-DATE- 19660320 -YEAR- 1966 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- SPEECH -AUTHOR- F. CASTRO -HEADLINE- REPLY TO STATEMENTS MADE BY CHILEAN PRES. FREI -PLACE- CUBA -SOURCE- HAVANA IN SPANISH -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- 19660321 -TEXT- CASTRO SPEECH SCORES CHILEAN GOVERNMENT Havana in Spanish to the Americas 0035 GMT 20 March 1966--E (Statement by Cuban Premier Fidel Castro in reply to statements made by Chilean President Eduardo Frei) (Text) Eduardo Frei, the president of Chile by the grace of his great demagogy and abundant help from Yankee and German financial capital--and according to his own belief, by the grace of God--speaking during an event held in front of the presidential palace, stated that he would not answer the statement I made on 13 March because he has too much respect for his country, too much respect for the post he holds,and too much self-respect to enter into a contest of insults which once was aimed against President Kennedy, today is aimed against China, and tomorrow is aimed against Chile. Then he added: We will not allow anyone to stick his hand into the country or we will break his hand. He said this even though a few hours before the event to which I am referring he had personally announced to reporters that the government would issue a declaration, and it did so a few hours later through the Department of Government. From news agencies' dispatches I have taken a text of the statements made by Frei during the event held in front of the presidential palace and of the paragraphs of the declaration released a little before by the Department of Government which were filed by these news agencies and which say: "From time to time and since he has been in the government, Fidel Castro has systematically insulted nation after nation. President Kennedy heard his diatribes an so did many other rulers. Nations of the socialist world, such as Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China, to which he referred with extraordinary violence during the same speech in which he attacks Chile, have not escaped. That is his way of covering up his internal difficulties. The Chilean Government has never attacked him. "The attitude of Fidel Castro confirms the conditions under which revolution is intended to be carried out in Latin America--either through his system based on the capricious dictatorship of one many, without elections, without congress with a single party, with an official press, without freedom, with thousands of executions, and with the dependence of a political and economic satellite of a foreign power, or through the revolution in freedom which Chile selected in 1964 and which is being carried out with the voluntary participation of the people, with free elections, an open congress where all currents of opinion are represented, with free radio and press, with labor freedoms, and with active political opposition. "The Chileans who desired the Castro system were overwhelmingly crushed in 1964, 1965, and 1966 by the secret vote of the people. The Chilean people are not willing to see our nation turned into the toy of temperamental man or a battlefield of the cold war. We are building a nation to free ourselves from all sorts of imperialism, not to be slaves to anyone. There are groups in Chile which do not accept their defeat, which want to destroy the country's economy, to disregard the authority of law and are now inciting violence in an attempt to gain advantage from the misfortunes which they caused. "The nation now knows where these groups obtain their inspiration and the respect in which they are held by Chile. Castroism lost its opportunity to turn the tide to the left in Chile and Latin America. Its lack of freedom and its economic failure carried it to extreme rationing and its subjection to foreign interests took away this meaning. The Chilean Government will not move an inch from its revolutionary course or from its vocation to serve the people who express their support freely and not through fear. For this reason, Castro's insults only serve to confirm his desperation. Castro does not know Chile, nor its history, nor the dignity of its people. Chile has never nor will it ever accept foreign interference in its internal problems. His insults only provoke the unity of the nation." Amen. For my part, I am not going to create a scandal and shout that I am insulted. However, will Your Immaculate Excellency permit me, will the gentlemen of the Christian Democratic parliamentary majority, which also is in solidarity with his offended excellency, permit me to answer these beautiful statements addressed to us without saying pharisaically later on that this is an insult to Chile? The poor bourgeois that exists in Frei is enmeshed in his own contradictions. His role is to prevent a revolution in Chile, but he has become fond of calling himself a revolutionary. He swears up and down that he is effecting a revolution, and yet at the same time nothing frightens him as much as a revolution. Ah, if only what he is doing in Chile could be revolutionary; but it is not revolution. Perchance, are we to understand that the Department of Government, in issuing those statements, has nothing to do with Frei? And if that is not the way of it, how are we to explain that he says later that he will not reply because he has too much respect for his position, for himself, and so forth and so on? Is it that the government can stoop to reply but not Frei, who at the same time does stoop to reply while saying that he will not reply? If all this is to let us know the great attachment he feels for his position and his own person, that is no secret for any of those who know how vain, how attached to themselves and their positions bourgeois politicians