-DATE-
19700520
-YEAR-
1970
-DOCUMENT_TYPE-
SPEECH
-AUTHOR-
F. CASTRO
-HEADLINE-
RETURNING FISHERMEN GIVEN HEROES' WELCOME
-PLACE-
CUBA
-SOURCE-
HAVANA DOMESTIC TV
-REPORT_NBR-
FBIS
-REPORT_DATE-
19700520
-TEXT-
Fidel Castro Speech

Havana Domestic Television and Radio Services in Spanish 0100 GMT 20 May 70
F

[Text] Comrade fishermen, comrade workers, peasants, students:
Approximately 48 hours ago, the people gathered to express their sentiments
and their decision in this very place. We heard the statements by various
mothers, including those of the fishermen, who were in anguish over the
fate of their sons in the hands of the mercenary criminals. Even so, we
knew from the very outset that this battle would be won. From the very
outset we were sure that the fishermen would return to our country safe and
sound and that they would be returned without any conditions whatsoever.
From the very outset, the principal party responsible for these deeds, the
U.S. Government, was warned that we were holding it fully responsible for
the lives of the 12 [as heard] fishermen. It would have to assume the
responsibility for any measure which the Cuban people deemed necessary if
the fishermen were murdered.

In general, our people have learned much about politics in these times.
They have learned much about international issues, what is behind the
facade, and what must be done in each case. In the first place, we pointed
to the responsibility of the U.S. imperialist government and the British
Government--a responsibility which in this case does not derive from a
hostile attitude on the part of the British government toward Cuba, but is
due to the fact that the British possessions in the Bahamas have been
repeatedly used as lairs and way-stops for mercenary groups at the service
of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to perpetrate villainies against
our country.

The mercenaries who landed in Baracoa were trained in Florida. As we have
said on other occasions, the mercenaries tried to land in January. They had
some difficulties near Guantanamo and were rescued there by the Yankee navy
and sent to the United States again. They continued their training in camps
visited by CIA and FBI agents, and some weeks later they returned and
landed near Baracoa. They left Florida and made a stop at Anguilla Key. We
know of many points that have been used at one time or another as way-stops
between Florida and Cuba by CIA agents.

Therefore, we first had to specify international responsibility for each
one. The basic aim was to obtain the return of the fishermen safe and sound
and absolutely unconditionally.

Our naval units were mobilized, and we estimated the place or the direction
they would take to hide out. It was a difficult job to locate them because
there are hundreds of islands and keys involved. There is also the matter
that foreign territory is involved, and we felt that our first duty was to
request that the authorities of the government having jurisdiction over the
territory in question take the pertinent steps in order to locate the
mercenaries and rescue the fishermen.

We were perfectly certain that they had not returned to Florida. Everybody
knew that. We know perfectly well how the CIA operates. The Giron invasion
did not leave from Florida; they were trained in Guatemala, left from
Nicaragua, and were escorted by Yankee ships to the proximity of our
shores.

Often the pirate attacks were not mounted from Florida. They had bases in
Central America and had mother ships which made calls in Florida once in a
while, but they launched their actions from bases located in other nations.

Everyone knows the classic hypocrisy and cynicism of imperialism--how it
sometimes tries to observe certain norms so that it will not be directly
accused, as if that would in some way alter the fact. As if that would
alter the fact that they left from Florida or from the shores of any Latin
American puppet nation. This is the way they organized Giron and prepared
everything.

Furthermore, we also know of their brazen lies--Mr McCloskey immediately
began saying that he had sufficient reason to assure us that they were not
in Florida. How did Mr McCloskey know that they were not in Florida? Simply
because they knew where they were. They knew where they were and it was not
on the U.S. coast.

This brings us back to Giron. They bombed us with B-26's at dawn on 17
April 1961 and immediately the news agencies came up with the report that
part of the Cuban Air Force had mutinied, had bombed the airports, and then
landed in Miami.

And Mr Stevenson, then U.S. representative at the United Nations, echoed
this report verbatim: that Cuban planes had mutinied and attacked the bases
and then landed in Florida.

So well do we know by heart all the procedures and craftiness and
philistinism of the imperialists that we immediately guesses that their
movements more or less would be. For us, this clearly indicated that the
mercenaries had left from Florida and that the fishermen were being held on
one of the keys or islands of the Bahamas.

Of course, when McCloskey said that they were not in Florida he was
indirectly accusing, or indicating that they were in the British keys since
everything that is not American in that entire territory is British. And
McCloskey meant that they were some place else. He gave assurances that
they were not in U.S. territory.

In its communique, the Revolutionary Government implied the possible
involvement of the British authorities or more than just involvement of the
British authorities' responsibility. We definitely did not consider the
British Government responsible or the organizer of these villainies even
though the British are the forefathers of the Americans--we are not going
to call them Yankees because that refers to the imperialists. Now there are
many combatants among the American people who oppose the Vietnam war,
revolutionary combatants, which is why we cannot call them so. [applause]
However, we can say that the British colonialists were the forefathers of
the Yankee imperialists, spiritually and politically.

But there is not the least doubt, that is a politically mature nation with
more wisdom than its behavior. British history is known to many of our
students and our people, and has had many phases and stages. They invented
piracy sometime ago and later fought against it. They developed slavery,
and there was a time when their interests were in collusion with the slave
trade, and so on. There is quite a bit of history, but there is a tradition
throughout British policy. Fundamentally, they have no outstanding problems
with our country, they have no problems. It is unquestionable that the use
of those bases in British territory is a small favor--in quotation
marks--that their Yankee allies are going them. It is a favor without any
consideration, that is, involve them in such villainies against their
wishes.

This is what the yankees do to everybody. They did it to Mexico when they
recruited an official of their embassy in Cuba, who was constantly sending
wires and information to them, carrying out outright espionage together
with the CIA. On their Mexican friends, the Yankees sneaked in an agent;
they recruited one of their officials. We kept records from the very
beginning, all the messages, codes, and everything. We knew what he was
doing.

They involved the British in their villainies against Cuba with an obvious
lack of consideration. Some evil minded persons and a news agency, and I am
going to name it -- REUTERS--this agency is known, at least most of the
reporters, that is reporters in general that are sent to Cuba, are CIA
recruits, spies, and enemy agents. Do not doubt it. We know these people
well. This man has been spreading poison ever since the demonstrations
began but, among other things, he said that we are threatening the British
Government. The next day while talking to the British ambassador we
explained that we had no intention of threatening anyone, but that we could
not, in the eyes of public opinion, neglect to point out the possibility
that the fishermen were there. And it was also known to us that these
islands had been used in many instances for actions against Cuba.

