-DATE- 19670728 -YEAR- 1967 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- SPEECH -AUTHOR- F. CASTRO -HEADLINE- INAUGURATING SEVERAL NEW BUILDING PROJECTS -PLACE- GRAN TIERRA, BARACOA, ORIENTE -SOURCE- HAVANA DOMESTIC SVC -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- 19670728 -TEXT- FIDEL CASTRO SPEECH AT GRAN TIERRA, BARACOA Havana Domestic Service in Spanish 0152 GMT 28 July 1967--F (Speech by Prime Minister Fidel Castro at Gran Tierra, Baracoa, Oriente, at a ceremony inaugurating several new building projects--live) (Text) Guests (short passage indistinct) we made a long trip to get here. This trip on this highway, with all this heat and dust, was long and the mountains and the (words indistinct) and all these days, the time that you got up, because I remember when I went to rest for a few minutes of a few hours, you would come out at 0300 in the morning on the buses. I had a small advantage; I knew a road nearby on which the jeep bounces a lot, but we took advantage of the time we could save to sleep some and still get here more or less in time. However, I feel a little tired just as you do. That is why we will try to be as brief as possible. The residents here surely have been under tension and working for many days to carry out this plan by 26 July. They are going to take special notice that we (words indistinct) the guests. Is that not true? (shouting) And what has happened to the teachers? Are they being quiet or have they become lost? Where are the teachers? Where are they? (shouting) They are lost. It should be the teachers who should be the most satisfied that these boarding schools and children's nurseries are being inaugurated, and they have become lost (words indistinct) they give no signs of life around here. (shouting) Ah, they are there? Or did they go on vacation? They are appearing over there. So that you will understand, in the first place we would like to excuse the organizers, the reception committee for the guests to the 26 July celebrations and OLAS (Latin American Solidarity Organizations--LASO), because after the ceremony yesterday they told me that it was not OLAS but "OLAS" (Editor's note: This is a play on words in which Castro first accents the final syllable and then the first syllable, as in the Spanish word for "waves.") So I am correcting myself. They had some doubts as to whether we should bring the guests here through all those hardships that I mentioned before. Truly somebody is to blame for them being here and that somebody is this speaker (applause) because I insisted that they should be invited. Well, the road was long, but if, for example, it were the ones who are participating in the Salon de Mayo -- do not tell me that the intellectuals and artists do not want to see the innermost part of a revolution in the innermost part of a country, such as this is here in Gran Tierra. And those who are invited to the LASO conference, do not tell me that revolutionaries were going to be frightened because they were going to have to come by highway to the mountains here. (applause) Something else is that visitors many times are in a hurry when they come to Cuba and they only have time to visit Havana. Havana is the most developed capital of an underdeveloped country. He who visits Cuba and only visits Havana simply goes away from this country without knowing Cuba. And we do not want to show our visitors only the pretty things in the country, only those things that the revolution has accomplished. We would like for them also to see the things that have not yet been accomplished and the things that still need to be done. We would particularly like for them to see where the revolution is making its main efforts and in what direction it is making them and the difficulties it has to overcome, how much poverty accumulates in a country that for entire centuries was subjected to the most merciless exploitation. We are precisely in that part of the country where the colonization of the island first began, and the city which you saw on your way was the first to be founded in Cuba, possibly one of the first in America. After four centuries of colonial rule right here in this city, and after they called us an independent country, today the Cubans understand how false it was to call this country independent. It was not necessary to be a historian or a philosopher, and I am certain that you can ask any peasant of this region if the country was independent. It was not possible to live in the country at that time. Perhaps the great philosophers and sociologists are the peasants and workers of this region who are well acquainted with these problems. Such were the conditions we found at the time of the victory of the revolution. (?We shall not) say that it was bad and uncivilized, but we shall not deny many things which had been accumulating, the feelings that were building up for centuries because oppression and exploitation creates many feelings of rebellion and struggle. The people here have a long tradition of struggle going way back. The people were acquiring a sense of awareness, an awareness that could not be destroyed during all the centuries of domination, much less with a domination that is more subtle than the domination that arises when the country is called independent, having a flag, a national anthem, and all that. We were more of a colony of the imperialists interests than we had been under Spain. Not only did imperialism subject this country to an unjust exploitation, but it did so while telling the people that it was their liberator. So falsehood was accompanied by all this poverty endured by our people. Much of that poverty that still remains in our country could be seen here, much of the effort that still remains to be made in this country, even greater than has hitherto been made. This place is representative of the entire country, because this region was not exactly the most isolated area. It was the first town to be founded, and was the most inaccessible region at the time of the victory of the revolution. The first