are. It is curious, too, that both Frei and his Department of Government, and his parliamentary majority, and his official press, and all the oligarchic, bourgeois, and reactionary papers in the capital, all coincide in describing as an insult to Chile my words in reply to the unfounded, slanderous insinuation that the mine strikes were a result of plans mapped at the Tricontinental Conference in Havana. Identifying themselves as the nation which they govern on behalf of the exploiting classes, instead of replying with arguments to the retort provoked by an unjust accusation, they assume the air of offended vestal virgins and conjure up to aid them the shades of chauvinism, screaming to the four winds: the nation has been insulted! There has been serious meddling in Chile's domestic affairs! National unity! National unity! Poor tortured devils! What old, demagogic, discredited tricks they have to fall back on to get out of a tight spot! How much hubub, confusion, and noise they can raise! At bottom what they are trying to do with these hysterical cries is to have the people forget the bloodshed and the dead. But they are mistaken if they think they are going to remain forgotten. As Lincoln said, you can fool all of the people only some of the time. I did not insult Frei. I merely replied. I explained and analyzed his imputations. Still less did I insult Chile. Frei, by the way, is not Chile. Chile also means the workers and women who were killed and wounded at the mine massacre, to whom our working people give wholehearted solidarity; their orphans and families left abandoned by this crime know they can count on their Cuban class brothers. Chile also means its heroic workers, its exploited peasants, its progressive intellectuals, its awakened masses of revolutionary militants. This sizeable portion of the Chilean people, however, means nothing for the imperialist monopolies, the big landowners, the greater bourgeois, and their spokesman and other interests that put Frei in office. For them Chile means Frei. Our cause is ennobled, not dishonored, by the comparisons Frei makes between the Cuban revolution and his laughable political pantomine, which can be called revolutionary only by the enemies of revolutions. Between the two processes there is the difference that exists between the true and the false, the heroic and the ridiculous, the fact that will go down in history and the farce that will be tossed into the historians' wastebasket. Frei got into office with the help of imperialist money and the almost complete support of press, radio, television, and other media which are the weapons used in legal political fighting and which, in Chile as in any other capitalist oligarchical society, belong to the rich. Bourgeois freedom of the press, which is the one to which Frei refers, is the freedom of the rich to own the greatest part of the media for disseminating ideas: they use them to defend their class interests against the exploited. It also means a lack of freedom for the poor and dispossessed to have available such media--which entail increasingly more fantastic expenditures--unless it be within very tight limits, in smaller number, allowing no comparison with the means at the disposal of their rich exploiters. Every means at the disposal of imperialism, the oligarchy, and the bourgeois--their political, social, cultural, and religious institutions, their lies, prejudices, and fears--were mobilized to make Frie's victory possible. A section of the people was miserably deceived by psychological terror over the danger of a real revolution, while being offered a beatific "revolution" that could be carried out by the bourgeoisie aided by the imperialists. If the case of Chile has really served for anything it is not to point a new way for the revolutionary masses, but to put before all revolutionaries in the hemisphere still more forcefully the question of whether the peaceful triumph of the revolution is possible in the face of the exploiting classes which, led by imperialism, possess all the society's gold and a monopoly on weapons that are used in this kind of battle, even though they may be willing inside their bourgeois institutions to grant a few crumbs of legality to the revolutionary forces. Cuba's course has not served to justify Chile's experiment. Just the reverse is true; Chile's experiment will serve to justify Cuba's course still further to the revolutionaries of the hemisphere. In Cuba, to be sure--and we are very pleased because of it--there has been and end to private ownership of media for disseminating ideas, media that used to belong to the exploiters but now serve the cause of the revolutionaries. Similarly, there has been an end to imperialist or capitalist private ownership of our mines, our banks, our foreign trade, our public services, our factories, and our big plantations. The soil and subsoil and even the air, water, and the rays of the sun that give us light belong wholly to our people and produce for them. This is seen by Frei, Yankee imperialism's pet and the guardian of its interests in Chile, as economic and political satellitism. In Cuba, to be sure--and we are proud of it, not ashamed, and it is in keeping with our principles--no big landowner, no banker, no mineowner, no attorney for imperialism, no Frei can be in the government, because as a matter of fact there are no oligarchic, bourgeois, proimperialist, reactionary parties, nor do we need them, because their property has been socialized and their economic, political, and social system--that is, capitalism and its bourgeois parliamentary republic, or failing that, governments or proimperialist, oligarchic gorillas--have been eradicated, banned, eliminated forever. A good proof of this is that Frei and his group