The British ambassador explained that there were many islands and that it
was not easy to patrol them. We replied that the problem could be solved in
24 hours, that the British Government ought to call the U.S. Government and
ask where the fishermen were, because they knew where they were. [applause]
If the U.S. Government cares less for the British Government than they do
for the gang of hoodlums that committed this villainy, obviously encouraged
and supported by them, then the U.S. Government would have to tall them
where the fishermen were. If you know the place, then you can send a
helicopter and bring the fishermen back. I have no knowledge of what action
was taken, what communications [transpired], or what attitude was adopted
by the British Government. We must point out that the British ambassador's
attitude was most respectful, at all times it was courteous, and in reality
it was friendly. We cannot, since we are giving this account, complain
about the actions of the British ambassador in this matter, and we know
that he made every effort in giving this matter the required attention due
to its possible involvements.

We carried out the diplomatic effort and it was very clear that the
responsibility resided with the U.S. Government, but the British Government
had been involved by these activities. We must state that the Bahamas has a
government with limited autonomy and a British governor. We must say that
we do not have the same opinion of the British governor in the Bahamas that
we have of the British ambassador to Cuba. The Bahamas are very close to
the United States.

It is a world of casinos, gambling dens, gaming houses--imagine, about 1
million U.S. tourists go there every year. There are true gangster empires
in that place. Anyone of importance in the U.S. underworld has an interest
in the Bahamas' casinos, in the same manner that they had it here in Cuba
at one time. They exploit all types of businesses, prostitution, gambling,
and contraband.

We must say that we know that the Bahamian British governor is a liar,
among other things, because he stated that there was no one there. The
fishermen have told us exactly what key they were on. He categorically
rejected the Cuban Government's charges, which proved to be true. We know
that the British government in the Bahamas has been tolerant with these
villainies, and that he knows perfectly well that the CIA and its
mercenaries have been using much of the territory in those islands.

I want to point out the individual responsibilities in this matter. The
British governor's attitude is different than that of the British
ambassador. At the same time, we do not believe that the British Government
is responsible, that is, witting of the British governor's activities in
the Bahamas. We believe that these are the responsibilities of a certain
official, even though the British Government is involved in responsibility,
because if that nation has a possession, it cannot excuse itself by stating
that they do not have enough ships or that they lack the required means to
guard that island. This argument has not validity. This argument is not
honest We say so. If they have possessions and cannot guard them, then give
them their independence. Give them their independence, [applause] and at
least there will be a government responsible for what is going on over
there. Therefore, that pretext cannot be justified.

We are not interested in those keys, but if they cannot watch them, then we
will gladly offer to watch over the keys, at least against the mercenaries.
[applause] Therefore, this is undeniable, undeniable. The British
Government cannot evade its responsibility to prevent the use of those keys
against our country.

And we are not making threats, far from it. We are explaining things in
their correct terms. We are pointing out their responsibility to watch over
those keys. But the British Government does not even need so many planes or
helicopters, the British Government is an ally of the United States in
NATO, and we do not believe that the British Government has so little
influence with the U.S. Government as not to be able to demand that it
desist from involving it in problems with our country. Britain and the
United States are NATO allies, [applause] and we feel that the British
Government ought to demand that the U.S. Government desist from using these
islands as bases from which to attack our country.

This does not mean that they are the only places used by the CIA. There is
a whole slew of satellite nations and governments that constantly lend
themselves to these vallainies. But times and circumstances are changing,
and let all those who lend themselves in this way by providing bases to the
mercenaries know that Cuba will not stand idly by, that Cuba will not adopt
a passive policy. [applause] Unfortunately, [applause and cheers interrupt
Castro] unfortunately, our country does not have long-range aircraft. We
are sure that if we had such a capability some of those puppets of
imperialism would be somewhat more careful in providing bases for acts of
aggression against our country.

Unfortunately, our MIG-21's have a very limited range. But of course we are
not going to adopt a passive policy and we issue a warning, we issue a
warning to those nations which may be used as bases against Cuba that we
will seek every means to pass from the defensive to the offensive. [cheers,
applause, chanting in unison]

Let them not think that the history of Giron and all those activities are
going to be repeated and that we are going to sit here calmly, with a
passive attitude.

And we are going to manage alright because when one puts his imagination to
work one always finds a way, and if they think that they are going to mount
wars against our country with impunity we will find the way to mount war in
their own territory. [loud cheers, applause, and chanting in unison]

There is no lack of volunteers in this country for any mission of this
kind. [cheers] There is no shortage of volunteers in this country to
fulfill any duty of the revolution or the fatherland anywhere it has to be
done. [cheers] It is well that we start to adopt these principles and that
this doctrine of the revolution begins to be known. Just as they must also
know that there is utter contempt for the OAS here, that the OAS rubbish
frightens no one. [cheers] And that there is also great contempt for
imperialism here and that despite its might it frightens no one in this
country. [cheers, applause] And we know that there are many examples of
this and it is needless to list them.

We are saying, therefore, that our naval units were deployed for the
purpose of getting the fishermen back safe and sound and unconditionally,
that our naval units were deployed as picket ships west of the Bahamas and
as far north as Miami, [light commotion] Yes, as far north as Miami. [light
applause]

Our MPK and our torpedo boats [light applause] patrolled [applause building
up] the Bahamas channel and stayed in the western zone in the belief that
they had gone deeply into the archipelago. We are not going in there
because we were simply leaving it up to the British to assume their
responsibility in resolving the problem.

Our planes also patrolled the waters of the Bahamas channel. We used some
combat planes and some reconnaissance planes as far as the islands to the
extreme north of the Bahamas. Our combat planes were placed on alert at our
air bases for any contingency, for any emergency. [applause] The MIG-21's
also flew their maximum range. We briefed our pilots very carefully that if
planes showed up and tried to intimidate them, they were not to let
themselves be intimidated. [loud cheers, applause] If Yankee planes showed
up and they maneuver against you, then maneuver against them. [loud cheers,
applause] Do not fire at them, but if they fire at you do not hesitate an
instant in firing at them. [cheers, applause]

The instructions were very clear and specific. We must say that our air
force is, of course, not powerful. It is small, but we know that the men
who fly in those planes have hearts, [applause] and they are not frightened
by the number and power of the enemy.