thing the revolution had to do was to construct this highway you traveled. It was a (word indistinct) highway. Actually, the Cuban engineers found very correct solutions to open up a road this far. This town has no communications. It has mule roads and such things. The highway had to be built first. This region where we now are was the most isolated region in this section, which was isolated from the rest of the country. The highway has not reached here yet, but it will get here, too. Peasants lived here and there used to be a large coffee plantation in this region. Naturally, (?we had) to do almost everything, beginning (words indistinct) are here now, but with the teachers. We had to build the first classrooms, establish the medical services and the hospital which was built in 1962. The living conditions were extremely poor and the water problems very serious. The housing conditions as you have been able to observe did not exist in many parts of the country. Moreover, the conditions here were particularly bad in matters of hygiene, sanitation, health in general, and food. The public health comrades made a serious study of all the problems. First of all, they worked to prevent all the diseases that were endemic--ranging from polio to all the epidemic diseases that can be prevented through vaccination. They told me that of a population of 25,000 some 15,000 are under the age of 14, that is, of the population. Naturally, it is the young population, the children, who were most exposed to all these problems and to the diseases. Fortunately, all these epidemics have practically been eradicated from this region. There followed a greater effort; an effort was made to construct all the necessary installations to endow this region with all the schools required by the children--from the nurseries to the basic secondary schools. Thus in (?45) days the children had nurseries and schools for the entire school-age population. For example, in order to make it possible to alleviate the living conditions, it is much more difficult to provide the 25,000 inhabitants of this region with decent housing than to build modern schools for all the children. Actually the nurseries are (sentence not completed). Today we visited some of the nurseries that have already been completed, and we believe that the comrades who worked on this project did their very best, because they built truly modern installations. Thus, the children passed from the most primitive conditions, in which they were no schools or anything, to installations which do not suffer by comparison with any other by way of hygiene and functionality. The living conditions will be excellent. The construction of the boarding schools is also of magnificent quality. This at least gives us the assurance that the children of this region will have installations of excellent quality. Here and elsewhere in the country it will take much longer before everyone has suitable living quarters. You have seen the huts and the houses that exist there now. You could observe the housing conditions along the roads. It is more or less the same. In many other countries the situation is even worse because (word indistinct) the effort of the entire underdeveloped world. We believe that this country will not solve its housing problem for at least another 12 or 13 years. We estimate that a little more than 1 million living quarters are needed. Such is the country's housing need. As of next year we will be able to increase housing construction greatly and by 1970 we shall be able to construct some 100,000 living quarters a year. Therefore, between 1970 and 1980 1 million houses must be built in this country. Of that we are sure--the most difficult things was to acquire the raw materials: cement and industrial installations to manufacture it. Those things are being overcome. The task today of the comrades who work in the construction field is the problem of mechanization of construction, because logically to build a million or 100,000 houses every year, on top of all the other tasks we must accomplish in the country, well, we would not have enough workers. This makes mechanization necessary. They are doing this, and little by little they are overcoming those problems related to mechanization of construction. Meanwhile, we have the intention of giving a great boost to everything that has to do with children's nurseries, schools, and boarding schools. It is precisely in that area where we believe our revolution is taking a truly revolutionary step, a truly great step. Since the beginning of the revolution great attention has been paid to the problems of education. I was asking about the teachers because there were no teachers in these areas before. There were no teachers nor many people willing to live under those conditions to teach in the mountains. It was necessary to recruit students, improvise teachers. The first teachers who came to the mountains were drawn from students who took some training courses. However, fortunately, in these years we have been graduating a few hundred new teachers every year, and every year more will be graduated. At the present time, counting all of those who are in the various levels of teaching school, we must have more than 20,000 young people studying to become teachers, and all the teachers that the revolution is training begin to teach in the mountains. They begin by taking the first course in the Sierra Maestra. Later they will be in Topes de Collantes for two years. Later on they will spend two years in the Pedagogic Institute. Then they begin to teach in the mountains. They were explaining to us today how the first children's nurseries already have a director who was a teacher who taught in the mountains. This means that our country is training enough cadres to take highly qualified personnel to each of those institutions which is being created to teach of the schools that is being built. We will not lack for pedagogs, teachers, nor cadres of any type because this is a very strong movement. However, we began with practically