care little about the bourgeois elections, the bourgeois parliament, and bourgeois freedoms, but do care about economic and class interests which these forms of government protect. While they refuse to maintain diplomatic and trade relations with Cuba they maintain magnificent relations with military governments which have come to power through force and which have thought it convenient to abolish such bourgeois political systems in most of the Latin American countries. This is in order to serve best the interests of imperialism, the oligarchy, and of the bourgeoisie itself and to face with force of arms the just and inevitable rebellion of the exploited. It is true, and we are proud of the fact, that the revolution did not achieve victory in an electoral process but rather through the revolutionary armed struggle of the people, which was the only possible path. We were able to understand the potential force of the exploited masses and the historical need and possibility of the revolution, beginning with a few rifles we unleased the immense energy contained in the people who with their irresistible drive swept out an army which was larger as far as numbers were concerned. It was an army which was trained by the United States and which defended the interests of the imperialists, the landowners, the bourgeoisie and their parties and properties. That war would never have been won without the determined and combative support of the oppressed masses of workers, peasants, and students. These oppressed masses of yesterday, which are armed and victorious today, have made possible the much more difficult and historic task of defending and sustaining in power he Revolutionary Government against the fierce blockade of the Yankee empire--located only 90 miles from our coasts. Those masses, whose political and cultural level increases by the day, are better organized, trained, and armed in the party, in the rebel army, and other armed institutions, also in the militias, in the factories, in the mountains, in the plains of our peasants and farmers, in secondary education and university centers, and they constitute the invincible force of the revolution. In any mass event held in the large provinces of Cuba we can gather more citizens ready to give their lives for the revolution than the votes that Frei obtained with the help of the imperialists, the oligarchs,and the bourgeoisie together in the elections that took him to power. And this can be verified by Frei himself, if he desires to do so. The revolutionary people do not see the power of the state as something distant, something divorced from them or against them, but they fully identify themselves with that power because they are the power. In Chile, naturally, many persons may not understand the tremendous difference between one political system and another, but in Cuba our people laugh at the pslams intoned by Frei in honor of elections and other bourgeois institutions, because our people are all too well acquainted with all the deceit, lies, and frauds they cloak. Once every so many years the citizens had the theoretical right to determine in bourgeois elections which bourgeois or oligarchic candidate, which bourgeois or oligarchic party, would administer the state and the oligarchic and bourgeois institutions which, furthermore, were the only kind conceived and permitted by the constitution and the laws. Of all the rights those constitutions and laws consecrated, property rights were of course always the most sacred. Fir more than half a century, with frequent interruptions because of Yankee interventions, electoral changes, coercion, and coups--such as the rest of Latin America has experienced for a century and a half--our people knew the disgusting system with all its political vices, corruption, demagogy, dirty deals, unpunished embezzlement, special privilege, abuses, bribery, and deceit. Elections among the oligarchic and bourgeois parties were an exercise in outbidding each other in order to buy votes and make propaganda. In the rural areas in particular, the big landowners spent millions of pesos in every election. Thousands of "political sergeants" gathered to agree on how much money they would receive for the votes to be cast at the respective places for these professionals' kin, friends, and proteges. In my childhood and adolescence I witnessed these things, because I was born in a family of landowners whose property was surrounded by the immense holdings if three big Yankee sugar companies. The rural population--illiterate, poor, and ignorant--was systematically victimized by these procedures. Naturally the men thus "elected" by the people were not going to build schools or pass revolutionary laws. The revolution wiped out that rotten society and its degrading methods forever. Frei charges that I do not know Chile's history. He does not know the laws of history and does not have a theory to interpret the development of human society. For Frei, as well as for the bourgeoisie of the bourgeois parliamentary republic, it is not a political system which evolved from the historical development of society that responded to the realities of an epoch and to the interests of a class which was recently freed from the feudal chains and which aspired to embody the ideals of mankind. For Frei, as well as for any bourgeois, the capitalist society and its political form, the bourgeois parliamentary republic--whose philosophy inspires each of his arguments and standards to such an extent that when he speaks of a revolution he always thinks if a imperialism revolution--constitute the ideal economic, political, and social organization. As far as he is concerned, society is governed by eternal immutable laws, and therefore such are the laws that govern that bourgeois