Of course, this battle was won by the people. [applause] It was won by the
people. Naturally, the activities of our air force and our navy were not
divulged. They were not published. We did not publish and they did not
publish. We did not have to account for it, but there was a battle taking
place in the eyes of the public and that, in our judgment, was the
important one. Our ships could play the part they did to stop them from
leaving the Bahamas and going to another area.

Using their boats, they could go to another Central American territory.
Thus, our planes and ships played their part in confining them to that area
while waiting for the British to carry out their most essential
international duties.

Our attitude was to patrol and wait for action, but here the people were
fighting their battle. We must say that this has been an outstanding and
impressive battle. We must say that it has been an unforgettable battle
that has been fought in the area around this lair. We must say that the
most impressive thing was the people's self-discipline. [applause] There
are two things that amaze us: the level of awareness attained by our
people, an awareness developed during the years of revolution, which has
been a constant apprenticeship, and the impressive self discipline without
regard to the degree of discontent, indignation, and aggravation that the
people had. It was possible to fight the battle for the fishermen's
libation by combining indignation with political awareness, intelligence,
and self discipline. [applause]

The masses forced the liberation; it was the people's impressive attitude,
the people's unity, all the people's solidarity, the solidarity of all the
workers at all fronts, workers, peasants, arts, and sciences workers,
sportsmen, students, mass organizations.

Last Sunday's ceremony will be unforgettable, an unsurpassable example of
revolutionary solidarity, both national and international. We will never be
able to forget the mothers that came here, [applause] the oratory, the
profoundness due to its humane feelings, simplicity, and the concern they
displayed, mothers of Cuban martyrs and mothers of Latin American martyrs,
which is the same thing. [applause]

The revolutionary voice of the representatives of the Brazilian combatants,
[applause] the Dominican combatants, [applause] the Vietnamese combatants,
[applause] the Laotian combatants, [applause] the Guinean combatants,
[applause] the solidaristic voice of those fighting against imperialism
throughout the world, and the dignified voice, the voice that recalls
something so dear to us, the voice of the father of the heroic guerrilla,
Maj Ernesto Guevara [applause]. There was no absence of representative
voice of our people and the fraternal people fighting against imperialism.
Never before in our nation was there such a symbolic event so
representative of solidarity, solidarity of a nation of 8 million people
for the lives of 11 humble fishermen, sea workers, [applause] an
unsurpassable example and an unsurpassable lesson which shows what
socialism is, and what communist fraternity is.

Those that heard the voices of the people, the voices of children, of old
people, of men and women from any activity, from any work front, have been
able to ascertain the prevailing feeling, the fraternal feeling, the
willingness to offer life and blood for those 11 fishermen.

The revolutionary feeling is not measured by the number of lives in danger,
but the idea of solidarity, the idea of fraternity which characterizes our
revolutionary working people, which points out to each worker that this
country is a country of brothers, that the family of any man or woman in
this country is not a family of 5 or 6 or 10, it is a family of millions.
[applause] If the people's blood has to be spilled to defend not 11, but
just one of its children, the people will be ready to give their blood.
[applause] This is what makes it strong and supplies power to the
revolution. In the same manner that this takes place on a national scale,
it develops on an international scale.

It is the solidarity of the peoples against imperialism which showed
something new last Sunday night, something representative of a new
phenomenon, and it is that not only the poor and exploited people are
rising up against imperialism, but the people of the United States of
America are beginning to rise up with mounting vigor. [applause] North
American students are now rising up against imperialism. North American
working sectors are rising up together with the black people who are
discriminated against and enslaved in the imperialist society of the United
States. [applause] These forces are rising with mounting strength.

In the past few days, imperialism has yielded abundant lessons. There is
the lesson of Southeast Asia, the lesson of Indochina. As it mires down
deeper and deeper, imperialism wages a fascist war or genocide and
treachery against the Cambodian people and bares the personality of Mr
Nixon, the fascist and treacherous mentality of Mr Nixon, who also brings
back Mr Adolf Hitler. Not only did Mr Nixon fail to notify his allies of
the decision to invade Cambodia, but he even failed to notify the members
of his own cabinet. What extremes he is going to.

Naturally, this weakens imperialism increasingly more. It is weakened in
Europe because each day there is increasing mistrust for such allies. It is
weakened in Asia by the heroic struggle of the peoples of Indochina. It is
weakened in Latin America. It is weakened in Asia. But what is even more
serious for imperialism is that it is weakened in America. [applause]

Therefore, in talking about the men who fight and die confronting
imperialism, we must now talk about the dozens of murdered black workers in
the United Sates. [applause] We must also talk now about the students
murdered in U.S. universities. In these protest demonstrations the pictures
of the young 17 and 20 year-old men and women who were shot down by the SS
of the Yankee imperialists were paraded.

You have to see the photographs, the documentaries, the hatchet men, who
look like men from another planet armed with bombs, bayonets, and gas
masks. We do not know whether they are landing on the moon or on any other
world because they seem unreal, out of this world.

It is that the protest in the United States is widening and increasingly
more persons are rising up against imperialism's crimes, and soldiers are
being reached at the military posts. There are also U.S. Army draftees
talking against war in meetings. There are also those in the United States
who are beginning to talk about the possibility of a revolution there, too.
[applause]

It is that imperialism, entangled everywhere because of the system itself,
perpetrating villainies everywhere in the world, sending ships, planes, and
troops everywhere in the world to defend the interests of the empire, is
isolating itself increasingly more from the rest of the world and is
beginning to seriously isolate itself from the American people themselves.

They may threaten other nations with atomic bombs but we will have to see
how they are going to cope with U.S. combatants, with the U.S. students,
with a society that is beginning to become conscious of its problems, with
a society against which repression is not easy.

No matter how much Mr Nixon reminds us of Hitler, no matter how much his
henchmen remind us of the SS, it ought not be forgotten that repression of
U.S. society is not too easy.

It ought not to be forgotten that repressive measures did not have to be
resorted to in the United States throughout the long development and
expansion of capitalism initially and imperialism later. It is one thing to
use repression in Nicaragua, Santo Domingo, Brazil, or many Latin American
nations, where repression was the rule for maintaining the oligarchy in
power, and another thing to use repression in the United States.

However, if imperialism wants to survive it cannot desist from its warlike
adventures. It cannot dispense with repression. Perhaps the most serious
problem it faces is having to begin to use repression to survive against a
great people, because classic traditions of repression such as those
suffered by other peoples are unknown there.