nothing and thousands and thousands of teachers were trained until all the regions of the country were supplied with teachers, until we were able to establish in huts or anywhere schools with teachers to enroll the number of children that we have enrolled today: 1.3 million children in the primary schools. That is a very high figure when we take into account that we are a country of something less than 8 million inhabitants. There is not one single child in any (?area) of this country, no matter how remote, that does not have a school or a teacher. And this movement obviously must be given a material base so that it can develop. We intend to build all the schools necessary in order that in a period of seven or eight years what is being done here and is being done in other places can be applied to the entire country so that all the children and all the school children in general and all the students will have the necessary installations. This means children from the ages of 45 days until they graduate from the university--the children's nurseries for the youngest, the semiboarding schools for primary school children, and the boarding schools for high school children. Naturally many children in the second grade, third grade are going to have to go to the boarding schools because there are not enough students with a junior high school level education. However, as the program develops the idea is that students up to the sixth grade will go to the semiboarding schools. This means that they will have breakfast, lunch, and supper at school and sleep at home. In junior high school they will board at the school. We believe that by 1975 we will have about 1 million high school students in these installations. This means that there well be practically enough installations for all the high school and technical preuniversity schools. We are going to give preferential attention to the junior high schools in the rural areas and we are going to make a reality of the concept that all youths must combine work and study. We propose that in all those schools all the youths will participate to some degree in production and will combine classroom hours with working hours. We are absolutely convinced, and more convinced every day, that this is truly revolutionary education and we have great hopes in those projects and there are already some schools that are operating in that manner, particularly one here in Oriente Province, a technical institute where the students work half a shift and study half a shift. We do not have the slightest doubt that it will soon be one of the best schools in the country, because day by day we can see how this method influences the actions and spirit of the students. We also believe that it is a type of school very superior to the types of schools all of us have known. The school we knew was a type of prison where the child was forced to be from morning until afternoon. On top of that he was given homework and on top of that possibly forced to study at home. The result was that the student had a trauma and viewed school as a misfortune, a punishment, a jail. While it may not have happened to many of you, at least I can say that it happened to me. And I believe that it must have happened to a large number of people (Castro chuckles) that school became something horrible, a hell. In all these new schools the students are only in the classrooms for part of the time. The rest of the time they are outdoors performing various tasks, various activities. That will not only be a very revolutionary way of teaching, but it will contribute and be very important in achieving subsequent gains by our country. At this time our country can carry out any type of plan. In agriculture, for example, it can plant large areas of citrus fruits, coffee, orchards, plantations where the problems of labor force, because of a lack of machinery, would in any other country be a problem. We can solve this relatively easily with the participation of our youth, our students. No one is capable of imagining what 1 million young people can do working four hours every day, particularly with the spirit with which we see our youths work. That is why we have no fear in raising any type of crop and we are going to be in a position to compete, to struggle, to do everything that is necessary, of course as long as we are competing with the capitalist countries or with the colonies of imperialism. This means that in any section of our economy, sugar for example, but in many other products of agriculture, I believe that our country will become a producer which must be taken into account in the markets, and in the course of a relatively short time. That is why every day, our own experience in the way things have been progressing in Cuba shows us daily how it is absolutely impossible for a country to develop--that is an underdeveloped country--unless it does so under revolutionary conditions. We are more convinced of this every day. All of us can close our eyes and wait five centuries. None of the underdeveloped countries under present conditions, unliberated from either colonialism or imperialism, can develop in five centuries. In five centuries it will become poorer if all the people do not die of hunger much sooner than that. However, we believe that our country in spite of the blockade, in spite of all the maneuvers, in spite of all the obstacles, has not only been capable of defending itself from all political intrigues and maneuvers, aggressions of imperialism, but what is most interesting, in the midst of all this and perhaps to the surprise of the imperialists themselves, who thought that they were going to sink us, our country at this time is attaining a rapid and impressive degree of development. Those addicted to statistics and those who see everything in figures have a little trouble understanding this. They have a little trouble understanding this because, (applause) for example, they ask, "How much milk are you producing?" instead of asking, "How many head of cattle are there in the country?" "How