society, laws which he simply considers a perfected product of human though. From a different concept, we Marxists see the revolution as a great leap toward higher forms of human coexistence, forms that must arise as the inevitable result of the historical process and which present themselves as both a need and a possibility. Those who proclaim political and social forms which today act as a brake on the development of man and his livelihood cannot call themselves revolutionaries. For this reason, we cannot believe that Frei and his group understand the Cuban process, nor can they judge it with their prejudices, with their limited viewpoints, and with their myopic bourgeois political eyes. How could Frie's mentality be reconciled with the communist idea of a classless society in which even the state does not exist as a coercive power no do any of the institutions that distinguish it as a state? The state has existed since it arose historically as an instrument of domination of some classes over others. The state does no lose that characteristic while passing from capitalism to communism but it stops being the instrument used by the exploiters against the exploited and becomes an instrument of the exploited against the exploiters. Frei, how beautiful will the day be when that force is not only not exerted in society but when it no longer exists within society! Then no one like you in Chile will have to order weapons to be fired against the workers of a copper mine owned by a Yankee monopoly and no one like us would have to execute police agents who murdered thousands of revolutionaries, or spies, saboteurs, and criminal agents of imperialism who desire to destroy us, because there would be no exploiting monopolies--not even in the United States nor in any part of the world--no exploited worker, no wars, no counterrevolutionaries, and no executions. It is hard to have to execute any man who, the product of a society and an epoch, serves the worst sort of interests of the country's enemies, but it is still harder, and in no way morally justifiable, to massacre workers in defense of those worst interests. The reactionaries have never been concerned over shedding the people's blood in defense of their own class interests, and nothing is more common than for a reactionary to accuse revolutions of being cruel. Even without going back to the times when the revolutionary slaves who followed Spartacus were crucified by the tens of thousands on the Appian Way, the entire history of colonization and imperialism and the experience of modern social struggles--from the civil wars in France around the middle of the last century and the Paris Commune of 1871, to the fierce repression in Indonesia a few weeks ago when almost 100,000 communists were murdered in a matter of days, and passing through the period of the atrocities perpetrated by fascism and nazism--demonstrate that reactionaries and victorious counterrevolutions are a thousand times more cruel than revolutions. Nothing in the world is more cruel than imperialism. Nobody is capable of being more savage and bloodthirsty than Frei's protectors are in Vietnam. It is from those bloodthirsty protectors that Frei takes his arguments in accusing the Cuban revolution of severity. We will not let ourselves be defeated by those bloodthirsty imperialists and we will defend ourselves with all necessary vigor and without hesitation, not only to survive as a nation and a people, but in order to fight unceasingly to attain the humane society which human beings have been able to achieve--the most perfect human society, where man stops being a wolf and becomes a brother to man. And even though the socialist state is just a transition to that higher form of society, it is still a much more democratic state than the bourgeois state, because the former represents the interests of the exploited majorities, and the latter represents the interests of the exploiting minorities. The word democracy has had a different meaning in every historical epoch. When the word was used for the first time in ancient Greece, where its root and its fame originated, it denoted the form of government that held sway in a class society, where alongside a landowning, slaveowning minority that debated government problems "very democratically" in the assembly there existed masses of slaves without rights who worked for the minority on farms and at businesses with no opportunity to share in the destiny of a society in which they created the material wealth. Bourgeois democracy is also based on a class society, and, even if it highly displeases Frei, it expresses the domination of the capitalists over the wage earners, who in the bourgeois society, like the slaves of ancient society, are the ones who create material riches. Even though the socialist state is a new social and political organization that has great practical and even theoretical tasks to resolve, with its objective of building for the first time in history a classless society, based on the modern productive forces developed by man, it is called upon to create the most truly free society that has ever existed. Each county will pave its own way toward that higher society and will contribute its experiences. Our country is doing it. We have not hurried to set up our forms because we want these forms to fit in with the realities and not vice versa. The conditions of our process determined the union of the revolutionary forces in a vanguard party. However, it is not the only one. There is another one--the counterrevolution--which is organized and directed by the imperialist government of the United States. The members of our party are elected and reelected by the constant participation of the masses of workers and fighters. It is a homogeneous