If students have great weight, for example, in any Latin American nation
even though they are numerically very small, you cannot underestimate the
weight of the students in the United States, where they number in the
millions. Hundreds and hundreds of U.S. universities unanimously went on
strike and unanimously maintained an attitude of protest and struggle
against the cowardly and criminal war on Cambodia and against the vile
murder of university students.

Therefore, our people must excitedly and optimistically greet the struggle
of our black brothers in the United States, [applause] the struggle of our
brother students in the United States, the struggle of our brother workers
in the United States, because, even though bribery and corruption have been
frequently used, even though the monopolies have gained experience in
developing the workers' aristocracy, we depend on the awakening of the
American workers.

This is the international situation. This is the framework in which this
villainous, provocative, and cowardly episode unfolded. The country said
that the fishermen had to be returned in good condition, and the country
was ready to do whatever was necessary for the safe return of the
fishermen. [applause] The country prepared psychologically for any measure
necessary, and the struggle that it was necessary to carry out. This
feeling of solidarity of all the people reached out to our fishermen on all
seas. It reached ships which produce foods for our people thousands of
kilometers away from our nation. It reached our growing merchant marine
sailing on all the seas in the world carrying our products, exports and
imports. That warm feeling of solidarity encourages them in their struggle
in their work. Messages also were received from them expressing the
indignation and feeling of all the people.

These demonstrations have been held publicly. While this was occurring, the
representative of U.S. interests in Cuba dared to ask in some of his
messages if these demonstrations were spontaneous outhursts of the people
or if they were organized. Our foreign minister answered that the
authorities merely organized the orderly process, that the authorities were
trying to prevent a more drastic end than what was taking place here. And
in reality, it was really happening. Every day more people came, every day
more citizens came to protest here. The authorities did not have to do
hardly anything. This mass organizations, the Committees for the Defense of
the Revolution, and the demonstrators themselves organized here. They put
on arm bands and devoted themselves to prevent possible disorders that
could develop into something big.

The indignation was great. The same people who organized everything also
organized the orderly process. They were looking after all problems. There
were some citizens with pipes, some citizens with rocks, and some who
wanted to place the [Cuban] flag on top of that building. [applause] The
men and women, supported by the masses, were trying to hold the protest
within the limits that had to be maintained. That is why we were so
impressed, that is, by the self discipline of our masses.

The authorities intervened when it was said that a Swiss official and a
guard were besieged here and they claimed that they had no water or food.
The comrades from the Foreign Ministry came to discuss and explain the
option of the ministry, the opinion of the government that it was necessary
to evacuate those men. The authorities intervened simply to assist. What
did the representatives of Yankee interests think, that we are equal to
Brazil, Santo Domingo, or the United States, that troops are going to show
up with odd clothing and masks, bayonets, tear gas, that the militia is
going to show up? Gentlemen, the militia here is all the people. The army
of this country is all the people. [applause]

They were going to have the people shoot against the people. How can this
happen? They are one and the same thing. Wherever there are revolutionary
people, there is nothing else but people. They are used to pictures of what
is going on around the world that they were unable to understand it. Then
they complained that they could not come in. Well, there are too many
people. I had a lot of trouble getting here, the same thing happened to the
fishermen and to the revolution's leaders. This place was crowded but
nobody was inside the embassy. Nobody entered the place that is defended by
that slim thread regally called diplomatic immunity. The people did not
want to break that thread. The people acknowledged that at this time and at
this stage of the game in their battle that thread should not be broken,
and were staying within those limits.

Well, the crowd grew and grew. Who would imagine that more than 100,000
people would gather here yesterday? We were called by the comrades and they
said that a lot of people were moving this way. They were concerned. They
said that they were even leaving the factories, they are leaving the
schools, and they are coming from all places. This is going to hurt
production, they said, and I answered: What are we going to do?

The people's feelings are more important. What can we do? Organize
meetings? Well, no. If they are going there, they are simply going there.
And more than 100,000 persons gathered there. If the fishermen had not bee
freed no one knows what it would be tomorrow or the day after. No one
knows. No one knows.

The representative of U.S. interests in Cuba felt somewhat molested. But
gentlemen, if you are an official with diplomatic duties and you represent
the interests of the United States and you still want to live without
problems in this world, this is in fact a dream, [shouts from the crowd]
this is a dram, this is an illusion. He says that he has been offended?
Offended? We have read paragraphs in the newspapers saying that he was an
efficient official, that he was more efficient and more thrifty than the
U.S. officials themselves.

Of course, it must be kept in mind what it means to represent U.S.
interests here, the interests of a pirate government that violates all
international law and then tries to talk about international law. Law for
those who respect international law. International law is for those who
obey international law. But since when is piracy protected by law? A
doctrine that is accepted by the whole world, a principle of legal
philosophy, is that international piracy cannot have the protection of
international law. It cannot count on this protection. This is why we
talked about the weak thread. The thread is weak for reasons of which you
are aware and which must be known by those representatives.

It is right here in a speech of 26 July 1963 when we disclosed that in view
of the freezing of our funds we had issued a decree confiscating this
building. We said then--6 years, 7 years ago--as you know, they had blocked
Cuban funds to hinder our trade, and we nationalized the only thing they
had here, the embassy building. Now they say, they said, that this is
illegal, that is is not according to agreements. We then say, how shameless
is this U.S. Government. They have not respected any agreement, any
international law, they constantly violate our airspace, they infiltrate
saboteurs, agents, spies, they prepare bases for aggression, they have
violated laws and agreements hundreds of times, and now they said that the
Cuban Government cannot nationalize the embassy in its just and legitimate
defense. Well, we have nationalized it, and that agreement has to be
fulfilled.

That building, that building under the care of the Swiss Embassy, and our
country is prepared to give all facilities to the Swiss Embassy to
opportunely transfer all the archives elsewhere and turn the building over
to the Cuban Government. [applause] This was 7 years ago. We hope the Swiss
Embassy will recognize this legitimate and sovereign act of the Cuban
people. We hope, because this is not an issue against Switzerland. It is an
act of legitimate defense.

And if they want to discuss the matter, let us see who is right, who has
the right, who violates the law, who are the aggressors, and who are
defending themselves with legitimate right. At that time the Swiss Embassy
officials refused to abide by the agreement, they placed us in a position
in which we had to show a certain tolerance or else act. We chose to be
tolerant, but let no one deceive the representatives of U.S. interests in
Cuba. That disobedience does not establish any rights regarding that
building.