many hectares of pasture?" "What breed of cattle do you have?" and "What program do you have that is going to resolve your milk problem?" The first thing we find here in Cuba is that there were millions of cattle of a breed that did not produce any milk. All of these strains of cattle had to be changed. But how? There was not a single person who knew about artificial insemination in the country. There were very few blooded sires to change the strain. Beginning from nothing our country now has 2,000 persons qualified in artificial insemination. At the end of this year it will have 3,000 and it is training 1,000 per year. At this time there are already 1.3 million cows in the artificial insemination program. We have purchased bulls of the best variety we have been about to get, despite difficulties we have had in locating them. At this time we have 170,000 heifers, daughters of the first crossbreeding of Holsteins and zebu. In the next 12 (?months) a half million) calves will be born. We will have a half million cows resulting from that crossbreeding in production by 1970. This half million becomes more than 1 million in 1971 and they increase progressively from then on. If they ask, "How much milk if there today?" we are forced to say: "Sir, that cow does not give milk." These cows must be changed and we are changing them. Many do not take notice of the enormous effort that has had to be made in these first few years in teaching technicians and cadres, fighting against conditions. Many of the things that we planted take two, three, four, or five years to grow, but after three or four years the producers of a few tropical crops will have to throw their hands up in surprise at the result of the efforts being made now, because what this country is doing at this time is investing. It is like the one who views Cuba's economy and judges it by the old automobiles that run around Havana. They may come from any capital in a country where everyone is barefooted but with a capital filled with late-model automobiles and they will say: "These Cubans are not doing very well because the only thing they have here are junkers six or seven years old. The economy of the people must be very bad." It is precisely the economy of those who have devoted themselves to buying automobiles instead of machinery or production equipment. This is precisely one of the causes that contributes to the even greater impoverishment of many underdeveloped countries. We, in all these years, certainly do not nor will not bring in a single automobile. Are we an enemy of automobiles? No, we are not enemies of automobiles. However, the country has so many needs and we know them so well that we know it needs hundreds, thousands of machines for agriculture, for the construction of dams, for the construction of roads, to clear land, to build, to establish, create the conditions necessary for developing the infrastructure of this country. And that is not achieved with automobiles. In the future even automobiles will come to this country, also. It will be possible because we will have the wherewithal to buy them. What we have to do now is to invest to the last centavo in all those means of production so that in a coming period of from 10 to 15 years we will emerge from underdevelopment. And we--nobody has the slightest doubt, and you can say this anywhere without fear of being mistaken--we are going to emerge from underdevelopment in a brilliant manner. By 1970 we will have progressed a long way, and in 1975 it will not be possible to call this country an underdeveloped country. (applause) I said that it is not easy, visiting the capital, for example--and that was the reason for this long conversation on this subject--to know Cuba. This does not mean that we are devoting ourselves to organizing plans for visitors when they come to Cuba. You can be sure that nothing has ever been done to impress visitors. This is one of the many plans that are being carried out, and all the comrades who were working in this plan made a great effort for 26 July. In order to obtain an idea of the effort they have made, I need but say that all this construction work began seven months ago, just seven months ago: two modern boarding schools, each with a capacity of 300 pupils, that is a total of 600 pupils; (applause) five nurseries have been constructed for 120 children apiece, that is, for a total of 600 children (applause) in only seven months. For example, we have excellent lighting here because electricity was brought here. The water problem has been solved. Several organizations worked on the problem--the Construction Ministry, the organizations which handle the water problems, the electricity services, and the national headquarters of the children's nurseries, that is, with the cooperation of everyone, particularly with the cooperation of the workers. Naturally, there were not enough people here to construct all these buildings, and workers came from the vicinity of Guantanamo and Baracao. They spent up to two months here without leaving, precisely in an effort to complete construction by 26 July, and they succeeded in doing so. Not only did they do an immense amount of work, but also the quality of their work was excellent. You have observed the details--the gardens and the flowers, and the children's toys on the tables--absolutely nothing is lacking. This means that the revolution always has the cooperation of the masses and the enthusiasm of all the people in doing anything. However, the fact that a number of buildings have been completed here in seven months gives an idea of the momentum the revolution has acquired. It is an indication of this force, because to bring through all of these mountain roads all of the construction materials needed here to carry this project forth, to mobilize the personnel, especially when this is not the only place where work is going on, but a great effort is being made throughout the length and breadth of the country (sentence not completed). We are located in the extreme part of Cuba. If you go