, Pages
32-33./

After his report to the Cuban people, transmitted by radio and
television, Dr. Fidel Castro Ruz, Prime Minister and Prime Secretary of the
United Party of the Cuban Socialist Revolution, granted an exclusive
interview to SIEMPRE on the moral repercussion of his trip to the USSR on
the Latin American area, and on his impressions of the development of the
revolutionary movement on this continent, in accordance with what was
stated in the joint Cuban-Soviet communique. The subject of the interview
had been established beforehand, and Dr. Castro developed it in its diverse
aspects as he replied to this correspondent's questions so fully that it
was unnecessary to ask many questions.

"My trip to the Soviet Union has been an opportunity to
demonstrate the entirely new type relations, with a spirit of authentic
equality, between large and small States which arise with socialism. Honors
and considerations were heaped on our country by the USSR, not only
publicly and officially, but also in the discussion of political questions
of common interest. Of special moral value for Latin America is the
treatment given our country by the Soviet Union with regard to economic
questions.

"The tragedy of Latin America has been, is and will be more and
more the situation stemming from the discriminatory economic treatment,
from the non-reciprocal exchange of its non-industrial products, which
brings about such a situation that the volume of exports from Latin America
continues to be greater and the value of the industrial products which it
is able to import becomes less.

"The most just and the most widely felt demand of the Latin
American countries is for a just price for their coffee, their meat, their
cotton and cocoa, and finally,for all the basic products on which their
economy depends. Latin America is facing an outlook in which not only will
this situation be maintained, but it will be further aggravated because of
the creation of economic blocks in Europe and measures implanted in the
United States which make it increasingly difficult to sell their exports. A
good example is that of Uruguay, whose rice market in Canada was destroyed
through dumping of North American rice, which is an agricultural product
subsidized by the United States Government.

"The losses suffered by Latin America in foreign exchange as a
result of the low prices for its products are greater than the "aid" which
has been offered to them in the one-sided and deformed conditions of their
economies through the Alliance for Progress, an aid of which it can be
stated firmly that it arrives late, poorly and never.

"How different are our relations in this respect with the
socialist field! The USSR paid for Cuban sugar over and above the world
market price and when, as a result of the perfidious aggressions of the
United States against Cuba and the enlargement of the sugar market up to
the limits of the socialist field, sugar prices rose, and the Soviet Union
itself proposed the raising of the prices established in the agreements,
and they purchased from us when the world market prices were lower, and
they suggested raising these prices to put them in conformity with the new
status of world prices.

"Cuba often sold its sugar to the United States below the world
market prices, as in the last war. Never was there a similar suggestion
from the United States; very much to the contrary, when the crisis passed
our quotas were reduced and our rights on the North American market
sacrificed. Is this not the story of what has happened in a similar manner
with the Latin American economies in their relations with the United
States?

"But not only this, but in our conversations with the Soviet
leaders we have focused on the problems which, from the theoretic as well
as the practical point of view, are derived from the extraordinary
difference in levels between the industrialized countries and the
underdeveloped countries, as a result of the exploitation maintained on
these countries by the colonizing and imperialist nations. Questions such
as what place should our economies occupy in the future in a highly
developed world; with what resources will we finance our development to
occupy a decent spot in that world; on what basis will we exchange our
products; how will we plan our efforts in accordance with international
division of work. All these questions are of great interest to our
countries. Fortunately Cuba has arisen to the revolution at this time of
deep political and economic transformations, which at the same time raise
uneasy questions among the people whose governments maintain their
countries in shameful conditions of subjection to the standards which the
imperialist nations dictate, and which is a road without perspective or
hope of any kind."

A pause and a question.

"Do you believe, Commander, that if the Revolution were to take
place in another Latin American country, that country would, like Cuba,
count on support from the socialist field?"

"There is not the slightest doubt of this. The peoples, in any
part of the world, who decide to free themselves from the imperialist yoke,
will, like we, have the decided aid from the entire socialist field, and
among the countries of the socialist field, the unlimited solidarity of the
economic and political power of the Soviet Union, of which the Cuban case
has been a brilliant example.

"The only ones who can doubt this are the reactionaries of the
worst kind or those who, calling themselves revolutionaries, lack faith in
the ability of our peoples to fight and free themselves from the
oppressions of imperialism along the roads which the circumstances may
indicate, of which Cuba has also been a brilliant example.

"In the joint Cuban-Soviet communique it is stated: 'The PURS and
the PCUS apply a policy of full help to the national anti-imperialist
movement for liberation of the peoples, they fight for the complete and
definitive liquidation of colonialism and neocolonialism in all its forms.
Consequently they occupy the positions of proletarian internationalism,
manifesting fraternal solidarity with all the countries and peoples who
fight against oppression and exploitation. They see their international
duty in the support of all that is new, advanced, progressive, which is
born in the world. In considering all exportation of revolution contrary to
Marxism-Leninism, the communists are at the same time resolutely against
any exportation of counter-revolution, and they will lend all types of aid
to the peoples who are defending their liberty and independence."

"Dr. Castro: in the joint communique it is also asserted that 'the
Havana Declarations have historic importance for the national-liberating
fight of the peoples of Latin America and correctly indicate the course of
events.' Does that mean that both, particularly the second, are fully in
effect?"

"Not only does it mean that they are fully in effect, but the
joint communique reinforces the revolutionary plans contained in the First
and Second Havana Declarations and raises the prestige of these documents
in the Latin American Revolutionary movement. But as important as this
moral support of the international communist movement are the facts, in
plain view, which ratify the full legal disposition of the principles
contained in the Second Havana Declaration. The Marxist-Leninist
interpretation of the Latin American revolutionary development, contained
in that important document of principles, is receiving more and more the
confirmation of history. The deep revolutionary crisis which is being
produced in Latin America is plain to see, even by our imperialist enemies
who try to cure the social cancer from which Latin America is suffering,
with the ridiculous salves of the Alliance for Progress. This crisis cannot
be salved. Nothing or no one will be able to impede its transformation into
authentic socialist revolutions along the roads which the concrete
conditions of the each country determine. Its greater or lesser impetus
will depend on the revolutionary forces' boldness, correct vision and
decision to fight.

"The imperialists want to blame us for this revolutionary climate.
In any event blame must be given history, the laws which make history, the
fight of the exploited classes against the exploiters, the merciless
imperialist and oligarchic plundering which create the masses of hungry
workers and peasants, who in their just aspiration to a better life which
is within their reach, will be the ones to whom the burial of imperialist
domination in Latin America is entrusted. The fault for this does not fall
on Cuba in any manner.

"The duty of the revolutionary parties and leaders is to take
their place at the front of those masses and carry them on to victory, now
that the new historic conditions more than ever favor the fight of the
oppressed."

"Do you believe that there is danger of a third world war?"

"The danger of a war can never be discounted so long as
imperialism exists. But I feel that that danger diminishes day by day, in
accordance with the change in the correlation of forces, and because the
USSR follows a policy consistent with peace, and because the military power
with which it supports that policy is such and so extraordinary that the
imperialists know that if they attack the socialist camp they would
disappear from the face of the earth."
-END-