-DATE-
19650617
-YEAR-
1965
-DOCUMENT_TYPE-
SPEECH
-AUTHOR-
F. CASTRO
-HEADLINE-
4TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE INTERIOR MINISTRY
-PLACE-
CHAPLIN THEATER
-SOURCE-
HAVANA DOMESTIC RADIO
-REPORT_NBR-
FBIS
-REPORT_DATE-
19650618
-TEXT-
FIDEL CASTRO SPEAKS ON INTERIOR MINISTRY WORK

Havana Domestic Radio and Television Services in English 0250 GMT 17 June
1965--F

(Live Fidel Castro speech from the Chaplin Theater In Havana on the
occasion of the celebration of the fourth anniversary of the founding of
the Interior Ministry)

(Text) Comrade ladies and gentlemen: It is very just and very legitimate
that the comrades of the Interior (women interrupts, shouting that he
cannot be heard; laughter--ed.) It is that I do not have a voice as loud
(crowd's laughter drowns Castro out) What? Can you hear now? (Crowd shouts
yes and no) I was saying that it was just and legitimate for the comrades
of the Interior Ministry to celebrate this date of the fourth anniversary
of its founding.

This is the first time that the anniversary is being celebrated, and it is
a good opportunity for everyone--for the people and for all the
revolutionary comrades who participate in the various work fronts--to
appreciate the functions, the tasks, the value of the work being performed
by this ministry. In the revolution, tasks are extremely varied and they
all are important. But some of them are more visible, they are clearer. On
many fronts of revolutionary work, there is always a moment of climax. In
production, for example, the moment of climax was the fulfillment of the
goal of the 6 million this year (applause). The nation's defense has had
several moments of climax, as at the moment of the mercenary invasion, for
example, we experienced a moment of climax in the work of our Revolutionary
Armed Forces (applause). On many fronts, the effort, the results, the
fruits can be seen.

There are other fronts of the revolution in which, on the other hand, those
moments of climax are not easy to see, but which, however, constitute a
task that is carried out indefatigably day after day; that is fraught with
sacrifices, heroism--that quiet heroism of men who, in the fulfillment of
their duty, be they members of State Security, a comrade who watches over
traffic, a comrade who works in the fire department (applause), or comrades
who maintain public order (applause), or comrades who infiltrate the ranks
of the enemies (applause), and who, therefore, have the very bitter task of
passing themselves off as counterrevolutionaries (applause) in order to
serve the revolution--those comrades who in the struggle against the
activities of the enemies (someone shouts again that he cannot hear;
Castro, smiling broadly, replies--ed.).

Well, the best thing is to read it tomorrow in the paper if you cannot hear
(applause). It seems that a great number of those present can hear well.
The deaf, I hope, can at least read well (laughter). Nevertheless, it is
not my fault if someone is deaf or if a microphone or speaker is not
working. It is not my fault. The worst that can happen if someone cannot
hear is for me to try to contrive something to permit you to hear me. But
alas, I can do nothing, so I ask any comrade who cannot hear to be patient.
Moreover, I thank him for his interest in wanting to hear (applause),
because behind what may appear to be discourtesy there is really kindness
and interest. Very well, from that contradiction, one more contradiction
(laughter): I heard Comrade Ramiro speak of institutional dialectic
development, and he described all those things in a brilliant manner, but
we are facing a contradiction here and it is between the speaker and the
one who cannot hear (laughter).

A dialectic solution--the newspaper (laughter and applause)--I believe that
someone wanted to say something. (Someone says something as Castro listens
intently--ed.) But we are going to see you hear me; I hear you
(laughter)--the comrade says that whoever does not hear should come closer,
and I believe that may be the solution (applause). Well, perhaps it is
because I am talking a little too far away from the microphones.

I was saying--I pointed out the nature of the work by the comrades in the
Interior Ministry and how many times the work develops in a very quiet,
selfless, silent way. We all should remember these comrades who, carrying
out difficult and demanding tasks, have exercised this silent heroism that
has all the merit that any other heroism can have but also contains the
merit of anonymous heroism. Of course, revolutionaries struggle for a
cause. Revolutionaries do not struggle for a prize, neither in life nor
afterlife. Revolutionaries do not even struggle for the glories of this
world. Marti said that all the glories of the world would fit into a grain
of wheat. The man who fulfills a duty, fulfills it thus: for the high ideal
that he has of his obligations, for the great love that he feels for his
cause.

The enemy is becoming furious with these men who carry out this task and
are in the first line of the revolutionary struggle. The enemy hates the
one who fights him most. He hates most those whom he fears most. He hates
most those whom he sees are representatives of the always alert spirit and
are always in the fighting spirit of the revolution. It is natural that the
task of the defense of the revolution against the cunning enemy, the task
of the defense of the revolution against all the forces of
imperialism--promoting all types of counterrevolutionary activities from
sabotage, espionage, to the organization of bands of criminals on a large
scale of activity--and having had to defend the revolution from these
activities by the enemy, the focus of the activities of the ministry has
been concentrated on this effort.

It is necessary to say that this institution--as the revolutionary
institution that it is--struggles against the enemy through methods that
are truly revolutionary. It is the duty of the revolution not only to
discover and dismantle or annihilate the organizations or the acts of the
enemies; it is also their duty to prevent them. It is also their duty many
times to rehabilitate those enemies who can be rehabilitated. And this
institution that faces these activities, and faces them in an energetic
way, also carries out many activities of extraordinary social interest.