and disciplined vanguard which, representing the workers, governs the country and leads the struggle against the imperialist enemy and for the development of the socialist economy. It is not a heterogeneous mixture like Christian Democracy, where young individuals who sincerely desire revolutionary changes and represent the sanest and most progressive faction of the organization are joined to old reactionary opportunists and crafty persons who, being in the majority and openly supported by Frei, would rather give their souls to the devil than pass a revolutionary law. Frei, who likes to call himself a revolutionary, in the field of economics, social affairs, and politics will never be more than a reformist bourgeois whose program tends to consolidate in Chile the capitalist system of production, and this without clashing with the interests of imperialism. Frei dreams the impossible dream of reconciling the antagonistic classes. He thinks that the interests of the workers can be reconciled with those of imperialism and the bourgeoisie, those of the bourgeoisie with those of imperialism, those of the petty bourgeoisie with those of the big bourgeoisie, and those of the peasants with those of the oligarchy. In a country ridden with foreign debts, sacked by the monopolies, with a feudal system of landownership and a hardly developed economy, with social needs that have been accumulating for decades, and where really there is little to distribute without sacrificing the interests of the imperialists, the oligarchs, and the big bourgeoisie, to improve the conditions of the peasants, the workers, and the middle class Frei wants to compensate the oligarchs, enrich the monopolies, and keep the bankers, big industrialists, and businessman happy. If imperialists, oligarchs, and bourgeois keep the lion's share, including the crumbs with which Frei hopes the Yankees will help him carry on with his pseudorevolutionary abortion, what will be left for raising the workers' real income, providing the peasants with technical and economic aid, improving the middle classes' standard if living, not to mention paying the foreign debt, hospitals, roads, water systems, and streets? It is obvious that the mainspring of this policy, "a midsummer night's dream," can break only at the weakest part of the system--represented by the workers. The workers cannot be asked to make sacrifices to develop and perpetuate the interests of the bourgeoisie and imperialism. The workers would only sacrifice themselves, in Chile as anywhere else in the world--and one does not need to know much local history for this--if those sacrifices were asked of them in behalf of the future interests of their class, and not for their exploiters. Hence the workers in Chile refuse to give up their hopes for better pay. This is the only real, objective explanation of the strikes. To suppose that it can be a result of the Tricontinental Conference comes from great ignorance or bad faith, or both. A few other points remain in reply to Frei. It is absolutely untrue to say that the government of Chile has never attacked Cuba. His whole political campaign had an anti-Cuban background, based on the most unjust, tendentious interpretations and the grossest lies and slanders written about our revolution by its imperialist detractors. A recording by a close relative of ours--all of whose acts are directed and whose statements are composed and disseminated by the CIA--was given wide publicity over the radio on the eve of the elections, to put the finishing touch to the psychological terror campaign directed at the people of Chile in order to influence the outcome of the elections. That was gross intervention by the CIA and the U.S. Government at a moment when the future government of the country was to be determined, and also a repugnant procedure by imperialism to create a political effect. On that occasion Pontius Pilate washed his hands as he joyfully reaped the returns of such dirty politics. Barely a month ago the Chilean Government's representative in the United Nations, adding his voice to the whole clique of puppets that include such democratic individuals as Stroessner, Castelo Branco, Castro Jijon, Peralta Azurdia, the little puppet Garcia-Godoy, and other ruffians of the same ilk--about whom Frei feels no scruples, either Christian or democratic--signed the document against Cuban addressed to the U.N. Security Council, an action tantamount to adding fuel to the flames of the U.S. aggressive plans against Cuba. Is this not an attack of the worst and most treacherous sort, since it incites to armed aggression against our people? As a result I was not much surprised that he should take another step along the same road and insinuate that Cuba was to blame for the strikes in Chile. Furthermore, is Chile's present government perchance averse to imperialism's policy against Cuba? In obedience to an agreement imposed by the United States on the OAS, which as Frei himself has at times indicated is an anachronistic institution, Chile's preceding government broke off trade and diplomatic relations with Cuba in abject submission to the imperialist order. Foodstuffs that had come to our country from Chile in exchange for sugar were cut off. Imperialism scored one more success in its criminal blockade of Cuba. In 17 months in office, Frei has not had the courage to rectify this submissive action which surrenders Chile's sovereignty. For that reason it is very shameful that under these circumstances Frei resorts to the argument regarding rationing in Cuba, when he in fact participates in the inhumane blockage which the most powerful imperialist country is carrying out with the full force of its political and economic resources against a small nation with an underdeveloped