There is a so-called agreement on diplomatic rights. There are many
agreements in the world. The agreement of the United Nations, the most
sacred international agreements have been torn to shreds by the
imperialists. But the imperialists, let us say, are the number one
benefactors of those agreements. Let no diplomatic representative become
horrified with what I am trying to reason here, please. Rights always
protect specific interests. Well, diplomatic agreements also protect Cuban
interests, but they are so small, our country has such a few embassies,
only a few. Why? Because the imperialists forced many countries to break
relations with us, they tried to isolate us, and they have put us in the
situation that we have very few embassies in the world. If there were no
agreement on diplomatic immunity we could do without it because we have
many revolutionaries who would willingly go as ambassadors to any country
without diplomatic immunity. [applause] Cuba can waive diplomatic immunity
because it has more than enough people to fulfill its duties.

If there have been Cubans to give their lives in the jungles of other
countries, there are many Cubans here who are willing to represent Cuba at
any risk in any capital. With this we mean that the diplomatic immunity
agreement benefits Yankee imperialism more than anyone else. It has
thousands and tens of thousands of diplomatic officials throughout the
world and everywhere. No one can be invoking diplomatic agreements here,
because there is so little to protect against the interests of this
country. And agreements that are much more sacred, such as the right of a
people to live because if a diplomatic's life is sacred, and we admit this,
all diplomats may feel safe here.

Even if there were no agreement on diplomatic immunity, they would be fully
respected, they may be assured of this. The fact that we say that we do not
need diplomatic immunity does not mean that we would deprive diplomats in
our country of this right. We can give this right gratis, without
reciprocity if they want; but of course reciprocity would always be better.

Now, this does not apply to the representatives of other countries here,
who will always be respected. But the one who has more to lose from all
this villainy is the Yankee imperialist. This is unquestionable. Now, what
do the imperialists do? There is something that is much more sacred, I
repeat, than the life of a diplomat, or the immunity of a dead
building--and this building is almost dead, from fear at least. Much more
sacred is the life of a people. Much more sacred is the life of the people
of Vietnam, Cambodia, Santo Domingo, Cuba. [applause]

What international law can they talk to us abut? Is blockading Cuba
economically in keeping with international law? To try to starve to death a
country like Cuba? To bomb a people like Vietnam with hundreds of thousands
and millions of tons of dynamite? Or Cambodia? Is it in keeping with
international law that 40,000 marines were landed in Santo Domingo?

But the pettifoggers are horrified. The bourgeois jurists are horrified.
This is not important. To kill 1,000, 10,000, a million is not important.
What can they tell a revolutionary people watching the world spectacle. How
can they invoke international law in defense of the interests of those
violators of all laws?

Well, regarding Switzerland, we maintain a position of absolute respect for
its officials, its buildings, its personnel, its property, its documents,
and everything. That is our position regarding Switzerland, regarding all
other countries against which we cannot bring charges of being systematic
violators of international law, but for anyone to talk about international
law in the name of the United States is a hair, a strand in a cobweb.

What has been and what should be our attitude? In our own judgment, what
should we do? Many comrades, we ourselves, have been hoping that we would
address the people to express the Revolutionary Government's feelings, of
the revolutionary leadership. If you ask any of us what we would want,
well, rest assured that we would want the same thing you want. Exactly. I
want you to allow me to present our point of view. Some comrades considered
this a complex task, but if we cannot discuss the complex problems with
this people, with whom will be able to discuss them? [applause]

We would like to see a sign on this building that reads: Cuban Institute of
Fishery. [applause] I am not making propositions. I am only saying what we
would like. As persons, we share this indignation. Were most of the people
(?thinking about) the building? No. What 70 or 80 percent of the people
were saying was that they were prepared to lay down their machetes to take
up their guns to go in search of the fishermen wherever they were. They
were saying: We are prepared to do anything that is necessary. Everyone
knew that to take over this building, to take it over physically, to break
the cobweb of legality that is still has and enter, then to put a flag on
it as the Soviet soldier did with the Soviet flat on the Reichstag, is very
easy. [applause] The people were saying things, the people were saying that
there were more dignified, more courageous things to do. We are ready to
give our blood. Men and women said this alike. They did not want to fight a
building. They wanted to find the enemy, to go wherever necessary. They
were offering their blood and their lives. That was the people's attitude.

The battle for the fishermen was just beginning. How far would it go? As
far as necessary. But what kind of battle would the people fight? An
intelligent battle--I am impressed above all by their intelligence. Only in
isolated cases, very exceptional cases, some were led by their natural and
logical indignation away from the tactics of the masses. The battle was
just beginning. And what has happened? What has happened? The enemy
surrendered at the very outset. Innumerable pieces of weaponry were still
in the arsenals.

The first objective was not the building, but the lives of the fishermen.
This was the basic objective, the principal objective. [applause] The
objective was to bring them back safe and sound without conditions, without
exchanges for mercenaries or criminals. That was the objective, and we are
really happy that the enemy surrendered immediately. It is said that the
fishermen have been released. That is a lie. The mercenaries did not free
the fishermen. They in fact, freed themselves from the fishermen.
[applause] They left the fishermen where they were and fled to their Miami
hideout. They did not free the fishermen. They simply freed themselves from
the fishermen.

Of course, they were in constant communication with the United States. As
they have said, journalists went there to question them. Obviously,
imperialism said: This is becoming bad, this is becoming too serious. So
they instructed them to leave the island. That is, they lost the battle,
they lost the battle at the very outset while the inexhaustible arsenal of
the people was still well supplied. We were prepared to go as far as
possible, but the main objective had been achieved. What were we to do
then? Make use of our arsenal and continue the fight? What is more
tactical? If we have won the battle should we waste the arms we have left?
[crowd shouts, No] Of course not.

If we allow ourselves to be guided by our indignation and our zeal we would
continue the fight, and rest assured that we would win the battle. If for a
reason son of this country--I do not mean the others, but a real son of
Cuba--for the life or the rights of one son of Cuba it is necessary to give
the lives of every Cuban, then every Cuban will give his life for the
rights of that one Cuban. [applause] For one, for 100, for 1,000, for as
many as there may be. And this is real revolutionary brotherhood. This is
what became evident here, this was the people's inclination: to go as far
as necessary. I was saying that if we followed our zeal we would have gone
still further. The problem that faced me and other leading comrades at this
point, where indignation had grown tremendously, where we knew what the
spirit of the masses was, was what was the correct measure to adopt? What
would have been our stand? And I believe that there will not be any
contradiction between our stand and your stand. We have won this wonderful
battle, we have won it without having spilled a single drop of blood; we
have won with our first salvos against an enemy who left the field, for
which we are happy because the most important thing is the lives of these
fishermen, to give tranquility to those mothers who offer such an example
of dignity, those mothers who showed such courage, courage which is born of
the knowledge that we are part of a people ready for the struggle,
defending its loved ones because we have thousands, tens of thousands,
hundreds of thousands of mothers as angry as those mothers, as if they were
their own sons. The most important thing is that we have brought the
fishermen here and here we have them.