Comrade Ramiro spoke of that matter. He spoke of the struggle, not only
against the real counterrevolutionary activities, but also against the rest
of the antisocial activities--the struggle against common criminality.
Although it is true that counterrevolutionary action is a criminal act that
is not so common, it must be said that counterrevolutionary criminals are
worse than the other criminals.

It is possible that many of those who fall into common criminality to a
considerable degree may be the victims of the education they received,
victims of the social environment in which they grew up, victims of all the
evils of a society of exploitation. Many of them did not have the slightest
chance to go to a school or to acquire instruction or any level of culture.
But the counterrevolutionary criminals, in essence, emerge from the classes
that did have a change to go to school, to get instruction, to get culture,
a culture and instruction they many times use to degrade men who do not
belong to that class. They try to expand their influence by all means and
they are much more conscious of the activities they carry out. Of course,
if we go a little bit further, the very crime of counterrevolution is
predetermined in a certain sense, in a revolutionary process,by the class
positions they occupied.

With the development of the revolution, both crimes will have to decrease.
Common crime will necessarily decrease because many of the causes that
engender common crime will be diminished considerably or disappear. But
counterrevolutionary crime will also disappear because the cause that
engenders the class from which counterrevolutionary criminals emerge will
disappear.

We have no sympathy for counterrevolutionaries, of course, but it must be
said that in a certain sense there also exists a certain fatalism in their
conduct. It pains us that there are any kinds of criminal, of one kind or
another. But within 20 years, it will be hardly possible for a
counterrevolutionary to exist because there will be no exploiters. The
class of the exploiters will have disappeared, and thus the source, the
cause, and the essence of counterrevolutionary crime will have disappeared.

Naturally, we regret that difference which, in our opinion, makes
counterrevolutionary crime more serious because it is more conscious, more
serious because it is more antipatriotic, more ignoble and more selfish;
moreover, serious because it goes against the instrument that works for
disappearance of that crime and the rest of the crimes--that is to say, it
goes against the revolution. But the essential thing is that we must
struggle against those two activities: counterrevolutionary activity and
the common crimes--we do not call them antisocial crimes, for the
activities of the counterrevolutionaries are also antisocial.

We always call counterrevolutionary criminals by the name of
counterrevolutionary criminals. The counterrevolutionaries try to call
themselves political criminals. And I always remember that the definition
of "political criminal" which was most accepted as being correct and which
seemed to us to be the most correct was that of a great Spanish penologist,
who felt that one could speak of political crimes or of political prisoners
only in cases of citizens who acted against political laws in a certain
instance in an attempt to establish a better social system, a fairer social
system, a more progressive social system, a revolutionary social system;
but that those who struggled for a conservative social order, for a
reactionary social order, for a retrograde social order, for a return to
the past could never deserve to be considered political prisoners or
political criminals, that is, with the word "political" included.

A counterrevolutionary is very different from a revolutionary prisoner. The
counterrevolutionary prisoner, in the first place--the counterrevolutionary
himself--is the very antithesis of the interests of the people. He is a
person who is divorced from the people. This explains the failures of
counterrevolution in its attempts to organize counterrevolutionary bands,
in its attempts to resort to guerrilla warfare. It is that guerrilla
warfare prospers wherever there is a oligarchic, feudal, exploiting regime,
where there is a regime of imperialist exploitation of colonialism; whereas
counterrevolutionary guerrillas do not prosper simply because some go with
the people and others go against the people. And the counterrevolutionaries
struggle for something very different than that for which we
revolutionaries fought. It is necessary to say that in the common prison in
general there is a certain pride in saying, "I am a common criminal,"
understanding--and it is necessary that this be said correctly--that the
other is even worse; but we should say that all forms of delinquency are
bad and it is necessary to fight against all of them.

The revolution does not neglect fighting against these delinquents, but
whenever it is possible it tries to rehabilitate them. And after saying in
all justice that the effort that our revolution has made in the field of
rehabilitation is a brilliant and extraordinary effort, we should also add
that our revolution is accumulating a very interesting experience in this
sense, and we will be so much more revolutionary not only because of what
we know of how to fight this enemy, but also in our knowledge of how to
reeducate or rehabilitate them if it is possible.

One of the most humane tasks that the revolution is carrying out, entrusted
to this ministry, is the task of reeducating and rehabilitating the
counterrevolutionary and common prisoners. And there are many cases--and
some day these experiences will have to be compiled in a book because they
are useful experiences not only for us, but also for other countries when
their turn comes to have a revolution.

It should also be said that this is not an easy task; it is a difficult
task. We greatly admire the efforts of the rehabilitators and instructors
who live with the prisoners. The Interior Ministry asked the party to
choose a group of very highly select comrades who were then entrusted with
the difficult task of virtually living with the counterrevolutionary
prisoners, doing the same work, eating the same food--practically living
the life of a prisoner. It is unquestionable that these citizen do exercise
a very positive influence on the others, because only a revolution is
capable of carrying out such a task. It is logical that these men, by their
example, exercise a strong and profound impression on those who look on
them as an enemy and ask: What type of man is this, or what type of men are
those who are capable of withstanding the same rigors as us?