economy. Cuba is facing Yankee imperialism with a firmness and courage that some day even the grandchildren of Frei will admire. The real and heroic revolution of the Cuban people is not being carried out with the approval and acclamation of Yankee imperialism as is the false revolution which the Frei government claims to be carrying out. He states that he wants to free himself from all sorts of imperialism, but what he is doing is mounting the carousel of the "Alliance for Progress" and accepting Yankee imperialism like an ideological Lazarus, and accepting a revolution directed by imperialism is like a church in the hands of Luther. Despite the blockade and the rationing of a few articles which this farcical revolutionary throws in our face, any humble family in our country obtains more goods and services than any Chilean family in the same class. As a consequence of the lows and measures adopted by the revolution, the immense majority of the people are living in rent-free houses. The strides made by education and medical care in only a few year have surpassed those achieved in the rest of the Latin American countries. There are not illiterates in our country. All children, regardless of where they live, have teachers. Almost a million adults are attending classes to improve their cultural and technical level. Almost 150,000 youths and children receive free housing, food, clothing, and shoes in our educational centers. Unemployment has been eliminated. Family income--either direct or indirect--has increased by more than 1 billion pesos. Under the agrarian reform, more than 100,000 peasant families stopped paying rent and have become landowners. The country recovered from foreign hands all the national resources and the basic means of production, and despite the difficulties caused by the blockade and the threat of Yankee aggression, which force us to invest considerable material and human resource, we are moving ahead with the development of our economy. Does Frei think that he can reconcile these realities by using a few Yankee cliches to speak of the alleged failure of the Cuban revolution? We would like to know what Frei and his new Christian Democracy would have done if he had to pass the test of fire of a true revolution such as that of Cuba--90 miles from the United States. If the rich in Chile have more than enough of everything and are unrationed, the poor lack almost everything; they are rationed, without any card, by the miserable wages they receive and their pitiless exploitation by imperialism, the oligarchy, and capitalism. So as not to leave unsaid a few stupidities typical of a man who lacks political firmness and arguments for honest debate, Frei calls me temperamental, simply because I was obliged to answer his attacks and scheming against the Cuban revolution. However,in connection with Yankee intervention in the Dominican Republic we publicly, on 1 May 1965, praised the Chilean government's initial stand, and when we took a similar position with regard to some other of its acts that we thought were positive--merely because in politics we adhere to principles--Frei did not call me temperamental. A revolutionary temperament does not necessarily mean a temperamental revolutionary, just as a bourgeois spirit does not necessarily mean a clever bourgeois. Frei is astonished because the Cuban revolution laid bare the Yugoslav press attacks and intrigues against Cuba. Cuba was also capable of a dignified denunciation of the economic aggression committed against us by the government of China in an act of stupidity and political blindness, and Cuba formerly passed a judgment on Kennedy that he deserved for his crimes against our country. That means that although we are a small nation we will not be intimidated or subjugated by anybody. What is shameful, on the other hand, is for Frei to try to sanctify Kennedy, the author of the economic blockade of our country, the promoter of counterrevolutionary gangs that murdered Cuban workers, peasants, teachers, and students; admittedly responsible for the Giron invasion that cost the lives of more than 100 revolutionary fighters; organizer of the pirate attacks on our shores from Central American bases, and other similar deeds. This Kennedy, who began what today is the bloody war in Vietnam, was an unscrupulous servant of imperialism. His death, and the criminal manner of it, does not redeem his faults. When I see what saints Frei worships, I understand his political credo. And I warn him that Mao Tse-Tung will not appreciate being listed with Kennedy and the league of Yugoslav communists. Lastly, Frei declares that whoever sticks his hands into the country will be destroyed. That would be worthy of applause if it were true. But why does he not destroy the interventionist hands which behind the back of the government and without respecting Chile's sovereignty tries to apply the Camelot Plan in his country? And more basic yet, why do you not decide to destroy the hands of the imperialists who for a long time have been meddling in the economy of Chile and who exploit the labor of hundreds of thousands of the best sons of the nation? Is it perhaps that as far as you are concerned the claws of imperialism do not exist? When I see that the workers' blood is shed because they request, in order to lighten somewhat their miserable living conditions, a little of what the foreign monopolies extract from Chile--and there are threats that more blood will be shed--I really do not believe that you are able to destroy the only hands which intervene in and dominate the life and destiny of your country--the hands of Yankee imperialism. It is logical that your remorseful conscience seeks relief in false patriotism and tries to find in Cuba a ghost of an enemy. -END-