to the extreme west, you will find public works about 30 or 40 times larger than this. You will find (?an area) of about 4,500 caballerias being planted with citrus fruit. Reduced to hectares, this makes about 57,000 hectares. These citrus orchards--this program is designed for completion within two years--merely two years! If you go to the Isle of Pines, you will find other plantations of another 40,000 hectares of citrus fruit trees. All the plantings will be finished by next year. It is a program which started only three and a half years ago. And the Isle of Pines is not even within the body of the larger island, but is a small island located south of the Province of Havana. If you go to the Sierra Maestra Mountains, if you go to the Escambray Mountains, if you go the Pinar del Rio Mountains--everywhere--you will find that a great work is being carried on, and that the people are solving the difficulties and overcoming them for our satisfaction and stimulation--within the force of the revolution--to construct, to create, to carry forth new plans incomparably greater than any we have undertaken before. This strength grows progressively, year by year, each time with more capable men--that is to say, with comrades who have been acquiring more knowledge, more experience, who do progressively a more serious and more responsible work. We must admit, gentlemen, that no one can claim to know everything. The great truth is that the revolutionaries are the first to recognize that they know nothing. In our case--and we have had this confirmed during these eight years of revolution--that when the revolution triumphed, we did not even have an idea of the country's geography. We knew nothing about our country's geographical features. It is very hard for the revolutionaries to find advisers--that is, it is very hard for them to find good advisers. Precisely the few from underdeveloped countries who have acquired under capitalism some technical knowledge are not the ones who are supposed to advise the revolutionaries or to train the revolutionaries. However, there is something more: an underdeveloped country in the economic and social field means an underdeveloped country in technology. What was known here under capitalism regarding problems of economy in general--of farm problems, of industrial problems--was in reality very little. It has been necessary to accumulate information, acquire experience, and develop ideas, concepts, and technological know-how, and this is not easy. We can now say that after these years we are beginning to acquire more confidence in everything that we do, a greater knowledge, and in short, we have an idea that things will work out much better. It is possible with all assurance that within two or three years, we will discover that we could still have done things better, and it will perpetually work this way. For instance, in many of the citrus plantations, we try to select the best varieties which we have and simultaneously we set up research centers. However, we cannot afford to devote 15 years for research to develop a plan. We have established contacts with experts in the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). We must say that many progressive technicians work under FAO on these agricultural problems. The tragedy of the FAO, however, is that many of these experts arrive in many countries controlled by colonialism and imperialism, and no one pays the least attention to them they conduct studies, research, and draft reports, and no one (?pays attention to them). They become very discouraged. We have been able to see, at least in Cuba, that these men become more encouraged each time. At the outset we did not pay attention to them either. There are some technicians who are really very competent. Recently our country had a soil expert who was really a genius--an Italian expert. Aware of the interest shown, (?he) set up a technological institute to carry our soil studies. Everyone is trying to acquire technological know-how to use it. The great tragedy of the FAO is not the problem of technology. The FAO will not be able to do anything to wipe out hunger in this world. You will find that every year the FAO writes almost an entire book on the food problem. The FAO always arrives at the same conclusion, namely, that famine is on the way, that the population is growing faster than the means to produce food, and that the situation is terrible. That is what the FAO says. It then gives a series of recommendations. The tragedy of the FAO is that no solution to the hunger problem will be found without a revolution--(applause) without a revolution! (loud cheering) If the FAO technicians ever want to add some sense to their work--to their technological recommendations, their technological reports--they should preface their reports: To carry this forth it is indispensable that a social revolution be stage in the country in question. It is essential first to gain freedom from colonialism and it is indispensable to gain freedom from imperialism. (applause) This is the great truth, because the approaching famine is a tragic reality--it is a tragic truth! There are two formulas against famine: the formula of Yankee imperialism and the revolutionary formula. How is Yankee imperialism planning to abolish famine?--postpone famine?