And without a doubt, those efforts have been bearing fruit. Of course,
circumstances many times favor or make a task difficult. For a certain
period of time, the counterrevolutionaries had hopes that the imperialists
would get them out of jail. They lived with illusions and dreams of
invasions and things of that type, but the years passed, day followed day
and month followed month, as some poem says, and nothing happened.
Naturally, that destroyed their illusions. We are not going to criticize
anyone who has illusion, but those were illusions; and many began to
realize that only the revolution itself could offer them a way out, could
offer them the solution; the same revolution they scorned and hated with
all their hearts was the only thing that could offer a way of light to a
useless life, a life that was (word indistinct) by actions that are in no
sense worthy or edifying.

That fact helped contribute better conditions. It is possible that many of
you have been able to see a play that has toured the island. It is
performed by the prisoners themselves, made by the prisoners themselves,
and it is related to this problem of rehabilitation and it is very
instructive, very interesting. We consider it one of the most positive
things the revolution can do, as well as one of the most humane things the
revolution can do. Perhaps one day it will be well for the people to see
this play also. I do not know whether it has been put on in any theater to
which enough of the public can go, but in that theatrical work, one could
see the job being done with the education of the children, those misguided
and abandoned children who are now rarely seen on our streets, just as it
is very rare to see a aged person begging, just as it is very rare to see
someone lying in a doorway as dozens were seen in the past, sleeping there
on the cement and living on public charity.

That type of thing reveals and instructs, and offers much information about
that work--that work, that quiet but useful work--of which one hardly ever
hears mention, the tasks being done--but before continuing, I had entered
into the topic of the counterrevolutionary prisoners and of getting out.
Periodically, a little dispatch is released that a committee, an
organization, has been created to struggle for the release of these
counterrevolutionary prisoners; and they also speak of indemnification and
other things. On one occasion, at the time of the Playa Giron invasion,
something had to be done about that swarm of worms. Undoubtedly, all of
them, without exception, deserved to be executed by us. But in reality, the
revolution did not have any reason to besmirch its victory with such a
drastic measure. Moreover, the revolution does not execute just to execute.
Revolutionary laws are an instrument not--(Castro rephrases) For the
revolution, for society, punishment is not an end but a means, an
instrument. We do not consider punishment, philosophically, as an end. No,
the individual must be punished only because he deserves it. That is a very
old and antiquated concept; and really punishment is simply an instrument
in defense of the revolution or society.

And we were going to have those gentlemen mercenaries--who, as a matter of
fact, ate a lot--in the jail for no one knows how long. And since the U.S.
Government itself had officially admitted they were under its orders, that
gave rise to that solution of telling the U.S. Government to pay an
indemnity. Among other things, we felt that it would be hard for the United
States not to pay. In a certain sense, it was something like a tribute of
war that imperialism was going to pay the revolution. And that formula of
the indemnity emerged by virtue of which--although they stole some millions
of pesos--they paid close to 50 million pesos. I think that it worked out
to be somewhat less than a gold pesos, but not very far from the price in
gold to those gentlemen. They paid at the gold price and those heroes
returned there to create more problems and more headaches than they had.
And they paid the indemnity, which was well understood and interpreted by
the people. In our judgment, it was a good solution for a special
situation.

But it seems that that has aroused some illusion among them, and they think
that they can resolve problems with indemnities and such things. We recall,
in recent weeks, a trial of a group of gentlemen who, under the cloak or
disguise of pastors of souls, were carrying out espionage and
counterrevolutionary activities. They, including two U.S. citizens, were
sentenced by the revolution courts for that reason. Among other crimes,
they committed the crime of having changed close to 300,000 dollars on the
black market. It seems that it is a very Christian action, in the concept
of these gentlemen, to change the dollars that were sent to them from the
United States on the black market to enable them to have more money at
their disposal--that is to say, to buy pesos very cheaply and with these
pesos to be able to make a cheaper counterrevolution.

Of course, it is only (word indistinct) and they do not even try to deny
the activities related to the exchange of money on the black market. They
immediately started to talk and began negotiating to--and they gave news on
the cables of a negotiation for an indemnification.

Also in recent days, there has been a committee to pay an indemnity for the
other counterrevolutionary prisoners. Now, actually, we should define this
policy. This does not mean, of course, that the revolutionary state
renounces the right to do what it deems most convenient under certain
circumstances. However, we feel that it would be well for those who may
think that they can go on tempting the revolution by offering
indemnification to get rid of those illusion, because that is not the
policy of the revolution (applause).

And let them abandon those illusions, because the revolution does not
contemplate any negotiation of that type. A means to finding freedom is
rehabilitation and an end to counterrevolution. What would we be doing by
setting the counterrevolutionaries at liberty if counterrevolution
constitutes in a matter of days, months, or a few years. The struggle
against the revolution by this enemy will be a long struggle, and therefore
the surest road is the road of rehabilitation.