This is not a brief struggle; this is a long struggle, very long. This is
one more battle and it will not be the only one. We must realize that. The
imperialists are preparing new plots against us, and they are large-scale
plots. The worms are getting encouragement. Well, then, the revolution will
take charge of clipping their wings. [applause] We will not have any
considerations. This revolution is not characterized by a spirit of cruelty
and it will never be characterized by such, but it is characterized by its
firmness, it is characterized by its attitude. And, of course, in
confrontations with the revolutionary people, its enemies should not expect
any consideration. We say that because when imperialism begins to plot the
worms abroad begin to agitate and some worms here begin to agitate also.
Then, imperialism is preparing large-scale plots. These are secondary plots
to the main operation they have been preparing for some months. We
denounced it on 22 April. We denounced it again in the communique. Ah! The
imperialists did not say a word. Why does imperialism not talk of the Cuban
charge? Why do they remain silent when we say that Nixon and his associates
are financing and preparing an action against our country, an action which
people close to Nixon and the Pentagon have been preparing for months? They
did not say a word. As an answer, they remain silent. But we know them
well. We know them very well and what we should do is simply to continue to
prepare.

Many lies have been told, that we were to finish the demonstration by
taking the building, that we were going to do this. Of course, we must
differentiate. There were some agencies which issued more objective
reports. There were others playing the role of the CIA. They said that we
organized this demonstration seeking an incident because of sugar harvest
difficulties. We have not concealed the harvest troubles from anyone here.
Here we have published, are publishing, and will continue to publish
figures until the last day, ton by ton, every one that is produced. We have
been publishing the sugarcane yields, the expected yields, the yields which
we have really obtained. We have been publishing reports on these
difficulties from the very beginning, the difficulties in Oriente, the very
serious industrial difficulties which we have experienced during the
harvest. Here, we have not concealed that from anyone and besides, the
country is making a superhuman effort, an effort it has never made before.
Yes, we have difficulties; we are not going to conceal that from any one;
it is published every day.

What calculations have the imperialists made? They have calculated that if
we do not achieve the supreme victory of the 10 millions, that would be the
psychological moment to attack the country and to enhance the
counterrevolutionaries' cause. I must say frankly that we have very serious
difficulties, and that our purpose in the second half of May was to make a
detailed report on the harvest's progress and let you know all about these
problems, this situation. They have been spreading the idea that we want to
create an incident, as if every time this country has been attacked, it did
not answer.

Some 5 or 6 years ago they captured some fishing boats in the United States
and on that occasion we cut off the water to the Guantanamo Naval Base. No
more water for them. In fact they pulled out thousands of workers there. We
simply forced them to build a water plant there to desalinize sea water.
When they captured the Alecrin, we had plans prepared. Why did we not adopt
them? Because the same measures do not apply in all cases. Sometimes these
measures cannot be adopted immediately. We felt it was a political game in
the middle of an election, and if we took action, it would then agitate in
favor of that bunch of thieves there.

And those miserable ones when they land on Baracoa, and the country
denounces it when they seize the 11 fishermen, the idea they have been
working on, those spy agents who we have here on behalf of REUTERS, all
that was because the revolution was having difficulties and that we were
inventing these mobilizations to draw attention away from the harvest. We
could not ask for anything more villainous. I cannot conceive of such a
thing, as I said before, because all the facts are public knowledge, and
there is the history of this revolution and the sense of responsibility of
the men of this revolution. And another thing: the courage of our people
and the courage of men of this revolution. [applause] And what our people
say, and we an all say, is: Never again will there be in the history of the
country such an effort as the one that is being undertaken now, the
superhuman effort, as the one we are carrying out as we encounter
difficulties.

Are we going to blame them? No! Are we going to blame the imperialists! No!
We are not even going to blame the mercenaries who landed, who wanted to
interrupt the harvest. We are not going to blame those worms from the CIA
who kidnapped the fishermen. No! We have to blame ourselves. A
revolutionary people does not have to blame anybody for its difficulties.
And if we do not achieve the supreme victory, we will not have to search
for anyone else's guilt for our own. We simply will not go around inventing
incidents, that is what criminals do. We will not go around inventing
excuses. The revolution has suffered drawbacks and, more than once, real
drawbacks. We have suffered them so many times through the revolution's
history, at the Monada, at the Granma landing, only six or seven of us were
left, with just a few rifles, during the April strike, lots of times.

If we do not achieve the 10 million, we will experience two things: one, an
unquestionable moral defeat, there is no doubt. And why? Because we
sincerely believe that there were objective conditions to achieve a target
of that nature. If that target is not achieved among us, among the
revolutionaries, we will have to search for the causes, not the objective
reasons but those that are subjective. We would have to make an account
sheet of all our weaknesses, our inefficiencies that still remain in the
revolutionary process. We should courageously face it.

To face a moral defeat if we have not achieved the 10 million would truly
be a defeat; there is not the slightest doubt. Subjectively for us, it
would represent a shortcoming in our potentials. It would mean that we were
not able to achieve that goal. Objectively, no, we do not have the
slightest doubt that what the country is doing today and what the country
is achieving today will represent a record increase in production that has
never been achieved in the economic history of any country, including a
record that we ourselves will never again achieve. And a good proof of this
is that 2 months ago we surpassed the top production of the capitalists,
[applause] when in this country there were 500,000 unemployed, half a
million men waiting eagerly for the harvest to begin.

We still have more than 20,000 caballerias of cane to cut and to grind. We
have been preparing to face a new harvest under rainy conditions. We have
been making super-human efforts, and we will continue this battle until the
last piece of cane, until the last cane. [applause]

We have found the problems of yield one of the most difficult we have
encountered, emanating from investments in the industry in the first place
and also from the operational problems in the centrals. This matter will be
analyzed extensively.

