-DATE-
19710420
-YEAR-
1971
-DOCUMENT_TYPE-
SPEECH
-AUTHOR-
F. CASTRO
-HEADLINE-
CASTRO'S BAY OF PIGS ANNIVERSARY SPEECH
-PLACE-
HAVANA'S CUBAN WORKERS CENTRAL ORGANIZATION THEA
-SOURCE-
HAVANA DOMESTIC RADIO
-REPORT_NBR-
FBIS
-REPORT_DATE-
19710420
-TEXT-
PRIME MINISTER'S BAY OF PIGS ANNIVERSARY SPEECH

Havana Domestic Radio and Television Services in Spanish 0230 GMT 20 Apr 71
F

[Speech by Cuban Prime Minister Maj Fidel Castro Ruz at ceremonies marking
the 10th anniversary of the Bay of Pigs victory at Havana's Cuban Workers
Central Organization theater--live]

[Text] Distinguished visitors, relatives of comrades killed in Giron,
comrades: Comrade Volodia Teitelboim, a veteran revolutionary fighter from
Chile who has participated in many events in solidarity with our country,
expressed his desire to humbly participate in this ceremony. Of course, how
can such a participation possibly by something humble? It has great meaning
and is a message of deep significance for us--the presence, after 10
anniversaries, of the delegation of a revolutionary people that are on the
path of revolution, and whose present leaders are guided by the same
principles and the same doctrine that we are. Naturally, in each case it is
applied in accordance with the concrete conditions of each nation.

It is a fact that for us it is of great significance. For all of us his
remarks have been most impressive and they give us deep satisfaction. It
also makes this 10th anniversary more impressive. With this simple but
combative ceremony we have commemorated those events. The Giron battles
constitute an episode whose historical significance we did not even grasp
in its entirety at the time. Our combatants simply went out to face the
enemy with courage and they fulfilled their duty. They did not go out there
to write another page for the history book. However, not realizing what
they were doing, they really did write a page in the history book.

This event has been singled out all over the world. Even during the past
few days the newspapers from all over the world have recalled this date.
The defeat of the mercenary invasion at Giron caused a great trauma even in
the United States.

We are reading a wire item in connection with the date from an American new
agency which reflects the impact of that defeat on imperialism. In this
analysis datelined Washington--the ASSOCIATED PRESS--it states: One of the
darkest hours in the history of U.S. foreign policy occurred prior to
sunset on a day like today 10 years ago in the swampy beaches of southern
Las Villas Province, Cuba. The southern coast of Cuba was the scene of a
landing of about 1,500 Cuban exiles, trained and equipped by the Central
Intelligence Agency in order to end the leftist regime of Fidel Castro.

That was the aborted invasion of the Bay of Pigs, whose 10th anniversary
went unnoticed today by the large American public. If we look at the
invasion in retrospect, it was one of the most self-defeating events in the
195 years of U.S. history. The Bay of Pigs invasion was followed by
profound reactions. The very first one was the worsening of relations
between the United States and the rest of Latin America. Following the
first days of the invasion there were anti-American demonstrations in
Buenos Aires, Bogota, Mexico, Caracas, Montevideo, and Santiago de Chile.
One month after the invasion, Kennedy, deeply concerned with the loss of
prestige, urged Congress to approve 25 billion dollars over a period of 10
years in order to land U.S. astronauts on the moon. Congress rapidly
approved the program with very few opposing votes.

Another theory that prevails in Washington is that the Bay of Pigs failure
forced President Kennedy to send additional U.S. troops to Indochina.
According to this theory, after the Cuban disaster, Kennedy was of the
opinion that it was essentially necessary for the United States to
demonstrate its power elsewhere in the world in order to maintain its
prestige as a great power, and to avoid the charges of the opposition
party, the Republican Party, of having followed a policy of appeasement
with the communists.

When the South Vietnamese Government was threatened by an internal
rebellion supported by the communists from North Vietnam, Kennedy had
already sent some military advisers to aid in checking the communist party.
But more than a year after the Bay of Pigs, when Kennedy died, the military
troops in Vietnam had increased to 16,000. It was the beginning of a
participation that would be increased to more than 525,000 troops after 4
years.

Whether there is any direct connection between the Bay of Pigs failure and
U.S. participation in the Vietnamese conflict will be the subject of debate
for historians. We do not really believe that the U.S. imperialist
aggression in Vietnam has any connection with the Bay of Pigs defeat. U.S.
participation, U.S. aggression in Indochina is part of the well-known role
of the international policeman and repressor of revolutionary movements
throughout the world. But this goes to prove the state of mind and the
profound impact caused by the Bay of Pigs defeat on the imperialist U.S.
Government. Of course, the struggle of the Vietnamese people surpasses in
merit and heroism anything known up to this date.