There are individual cases, such as that of an important--a very
important--spy, a CIA cadre, when they have sometimes been willing to pay a
large indemnity. There are also cases of some children of millionaires who
have begun to play counterrevolution and to prepare attacks and the like.
Indeed, in those cases, some of them are children of gentlemen who stole
millions of pesos. I will not deny that we have felt the temptation of
telling them, "Well, pay a million dollars for this irresponsible
pepillito, and return some of the money of the republic." (Few words
indistinct) No, in some such individual cases, the country might wish to
recover some of the money stolen from the nation. Such a case might exist;
that is to say, the revolution does not renounce that, but only in
exceptional cases. And there will be very few exceptions, because it would
be best for them to know that by working they can repay the country part of
what they have taken away and for the damage they have done.

We are going to be generous. We do one of those pepillitos a greater favor
by working him than by permitting them to pay an indemnity for their
activities. That individual will learn what work is, and I think that there
is nothing more edifying and educating than work. Of course rehabilitation
is through work, and of course work is a fundamental duty of the criminal
of any type. But the policy of the revolution--so that the enemies will
lose their illusions, for they were recently making efforts through certain
embassies to get authorization for a group to come here to discuss those
things--we are going to tell them once and for all that they can unpack
their bags and cancel their trips because we are not going to receive
(applause) because we are not going to receive any delegation or anyone who
will come to discuss problems of that type.

We know where we stand and we are not deluded. We know that we still face a
long period of struggle, and therefore we will not discuss nay solution of
that type with anyone.

I take advantage of this occasion to present this view of the revolutionary
government. It is our duty to be very aware of that, for we have a long
struggle ahead of us and we must be well prepared for that long struggle.

This refers to the field of the struggle against counterrevolutionary
criminality or common delinquency. Last year or two years ago, it was
necessary to adopt more drastic measures against common delinquency because
a certain tendency to resolve economic problems through robbery became
popular among elements who were incapable of earning their livings
honestly, and it was necessary to adopt drastic measures. It was necessary
to apply more severe penalties to cases of crimes of robbery of homes and
bars in order to stop this wave of common crime which had created a certain
insecurity among the families.

Really, we fell that when such tendencies manifest themselves, it is
necessary to be severe. It is possible that the severity must be increased
with some other types of penalties. I will not speak, for example, about
cases of common crime, but there are certain violations that do not seem
serious but which in fact are serious. For example, violations of traffic
laws and regulations, which carry very mild penalties, are really serious
violations because they cost many lives. They are serious violations
because they are the cause of many injured people, many crippled people.
Those who like to race over the roads, exceeding the speed limit, passing
red lights, and doing as they please on the streets (applause) should learn
from experience what an emergency room in a hospital is and witness the
arrival at any of those hospitals of the broken bodies from an accident.
Children and women, persons who are completely innocent and free of any
blame become the victims of irresponsible people.

There are statistics--many measures have been taken, but the problem
remains. We are really in favor of having those types of violations
punished more severely because no one has the right (applause) no one has
the right to be on the streets endangering and destroying the lives of
others. It is obvious that no one means to kill anyone, but the result is
the same. He kills one or several persons, and it seems to us that the
campaign against traffic violations should be based on legislation that is
much more severe toward that type of violation. Of course, they are not
crimes; that is to say, they are crimes in a certain sense, but not the
type of crimes we spoke of previously.

In that sense, the interior ministry also performs one of the most useful
and positive social functions. In the struggle against vice--in the
struggle against gambling, in the great effort that has been made to
liquidate prostitution, in the achievements attained in that sense, in the
eradication of gambling to the highest possible degree--in the eradication
of another series of evils, we have highly positive tasks. In the struggle
to rehabilitate, to educate, to guide those children like the ones who were
in the tableau here, the Interior Ministry workers have performed
remarkable tasks, having saved thousands and thousands of children like
them for society, for work, and for a useful life.

In the improvement of services against fires, equipping that organization
with competent personnel, equipment, and technicians, they have also
rendered a great service to our country. That is to say that the field of
activity of the comrades of this organization is a broad and varied field,
and the services it has rendered to the revolution and the country are very
great.

It should be said that, in view of the task it performs, the men and women
who work in this organization of the revolution must necessarily be among
the best in our country, among the most revolutionary and the firmest.
Revolutionary firmness and conviction is an essential prerequisite in this
case. In reality, we can say that those characteristics abound to a high
degree among the comrades who work on this front of the revolution. Thanks
to that, there have been many victories obtained against the enemy. There
have been many achievements attained. Almost all counterrevolutionary
activities, practically all counterrevolutionary organizations--and there
were many because every three counterrevolutionaries thought they could
form an organization, and each of the hundreds of organizations abroad
thought they had the right to have a branch office here--but, in reality,
almost all of them were broken up.

The espionage organizations of the CIA have received many very hard blows.
The plans--the plans to infiltrate explosives and armaments along our
coasts have received many very hard blows. Thousands of weapons and
quantities of terrorist devices of all types have been captured through the
years--weapons that have served them nothing, explosives that have served
them very little but which have enriched the arsenals of the revolution
(applause).

It must be borne in mind that the imperialists have entire industries
devoted to preparing means of sabotage and terrorism, very specialized
means of communication to facilitate the work of the terrorists, quantities
of weapons with silencers, quantities of sheets of long-range (two words
indistinct), quantities of instruments, weapons, and equipment for all
types from that very specialized industry in the United States for these
activities they carry out all over the world.