But our enemies who have been creating illusions must beware; they do not
know what a revolution is. Of course if the revolution sets an objective
and does not achieve it, we feel it hurts in the innermost part of our
hearts, and it shames us deeply injures our dignity. But the worst thing
about revolutionary failure is that at the time when it is giving an
account of the revolution, the criminals, the exploiters, the traitors
return from there to here, what a distance, such a great distance!
[applause]

A revolutionary people have learned their lessons from their victories, but
they also can learn better from their failures. So, the line followed by
the revolution is the greatest publicity for the complete success of the
harvest. There is no foundation for all of the worms to imagine that the
efforts undertaken by the revolution, the efforts to fight the mercenaries
at Baracoa and to rescue the fishermen could have been invented to hide our
weaknesses or to hide our difficulties. Our difficulties have one of the
problems--and we will discuss this later, and we will explain -- but we do
not think this is the right time to make a complete and exhaustive
explanation on the progress of the harvest.

But, if you want me to tell you quite clearly, the situation is that we
will not reach the 10 million. I am not going to beat about the bush in
telling you this. I believe that for myself, as well as for any other
Cuban, it is something hard to take. It is something very harsh, maybe
harsher than any other experience in the revolutionary struggle, even
though many times we have suffered defeats. We suffered one at Moncada when
we were only a few. We suffered also on the Granma; we were still only a
few. They routed us a few times. We were only a few. We were many more, but
not enough. This time, we are not just a few. This time we are an entire
country, devoted with a tremendous honor and dignity to a task working in a
super-human manner to accomplish a goal where we would see the flag of our
cause, where we would see the flag of socialism, where we are struggling
with the vigor that the counterrevolutionaries must also exert for their
purposes.

Many will not agree that one should talk of defeats. Many will say that one
should not make any kind of comparisons with other experiences and other
events. But if one speaks thusly, it is because it must be made know what a
revolutionary attitude is. It is for all to know that we will not try to
find an excuse. [applause] We will not try to find any excuses. [applause]
We will not try to lessen here the fact that we deserve each other without
any exception. Now, the people have not been deceived or are we trying to
deceive them at this time when there is so much cane to be cut and there is
so much sugar to be produced. I always said that the day and time,
according to the situation, and we all have calculations, that we knew we
could not reach the 10 million tons, we would tell the people. We would not
maintain an illusion until the last minute; we would not maintain an
illusion because it would not be honest. We do not have to mobilize the
people by those means to carry out that effort. [applause] And we never
will. [applause]

The last time I talked about the harvest was in February and I fully
explained the situation, sugarmill by sugarmill, the problems, the
sugarcane movement, the roads, all those efforts which we have been making
resolutely. The yields were an arroba or more below what the sugar yields
should have been. We had more sugarcane and we have more sugarcane than the
cane estimated for the 10 million tons. We had and we have more can than
the cane estimated for the 10 million tons.

In only one province, where we have been having the most serious industrial
problems, Oriente Province, we will have a deficit of 700,000 tons of
sugar. That province should have produced not less, not less than 3.2
million tons of sugar. We will also not meet the production figures in
Camaguey Province, although not by the same scale. We will meet our figures
in Las Villas, surpass them in Matanzas and in Santa Clara, where the total
figure for all the provinces was estimated, and Havana Province will
surpass its quota by some 70,000 tons.

However, this surplus in the provinces of Matanzas and Havana is below what
we had planned for Las Villas reached its goal, Pinar del Rio just met its
goal, Camaguey is doing great now, a great effort although it will be below
its goal. Oriente will have a deficit of 700,000 tons of sugar. Camaguey
will have a deficit of some 400,000 tons. Between Havana and Matanzas there
is an increase of 150,000 above their goal. So the struggle for 9 million.
And what should we do? Should we conceal this from the people. It would be
unworthy of us, to demoralize ourselves would be unworthy of our people.
What should we do? Simply, first this: know the reality, fight to the last
cane. Thousands of workers are ready to support Oriente Province.
[applause] Thousands of workers are already to cut the last sugarcane and
fight like this people can fight under any circumstances. If the enemy
invades us, what would we do? We would fight to the last drop of blood. We
would all fight, and when only half of us are left, then only half of us
would fight, and when only one is left, that one must continue to fight.
[applause]

Undoubtedly, there is more incentive when we struggle, when we are close to
our goal, like the long distance runner when he sees the goal and he has
the energy for the final struggle. I believe that it will be a
demonstration of courage and revolutionary condition to struggle even
though that goal is not in sight, even when we know that goal will not be
reached. From the objective point of view, our enemies will be deliriously
happy because we cannot reach our goal, a goal which showed the limit of
our capability, which showed the limit of our strength, which showed us
that we were below expectations, which showed that our revolution was not
as high as we thought it was, and which makes known to us our limitations.
The enemy will take advantage of that and we should not blame anyone but
ourselves.

For us, for the revolutionaries, we must also realize the tremendous effort
put forth by the people. We must realize that we will increase that effort.
Even though we will not reach the 10 million tons 100 percent, at least
last year's sugar cane production exceeded by 70 percent, the sugar
production average of the last 10 years. And we can say here that such an
accomplishment has not been reached by any country in the world in the
agricultural field. We can also say that such an accomplishment cannot be
carried out by any other country, not even ourselves, because our goal was
too high. However, we still will be the world's largest sugar producing
country for 2 consecutive years. The country which follows us in production
will produce half of what we produced. So therefore, we will have written a
page for us, not for abroad.

And we must have the courage of revolutionaries to turn the failure into a
victory. A victory, [applause] a victory could have led to relaxing, a
victory could have led us to believe that all of the problems were solved.
This failure must lead us back to reality. It must lead us to the
impression that we are far from having accomplished everything. With a
victory we would have had to beware of excess optimism. With failure we
must multiply our energies, multiply our forces, and we will not have to
worry about the demoralization of the petit bourgeoise which demoralizes
the worms. Revolutionaries are never demoralized. [applause] They get their
strength from their failures, they get their strength from their
difficulties and they carry on. That is what our country's history teaches
us. The first struggles for independence, the 10-year war, 10 years, ended
in total defeat, 10 years that ended in the ditch. However, they picked
themselves up and continued forward and got to the point we have reached
today.

Of course, as we can always say, we achieved an extraordinary increase in
rice. An increase that is surpassing all records. In 2 years we are
increasing rice production six fold. In fishing, in 10 years, including
this year, we will have increased our yield eightfold over that at the time
of the triumph of the revolution. But as we were saying, they will not
gauge us by our fish, they will not gauge us by the rice we may produce,
they will not gauge us by the highways, schools, or dams that we may build,
they will gauge us by the 10 million because we have turned this matter
into the main one, the basic one. We have achieved the solidarity of the
world world. People full of hope have come from all corners of the world to
help us, Vietnamese fighters among them. [applause]

Young people from capitalist countries, youths from socialist countries,
two brigades of North American youths were also here helping us. [applause]
They will gauge us by the 10 million, and as a result, this will be the
gauge of the revolution. We will gauge ourselves too by the 10 million. We
will gauge our weaknesses.