--check famine? They propose to resolve the problem with food surpluses. There are many nations which need food. They just do not distribute food any old way. They always organize propaganda in connection with this. They help--they get together with reactionary associations to distribute food, and they do all those things first and then, of course, there is not enough food to go around. For every day there are more (?hundreds of millions) of people that need food in all the world--in Latin America, Asia, all over. Then they support the reactionary governments; this is only logical. They support the most reactionary oligarchies. And to resolve the problems of famine they send as charity some food surpluses. But the food surpluses which imperialism have are not enough. They are not enough. In other words, they try or they (?make believe) that they are following a policy against famine. It is a policy which causes more famine in the world each time. Why? to prevent revolutions! And social revolutions in all this underdeveloped world of Latin America, Africa, and Asia are the only thing which can resolve the problem of hunger. The only way the problem of famine can be solved is by giving the people an opportunity to work, to let them develop all the natural resources of their nations. And there is an overabundance of these resources. What prevents the development of these resources are exactly these reactionary, oligarchic, proimperialist regimes which imperialism keeps in power. Today the world has, and this is a very simple thing, two formulas against famine: the imperialist formula of supporting the reactionaries and oligarchies, which in turn support them and try to see if with some food surpluses they can resolve the problem; and the revolutionary formula, which is the only one that really and truly can resolve the problem. Now and then the imperialists have some hopes--and this is that they have been doing in Latin America--for some reforms, including agrarian reforms. Never before had any U.S. official ever mentioned agrarian reform before the time of the Cuban revolution, because here in Cuba they owned large landholdings. It was not until the agrarian reform was undertaken here that they began to talk about reforms--about something. In other words, they have hopes that with some aid in food, some programs or such, they can develop something. This is an empty dream. We know beforehand that they are headed for the worst failure. All the reformist attempts--all the attempts to resolve the problems of the underdeveloped world with reforms--will lead the underdeveloped world to more famine each time. This is a fact that cannot be (?disputed); anybody who lives a few more years will have the opportunity to witness this. This is the situation. We did not have the technique. We had to learn the technique as we went along, by studying, accruing books, trying to learn from the countries who were able to achieve some success. At the same time we were developing our own experiences. This is the way we were able to start on the road to get out of underdevelopment. We understand this struggle for the development of the economy of our country as an important part of the struggle we must maintain against imperialism; and this, among other things, because imperialism with its policy of blockade thought it could weaken the revolution. They wanted to take from the revolution its popular base. Of course this was a (word indistinct) and criminal measure because (words indistinct) everything possible so that this country would go hungry. They were not happy that will all the hunger they caused this people to suffer--this people who had gone hungry because the blockade would liquidate the revolution. This was the idea of imperialism. This is why in the struggle against imperialism, we not only see as an important thing all of our military preparation against any aggression, but also the problem of how to beat them in the battle (of the blockade--ed.), for we know that the matter of Giron hurt them a lot and many more things will hurt them--the imperialists, about the Cuban revolution. (applause) But we are sure that there is one thing which will hurt them very, very, very much, and that is that in spite of the efforts they have made to sink the nation's economy we will not only be able to overcome this but we will be able to resolve the problems of underdevelopment under these conditions. We must say that in this sense they have helped us. For in the same proportion that they have tried to create some problems for us, they have stimulated in the people the need, the desire, the effort to overcome all these hardships. It is possible that if we had not had the imperialist blockade,we would not have been able to do what we are doing today. It is very possible that if we had not had to face these difficulties we would never have accomplished the rate of production which the Cuban revolution has today. This is the truth. But we know that this is of one the things which will hurt them most, because many myths will be overcome. The idea, the belief, that only the oligarchs were capable of cultivating land, that only the oligarchs and knowledge necessary for keeping a nation's economy more or less running, that we were unavoidably doomed to fail, that only the capitalists were able to develop agriculture--all those ideas and all those myths are going to be destroyed through our revolution. And we are aware that the experience we accumulate, since this is an underdeveloped country with a tropical climate--and in fact, underdevelopment and poverty are basically found in tropical areas of the world. (sentence not completed) In Europe, in the United States, in Canada, in many capitalist countries with temperate climates they have acquired a great deal of experience, in agriculture, for instance, but their colonies were in the world's tropical zones--their colonies--and in the colonies that knowledge was not developed. Our country is in that climatic area, and we are sure that much of our experience, many of the techniques we are acquiring, much of the knowledge and many of the solutions we are achieving will some day be of use to hundreds of millions of people if they wish to utilize their experience. Often, to obtain a pound of seed we have to put forth great efforts. Why is this? Because the Yankee imperialists carry their persecution of Cuba to the extent of doing everything to keep us from obtaining a seed of anything. It does not matter if that seed is not grown in the United States. If it is produced in some other country by a company from which they buy. They put on the pressure, they threaten not to buy any seed. If we want to obtain varieties of rice, they do everything to keep us from obtaining them. If we try to obtain