These activities are frequently reported publicly, but many times
circumstances dictate that they not be publicized, in order that we may
continue to capture them. That is why--there are even many times when a
good number of caches are captured, but it is better to let them continue
to count on them than to let them know they do not have them. The chances
of their becoming stranded are much greater, and their disorder is also
much greater. On other occasions, we have noted how all those enemy plans
have been counteracted and they have failed in a resounding manner. It is
possible that those gentlemen, who are accustomed to doing what they please
throughout the world and to carrying out many of those crimes successfully,
become amazed and find it very difficult to understand how it is possible
that all of their techniques of subversion, counterrevolution, terrorism,
espionage, and sabotage have failed through these years.

Their attempts to organize bands of counterrevolutionaries have failed in a
shameful manner. The persistent efforts they have made over the years in
almost all the provinces and in some provinces in particular, such as Las
Villas Province, and their efforts or organize those bands in the Escambray
which were thwarted by the well-coordinated work by the Interior Ministry
and the armed forces--by this time and for all practical purposes they must
be convinced of the futility of that endeavor. Bands that murdered workers
as easily as a literacy brigade workers or teacher, bands that committed
crimes like those that made the entire nation indignant--of all of those
criminal elements, there were virtually none--not one--who committed any of
those crimes who escaped. There was not a single one that did not pay the
price for those crimes. None of them escaped.

Some day we will be able to write fully about the intelligent, tenacious
manner in which they were put out of combat by the comrades of the
Revolutionary Armed Forces and the Interior Ministry (applause). That is
when the time comes to write that history, but this is the time to make
that history, not to write it. Later we will continue to make history, as
well as write the history of the past, and I am certain that there will be
some very interesting chapters concerning this quiet, silent struggle
between the revolution and its enemies, the results of which are obvious.

They dreamed of being about to burn all the sugarcane, to paralyze
transportation, paralyze the sugarcane centrals, to sabotage the
refineries, to sabotage the principal industries, and the results are there
to see. Some of their crimes were successful; some acts of sabotage were
performed. But they possibly did not achieve even one-thousandth of what
they planned, despite all the money they had, all the resources, all the
means that imperialism provided them for that purpose. They have failed and
the story can be told after six years of revolution, about how they have
failed and we have advanced.

In the field of the economy, which they tried by every means to sabotage,
the revolution is advancing successfully. Instead of fields turned to
ashes, we have seen fields turned into sugar through the work and sweat of
the people. Our enemies are so concerned over that, that in recent days we
have been reading some dispatches to see what they have said about the 6
million tons. Naturally, that had to frighten them, and some U.S. State
Department spokesmen began to talk to themselves: they began to (?cluck)
and search for explanations. Some of these cables are really amusing. They
said: "Well, yes." They were trying to prepare the thing, of course, that
this year, they said in their peculiar style--"this year Castro approached
the truth somewhat when he spoke of 6 million tons. The official of the
State Department estimate that 5.5 million were reached.

When they have to do that and must even begin to say that it was 5.5 and
not 6, they demonstrate how much they are pained by this economic success
for our revolution. The fact is, we are incapable of even adding even a
half of pound of sugar, and I am sure that no citizen in this country
doubts the veracity of this figure, because in order to state a different
figure, we would have had to lie to the people, deceive the people. One
cannot lie to the people. It would be preferable not to publish a figure,
not make a report than to tell a lie, not even in war.

It is very hard for there not to be a certain tendency toward exaggerating
successes in war. Everyone knows that it was a tradition of our revolution
army that we never added even one bullet, a single bullet more, one
prisoner more, one enemy casualty more, one rifle more. (This was one
result of?) a principle that even though we were at different front, our
comrades knew that what they heard on the radio was correct. If it said 20
rifles, it was 20 rifles; if it said 100, it was 100 rifles. The same
policy is being followed by the revolution in power. That same policy is
being followed with its figures. I do not recall, even under circumstances
such as the question of the strategic weapons in our country, that Cuba
ever entered into the discussion of whether they were offensive of
defensive weapons in the United States or anywhere else. And the statements
made by Comrade Dorticos in the United Nations and the statements made by
the Revolutionary Government always--if you will check back--said that we
had the right to have the type of weapons we deemed proper and that we did
not have to account to anyone about what weapons they were (applause).

That was the line and policy followed by the Revolutionary Government;
because if we were fight, why did we have to make explanations or resort to
lies? That was always the position of the Revolutionary Government. Hence,
the faith and confidence of the masses in the revolution: because they know
that this is the policy and the position. The government cannot always
explain everything because not all matters and tasks included in complex
government activities can be discussed publicly. There are things that, due
to their characteristics and nature, cannot be dealt with in this manner.
Inevitably and necessarily, there are certain activities that require
discretion. However, discretion is very different from lies. Lies do not
pay dividends. In the long run, the dividends accrued from lying are paid
for very dearly.