We realize that we are short, but above all, we will gauge ourselves by our
attitude in the face of failure, by our attitude in the face of pain, by
our attitude in the face of the blow, and also, let us say so, by our
attitude in the face of humiliation.

Certainly it was not our purpose to bring up this problem tonight. Our
purpose was to explain some of the arguments that have been used against
the mobilization. We did not want to create a conflict, as if we lacked
occasions and possibilities for creating a conflict. The policy of the
revolution has always been to go forward, solve problems in a responsible
way, in a honest way. But, before the people there is something inside of
us, something that will always be too powerful, that is, loyalty to the
people, respect for the people. The very idea that the very hinting of
difficulties could show itself here and could seem to certain people that
one was trying to hide the difficulties, that one was trying to hide the
truth or the facts, make us decide to disclose this information that I have
just given you. [Cutting] arrobas, that is what we should be doing now upon
the return of the fishermen, as I explained to them.

Some have said in different ways, why the departure of the worms? Others
have said let us occupy the building. And with regard to this, we want to
say, we want to say the following: We must not waste a single weapon from
the arsenal that we have left. The battle is long to take possession of
that embassy at the time we think it convenient.

It is sufficient that the Revolutionary Government should withdraw from the
Swiss Embassy its status as representative of the United States interests
in Cuba. [applause] This is just a legal measure in the cobweb. It seems
that some microphone has been cut off. You can read it tomorrow in the
newspaper. There is no other solution. No? They say they cannot hear and I
am very sorry, but if they cannot hear, they will continue struggling over
there. Those that can hear something, pass the word along. Pass the word
and wait for the newspaper, because the rest of the public still remains,
and there are still some things to say.

We were saying that with a simple measure--it is the perrogative of the
Revolutionary Government of Cuba to cancel when it chooses the Swiss
Embassy's role of representative of U.S. interests in Cuba. Then this
building would fall like a dry leaf. This would eliminate all legal means
by which to defend the building. Of course, in our opinion this is not the
moment to take such a measure. This would be to waste bullets when the main
objective is already achieved. The enemies, therefore, will not be able to
use the argument that the revolution used excess means unnecessarily. This
should be our strategy.

We have won an important political battle. We have won it with the use of a
minimum of resources. Let us preserve the rest of our arms in our arsenals
for whenever it becomes necessary to use them. This building is legally
ours. By means of a simple decree, and without mobilizing the masses, this
building becomes, and it must become, the Revolutionary Government's.
[applause] So it is not necessary to enter the yard, it is not necessary to
break any door. We have all the legal means to make this building ours.
When the representatives of these interests disappear we will not allow any
other country to represent those interests. We will cancel the
representation of Cuba's interest in the United States--we have none, and
besides, it's only red tape -- and that puts an end to the departure of the
worms and everything else.

So, if now that the fishermen are among us, if now that we have won this
battle, we use many of the weapons that are still in the arsenal of
revolution, if we use them now we would be wasting them. For this reason,
we propose to the people that we go only this far and that we keep in the
large arsenal of the revolution the other measures to be used when the
situation demands it. [applause]

That is what we have come to ask the people today. A hard role, this hard
role, hard role [shouts in the audience], a hard role to take to our
people, whose hearts are full of indignation. Let us apply intelligence.
Let us wait. Let us be satisfied with this great victory of the people. Let
us not waste another cartridge. Let us put it aside until we need it. Let
us avoid appearing before international opinion as commiting excesses,
going too far. That is revolutionary intelligence, and let no one be sad
because he thinks this is our last battle. Our revolution must fight many
more battles in the future. We will have many more opportunities to prove
ourselves, our bravery, and our decisiveness. This is a hard task to come
here to say all this, to say, inclusively, what our duty demands above what
our feelings demand. But we have come here to fulfill that duty.

We never have any other alternative but to fulfill our duty, under any
circumstances, [applause] regardless of how difficult it may be. It was
difficult to tell the people this. It was difficult because [Unreadable
text] and hundreds of thousands of voices. But it has been said, explained,
and we believe that the people understand.

Much harder still, please believe me, is the news of the 10 million. Hard!
And I believe that never again, I hope never again, will I have to carry
out the bitter task of breaking such news. We have worked like nobody else
for this. We have dedicated the last drop of our energy, of our thoughts,
of our feelings, and the only thing that I must still say to any Cuban, to
the Cuban who feels this most deeply, is that same pain is felt by us. I
feel that same pain at this moment. [applause] I must tell that Cuban whose
revolutionary honor is most hurt that I have the same wound that he feels
in his honor and pride as I break this news to our people. It is the same
pain of our our comrades. [applause]

They say, [applause] they say that, [applause] that in the face of this,
shout to the people more than ever before. We will never forget a sad day
in the mountains when there were only 12 of us left, and over a battery
radio we listened to an enemy army general staff report that we were being
relentlessly pursued. It was true. Only 12 men were left, and they had no
other alternative but to surrender or escape if they could. And we
were...They hit the truth with their lie. At that time only 12 of us were
left, a few hours before we had been reduced to only 12 men. I recall that
moment, the reaction of every one of us. We were 12 but we were not ever
going to surrender. We would never think of escaping, we would continue the
struggle and would carry it forward until the end. We would continue the
struggle so long as there was one man, we would continue the struggle until
the last breath.

And so now also, our feeling now, the feeling of the revolutionaries can
only be one. We must work harder, we must make greater efforts. We must
exalt on our objective successes. Let us stress the records we have
accomplished that will go down in history and that will nevermore be
surpassed. Let us stress the failure and raise up from that failure to
improve ourselves, to multiply our energies, to multiply our efforts.
[applause] Let us lift up our heads, let us lift up our heads to the fact
that we still have a lot to struggle for, for we have a lot to do. Let us
lift up our heads at this bitter moment and face our enemies. And in
fulfilling our most basic duties let us continue with more strength than
ever before. At this moment of happiness on the one side and tragedy on the
other, at this moment of history and failures. Let us continue forward
revolutionary people, forward with more courage and with more value than
ever before. [cheers and applause] Let us continue with more intensity, let
us continue greater than ever before. Fatherland or death, we shall win!
[applause, cheers]
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