some cottonseed, they do everything to prevent it. If we try to acquire bulls for the development of our livestock they do the impossible to prevent our obtaining them. They try all kinds of maneuvers, pressures, and even when we manage to buy them, they pressure the transportation companies so that we cannot transport what we buy. Recently, for example, we bought a grand champion in Canada, a grand champion which for certain had even beaten the U.S. grand champion, and our country acquired this bull for its plans of genetic development of our livestock. Well we had to send a Britannia to get it, a Britannia to get it. Obviously it is a bull of extraordinary quality and extraordinary value. But the imperialists fixed things so that no Canadian airline company could charter us an airplane to bring that bull to our country. And everything else is that way. We have had to do all this with much work. However, what does that bull mean here? It means that every year we will produce thousands of calves from that bull. What do 6 million cows with that bull's blood strain in them mean for our country? What could that mean for other parts of the world? In a few years we can produce, let us say, 50,000 or 100,000 grandchildren every year from any extraordinary bull through insemination with frozen semen, using the most modern techniques, with frozen semen which, with one animal, will allow us to produce, for example, 5,000 bulls. This means, for example, that with 10,000 of those animals we could--not we, because we would never have that mass of cattle--but a country which needed to transform its livestock and it had, for example, 50,000 million cows, with the production of a single year, with less than the production of a single year, we could give them bulls, grandchildren of the extraordinary bull that we have acquired with so much work. All these techniques, all these breeds of animals, all these strains, all these varieties which we, forced by the need to overcome underdevelopment, have had to accumulate, in the future will always be at the disposition of all the countries that need them. (applause) The policy that we practice is that if we achieve any technical accomplishment or success, we are prepared to give it without charge immediately to any who may need it. We do this with books, with technical books, and with anything in the technical field, particularly in agriculture, which is where we have been working the most during the past years, always in all these resources, without any spirit of competition of any type. We are going to be the largest producer of sugar. If we manage to raise magnificent varieties of sugarcane suitable for any country which needs it, we will give it to them. We know that our advantage is not in technology alone, but in our system. In our system we will never have the problem of overproduction of any type. Overproduction is a result of--it is not a problem of overproduction but of a lack of possibilities of commericalization, of exchanging, of distributing. Therefore, the so-called capitalist overproduction is the lack of ability to work for the needs of the masses. When work is performed for human needs there will never the the problem of overproduction anywhere. There are limits imposed by purchasing power, by twenty other things, but in socialism, in a truly socialist society, there can be no problem of this type, because someone is always lacking something that may be surplus (?elsewhere). We know that our basic advantage is not in having a certain variety of sugarcane or of a certain variety of plants, but rather in the social form with which we use that technical knowledge and what we use if for. We see with all clarify that our problem is to work for the needs of our people and for those who may need our help. Our country is aware that it is making great efforts in both fields; in the ideological and political field, and in the technical field to give the maximum cooperation to the revolutionary movement today, and to give the maximum cooperation possible tomorrow in overcoming the problems which we are facing today; the problems of underdevelopment and poverty. Those are the two basic things today: solidarity today against imperialism, help today for the struggle against imperialism because we know that the first thing is the revolution. This is the first step. Tomorrow when the revolutionaries are in power (applause)--the task is not even difficult. Some think that it is difficult to make revolution, that it is difficult to defeat the oligarchies, and we say to them: "No, this is not the most difficult thing. The most difficult thing, after they have defeated the oligarchies that represent the reactionary interests, the imperialist interests, will be to defeat underdevelopment, poverty, and the misery that has accumulated over such a long time." In the midst of chaos there remains a capitalist society in all aspects. That is the most difficult problem, and I say with assurance that those who today think that the most difficult thing is the seizure of power must renounce the idea as of today that they are going to be capable of facing the problems that come later. It is necessary to have confidence, assurance, to understand that the problem of overthrowing the oligarchies is really not so difficult. Imagination, pessimism, defeatism is what has caused that problem to appear more difficult. The most difficult problems are the problems that come later. At any rate, this is not a LASO meeting but rather a trip to Gran Tierra in which all the guests, all the people, are participating. We are very happy that, together with the satisfaction we have felt at seeing all these projects that have been finished here, we have been able to share this happiness with you, and with all our heart we thank you for the effort you have made to arrive at this point, (applause) and from what I can see, you have forgiven those who have been to blame for having you make this long trip. Thank you very much. Fatherland or death, we will win! (applause) -END-