Many times it becomes necessary to be discrete. In the matter of sugar, the
policy we adopted was not to disclose figures less than we produced even
though, at a given time, to have disclosed figures smaller than our
production could have suited us because of the (effect on--ed.) prices. Had
we disclosed smaller production figures, we would have turned into vulgar
speculators, to the detriment even of those trading with us. We followed a
discretionary policy. When we no longer had reason to follow that policy,
we began to gradually release the figures being produced. These figures
were based strictly on the truth. It would have made no sense to deceive
the people by releasing larger figures; it would amount to deceiving
ourselves and depressing prices. If prices are depressed by the sugar we
produce, let them be depressed because of the quantities of sugar we
produce. As we plan to continue producing, today this could bring us
sacrifices for a year, two years, three years; but in the long run we will
have a firmer and more solid position in the sugar market (applause)--but
by telling the truth. What would we stand to gain by releasing exaggerated
figures that would depress prices, if later on we did not have that amount
of sugar? That would be absurd, ridiculous. Reasoning will substantiate
that we should not make such a mistake.

If we are giving production figures, it is simply because we know that that
production will continue increasing year after year and that this country
has left behind the policy of the "ostrich" in regards to sugar, that this
country has left behind that suicidal sugar policy of agreements and
transactions to restrict production to the detriment of the country's
future interests. We think of the future, and we plan to occupy the place
that belongs to us in the market due to our sugar production capacity and
our natural conditions; and we are heading in that direction. Without
doubt, in the future we will have a solid and tenable position in the world
market, because to compete with Cuba in a place where Cuba's natural
conditions do not prevail would mean facing sure ruin. The policy followed
by the latinfundists and landowners here was stupid, and was a policy
subservient to the dictates of imperialism; and we have given up that
policy here.

It is hard for the imperialists to admit that we have reached 6 million
tons of sugar. They are hard put to admit this and are aware of the effect
caused everywhere by that improvement in our economy. We have produced not
only 6 million; we said that we would produce 6,050,500 tons and precisely
tomorrow we will have produced 6,040,500 tons of sugar (applause). In
Oriente, there are still several sugar mills million the last canestalks.
Even yesterday, they had a little over 3,000 tons a day, with which we will
exceed the 6,040,000-ton mark by a bit. Therefore, we have not only 5.5
million, not only 6 million, but 6 million and a little more (applause)
than 6 million (applause).

We have the right to announce this; and naturally this is not difficult to
prove because there are the sugar sales, and an analysis of our sales is
sufficient to verify the quantity of sugar that we produced, for one cannot
sell sugar that does not exist. However, this demonstrates the
discouragement in the ranks of our enemies and how much they are worried
with the successes achieved by the revolution. Our successes are the best
proof of the failure of our enemies. They are the best proof that their
efforts have been useless.

Today, after six and one-half years of revolution, we have a more
battle-seasoned, more organized, experienced,a ware, and therefore a
stronger nation. They could not defeat us during the difficult early days;
how could they do it today? We can say with satisfaction that all the
attempts against our country by imperialism have been shattered--against
our small country, against our great revolution (applause)--because the
cause of the Cuban revolution is the cause of a great revolution in a small
country. What has made the revolution great? Among other things its
adversary, the fact that we have a powerful enemy against us, an enemy that
has harassed us, has made us stronger; and it has made the repercussion and
importance of our revolution greater. And imperialism, at the same time as
it is assuming a position whose aggressiveness grows day by day, is
encountering ever greater problems in all parts of the world. Its policy is
a desperate policy, and it is harvesting hate throughout the world, defeats
throughout the world, failures throughout the world.

Its criminal intervention in Santo Domingo, an intervention whose deeds are
more repugnant every day--because during the past 48 hours they have caused
tens of casualties, particularly among the civilian population, by
attacking the constitutional forces. The steadfastness of the
constitutionalists apparently has exasperated them to the extent that they
carried out acts of barbarity yesterday, breaking the cease-fire, carrying
out an act of provocation on a large scale, extending the occupation zone
and filing the world every day with more hate for them, with contempt for
them; awakening every day more solidarity for those people, and at the same
time strengthening the spirit of the constitutionalists, for they too are
demonstrating extraordinary heroism--an extraordinary patriotic spirit;
they have risen to the occasion in the same degree that they have seen
imperialism violate the soil of their fatherland and shed the blood of
their brothers. That has increased the bravery of the Dominicans, the
heroism of the Dominicans, the greatness of the Dominicans.

The same thing is happening in Vietnam. Their criminal intervention has
increased the heroism and greatness of the people, their experience, their
fighting spirit. The cables carry reports of ever greater defeats and the
ever increasing desperation of the imperialists; of new threats--new
threats to send entire divisions or to transfer practically an army of
occupation to that country. The puppet soldiers are no longer of any use to
them and they are forced to mobilize their regular forces.

What will their situation be as the revolutionary movement grows in other
parts of the world? What will be their situation when, instead of putting
out a fire, or two or three fires, they will have to put out 10 or 20
fires? This is unquestionably an untenable situation in spite of their
military and economic resources, resources which are no longer unlimited
and which are already beginning to feel the result of their stupid policy,
which are beginning to feel their extravagant squandering in support of a
warmongering policy, in support of that role of a gendarme they have taken
upon themselves. They have spent a large part of their gold reserves in
those inglorious activities, and their position with respect to various
countries in Europe is not so strong. Their position with respect to
certain countries has become weaker every day.

Now they are bent on the creation of that inter-American peace force. What
irony! The only peace they have taken to the Dominican Republic is the
peace of crime. Protected by their intervention, the gorillas in Santo
Domingo murdered hundreds of citizens and the sea of blood was so great
that they have not been able to hide it. It was so great and so scandalous
that they have not been able to prevent it from being known throughout the
entire world, from being known in the United Nations; and they have not
even been able to prevent the effect that the news of those crimes has
caused in the spirit of their accomplices in the OAS. That intervention has
served to cause more deaths, more destruction, more sorrow, more bloodshed.

The United States, after promoting the reactionary coup in Brazil, is now
attempting to convert that country into a spearhead for its criminal acts
of aggression. It is attempting to use Latin American cannon fodder to
murder Latin American, to crush the independence of Latin Americans, to
destroy the sovereignty of other Latin American countries. However, Brazil,
that imperialist ally, is a reactionary regime sitting on a crater of a
volcano. That regime there is making concessions to the imperialists,
making the weight of inflation fall upon the people. That regime, without
any manner of doubt, is sitting on the crater of a volcano.

One would have to lack the slightest sense of reality to believe that in
these times, when the liberation and independence sentiments of people are
on the rise, that in these times they are attempting to implant
colonialization in this continent by force. It is absurd to attempt to
create this organization with the right to intervene because what Johnson
has done is to declare the nonindependence of Latin America. History has
known many declarations of independence. Johnson will go down in history as
the man who filled the ridiculous and inglorious role of having tried to
issue the declaration of Latin American nonindependence.

To our honor, we are excluded from this declaration (applause) because we
are independent in fact and by right, by right and in fact. We are, and
will go on being so. But for all the other countries of Latin America he
has formulated the declaration of nonindependence, the right to intervene.
And they want to create that (?masquerade). But let us see whether it gets
through. That attempt is so unreal and absurd we believe it cannot easily
prosper. They will have to exert a great deal of pressure; they will have
to demoralize all Latin American governments greatly; a very high price in
honor and prestige will have to be set to have them accept, over and above
the crime committed in Santo Domingo, on top of the blood shed in Santo
Domingo, the creation of a tool giving the right to intervene under the
cloak of an inter-American force.

And who makes up that force, gentlemen--that force for peace and democracy?
The soldiers of the worst gorillas in this hemisphere, the soldiers of the
Brazilian gorillas, the soldiers of Stroessner of Paraguay, the soldiers of
the gorillas of Guatemala, Nicaragua, El Salvador. And those countries,
governed by the most reactionary cliques evolving from putches and coups,
provide the forces that make up the so-called inter-American peace force,
the ones that are going to restore democracy in Santo Domingo--there with
the Yankee democrats, with the troops of Yankee imperialism, the
international gendarmes, the worst criminals of these times, the soldiers
of the most reactionary government currently existing in the world. One has
to be greatly misled, and stupid and unrealistic, to believe that this can
easily prosper.

There is no question but that fear of revolution is what binds these
cliques to imperialism: a horrors of revolutions makes for partnership
among the worst international gangsters, the most reactionary rulers of
this hemisphere, so they can put up a desperate defense against the hour of
freedom, against the hour of revolution. That is why we are experiencing
decisive moments in this hemisphere's history. And we are sure that this
effort to subjugate the hemisphere, this declaration of nonindependence,
this stupid policy, will make the people's revolution spirit grow. It will
call forth the fighting spirit of our Latin American peoples. This policy
will also generate its counterpart: it will generate the revolutionary
spirit, the fighting spirit, of Latin America. It will broaden the
revolutionary horizons, deepen and extend that sentiment. This imperialist
policy will inevitably lead to that: that is, it will inevitably lead to
the defeat of imperialism, because each of those gorillas is sitting on a
volcano, and the volcanoes are beginning to erupt. That policy of force and
intervention reflects better than anything else the failure of this policy,
the failure of their vaunted Alliance for Progress, the crisis of
imperialist dominion in this hemisphere, along with the crisis of that
dominion in Asia, Africa, and all over the world.

These are the years we are living through. They will not be years free of
dangers; they will not be years free of risks. In their desperation, the
imperialists engage in acts of provocation, adventurous actions that entail
dangers to peace, dangers of various kinds. But there is one encouraging
fact, one clear fact, one evident fact: the revolutionary movement is
growing throughout the world. It is growing, becoming firmer, becoming
stronger; and that is one of the great incongruities of these times. The
United States' imperialist might cannot extinguish, cannot check this
historic force, this revolutionary force. And the outcome must inevitably
be the imperialists' defeat. That role means their isolation--their role of
gendarme--their complete discredit, complete loss of trust, and ruin. That
is the era we are living in.

And we, in the midst of this whirlpool, are naturally exposed to various
risks. We are exposed to various dangers, but we believe we are not the
only ones. There are dangers facing all the rest of the world. We will have
to go on struggling hard. We will have to go on fighting those enemies. We
must continue carrying on with our revolutionary work.

In any case, that has been accomplished is very encouraging and highly
satisfactory, the pace of our revolution at this time, the strength of our
revolution on every front, in every field. We are not resting on our
laurels, and we will not. We must realize this. There is still much to be
done. There is much struggle ahead of us. But without a doubt, the panorama
becomes increasingly clear, the facts are increasingly eloquent: our
revolution is growing stronger; the revolutionary movement in general is
growing stronger. Imperialism is weakening; its defeat becomes increasingly
sure and inevitable.

And all the forces of our revolution, all fronts of our revolution, must
make use of the experience they have gained, the degree of organization
they have attained during these years. It may be said that all fronts of
the revolution--all fronts--have attained much greater organization, much
more efficiency, more more experience. Our revolutionary institutions are
growing stronger. Our party is growing stronger. All our mass organizations
are growing stronger. And the people are growing stronger; they are
becoming more and more competent, more aware, more enthusiastic, more
industrious. And so, on all fronts, the evidence of progress is seen here
and everywhere. It has been the result of the efforts put forth during
these years.

What a difference! When we used to look at those (?charts) representing the
various activities, we used to think, "how much has been done in a really
short time--how much progress has been made!" and we looked proudly at all
these results, all this work of the revolution. And, as at other
ceremonies, as at other functions when, the same as here, the comrades of
some work front gather, we have been able to see the progress made by this
ministry not merely in what we know it has done, but in what is eloquently
expressed by what it has done, what it has accomplished.

We are also gratified to have at the head of that organization, presiding
over these things, one of the most outstanding comrades of our revolution
(applause), a comrade who has taken an outstanding part in all the most
climatic events of this revolutionary process, who was at the Moncada and
in prison and in exile; who came on the Granma (applause), who was in the
entire Sierra Maestra campaign, and who furthermore--the only comrade with
all that background--also was with the invading column with Comrade Ernesto
Guevara (applause).

And now that I mention our comrade Maj. Ernesto Guevara (applause)--who is
so deserving of this applause--you have probably heard the rumors
circulated by the imperialists. They say that Comrade Ernesto Guevara does
not appear in public, that he was not present on 1 May, that he was not
present the week when the cane was cut. And they are really very curious.
There is speculation as to whether he is here, or whether he is there; is
there contention, some problem? They are really quite intrigued. Well, we
are going to answer them: "What business is it of yours? (applause) We are
under no obligation to give an accounting or provide any information."
(applause) If they are curious, let them go on being curious (applause). If
they are worried, let them go on being worried (applause). If they are
nervous, let them take a sedative.

Our people, however, are not concerned. They are acquainted with their own
revolution and they know their men (applause). So Comrade Guevara does not
show up at a public meeting! (applause) So no publicity is given to him! He
has never been a man who seeks publicity. Comrade Guevara has always been
allergic to publicity. He is allergic (laughter). They say that he is ill;
that is what the imperialists would like to see. However, if they are
worried about Comrade Guevara, this is a sign that they respect him
(laughter and applause), this is an indication that they assess him highly
and denotes that he bothers them. When will Major Guevara's people know
about Major Guevara? When Major Guevara wishes (applause).

Will they know? Yes, they will know. What do we know about him? Nothing
(laughter and applause). What do we think? (Audience answers: "Nothing!")
Yes, we know that Major Guevara has always done and will always do
revolutionary things (applause).

I cannot understand this ignorance of the newsmen. Why don't they take a
picture of him with the U-2's? (laughter) Let them look for him and let
them photograph him. It is harder to take a picture of a man, regardless of
how big he is, than to photograph a missile (laughter). So let them put the
electronic brains to work (more laughter) and let them solve that problem.

Meanwhile, all of us are calm and we are satisfied. No one is intrigued
here--no one. And people do not even ask (laughter). They can ask, and they
will get an answer and nothing more (applause). Very well--(voice from
audience) did you hear that? (laughter) The fellow who could not hear,
heard (more laughter). Asleep--he was not listening; he has not missed
anything (Fidel chuckles).

Very well, we have carried at the fourth anniversary. This child is already
walking and it walks well and goes vigorously. It is strong. The spirit of
the people is in it--the men and women of our nation.

We must say that we must stress the incorporation of the women into these
activities (applause). The incorporation of women into this important front
of the revolution serves once more to demonstrate their social value. We
saw among the uniforms here the uniforms of the lady traffic officers. Now
the fines--well, the male officers will not impose them any more. The
people who are fined will have to be even more gentlemanly (applause).
Possibly, they might meet with yet more disciplined people. They are going
to be more demanding, because when they carry out their duties, they will
think about their children and they will think that one must be inflexible
in the fulfillment of duties. However, this is a good step ahead--this idea
of incorporating the women into the various social activities with which
the country wins, winning the revolution, multiplying minds, energies, and
wills as well as strength.

This is something else that was noticed here--it is noticed here in this
meeting. It is a reason why we must feel very pleased with the work that is
being done and the development of this institution of the revolution. We
wish much success to our comrades. We hope that they keep up that
pace--that effort--of work. We hope that many strive to merit the honor of
being pointed out as exemplary comrades--to reach the honor of being
militants in our United Party of the Revolution (great applause). If the
men and women who work on this front are to be the best, it is logical to
expect that many will aspire to the high honor of belonging to our party.
Many have been chosen by the party for this work. I hope that many, many
will become exemplary, and that many--better still--that all will aspire to
the honor of becoming militant members of the party (applause).

Without doubt, men and women of high caliber must work in this front; men
and women of lofty, revolutionary convictions; men and women who can merit
the full confidence of the people; men and women who can recognize the
position of honor that they occupy in the revolution; men and women who can
comprehend the full importance of their work; the merit of their work, and
the dignity for their work.

And good wishes to all of you, ladies and gentlemen. Fatherland or death,
we will win!
-END-