The theory is false. This theory pointed out by the wire is false. If they
went to Vietnam to make up for the loss of Giron, they have suffered many
defeats in Vietnam--greater than the one at Giron. [applause]

Their last beating on Laos' Highway 9 has been a Giron-and-a-half of a
beating; it has been a new Dien Bien Phu, for the puppets and their Yankee
advisers certainly received a crushing and humiliating defeat there.

There is a Mexican magazine--SIEMPRE--which has a cover on the Laos battles
in which a North American helicopter is shown at an altitude of some 100
meters with a daisy chain of puppet soldiers hanging from the helicopter
and hundreds of hands trying to grab hold of the helicopter. Really, that
became a desperate and shameful rout.

Thus, imperialism in its role of policeman has lately been suffering defeat
after defeat which have gradually been weakening it and blunting its
aggressive claws.

The Playa Giron defeat is significant in that it takes place in Latin
America, that it was what has come to be called the first victory against
imperialism--I mean, the first defeat of imperialism in America. This
refers to the countless times that the imperialists have intervened in
Latin America, plundered Latin American nations of extensive lands, meddled
in their domestic policy, as they often did in our country, and as they
often did in Santo Domingo, Mexico, Nicaragua, and many other nations. As
usual, they would strut victoriously through our countries, just as they
had always managed to impose their policy with impunity. It had not been
too long since the CIA's participation in Guatemala when it destroyed, in a
similar process, the democratic and progressive Government of Guatemala.

Of course, the significance in question increased to the degree that the
Cuban revolution had a much more radical and decisive nature.

Today it was recalled how on that 16 April, the socialist nature of our
revolution was proclaimed. Of course a proclamation did not give it this
nature; it was given this nature by revolutionary measures, by the
revolutionary laws of every order--beginning, naturally, with the agrarian
reform law and all the measures that fostered a radical change of the
economic and social structures of our country. This is perfectly
understandable for we were in the middle of the battle. We were brazenly
attacked in simultaneous air raids of our airfields in order to destroy our
few old planes.

Aggression had been launched, combat had begun. And when the hour of
aggression comes, and when the hour of combat comes, that is the time when
your flags must be held higher! [applause]

We had to hold the revolutionary flag higher than ever in the face of the
brazen and cowardly enemy who attacked us, in the face of the most powerful
imperialist government that prepared the invasion. Therefore our troops
went to Giron not only to defend the nation's sovereignty, not only the
sacred soil of the fatherland, not only to defend their interests, the
interests of our workers and peasants, but they also went to defend their
ideas and their clearly defined socialist process.

The imperialists used to point out and say that the Cuban revolution was
betrayed. Of course, this was said from their point of view, of what a
revolution was to the imperialists; in other words, the revolution of the
bourgeois, the revolution of the exploiters, the revolution of the
defenders of the imperialists who could only make "revolution" in quotation
marks.

The Cuban revolution began more than a hundred years ago. At every period
and moment it stood for a line, for a goal, for an objective. In the first
phase it was independence.

But our revolution was already anti-imperialist. And our revolution became
ever-increasingly radicalized since the first ideas of the 1868 insurgents.
A long time had transpired since Marti's ideas. Even in the first phases of
that struggle, the revolutionaries in those times saw the role the United
States had played for certainly a long period in world history--the land
where the pilgrims went, the land where one of the first liberal
contemporary revolutions was carried out, the land which certainly for a
long time served as a model for other nations.

So much was this the case that even in that period of '68 there were some
insurgent Cubans who talked about annexationism--some of them--yet the
revolution became more radicalized. Those ideas were swept away and utterly
forgotten, discarded completely and by '95, the process that had been
radicalized by the participation of the most humble of our populace, of the
liberated slaves, under a leadership that had in fact come from the most
humble classes of the people, became more radicalized.

Who can forget Maceo's words when he said: "Whoever tries to seize Cuba
shall reap the dust of her soil soaked in blood, unless he first perishes
in the fight." [applause]

And when Marti spoke with more freedom than ever, when he simply wrote
everything he had inside of him, in that letter to his Dominican friend he
stated with unquestionable clarity:

The happiness I feel when I go into action, the readiness to sacrifice my
life for the fatherland and to fulfill that basic duty--through the
independence of Cuba--of trying to stop the United States from extending
throughout the Antilles and using its force to keep attacking other
American nations. He immediately added that all he had done up to that day
and would do, was based on that reasoning.

Marti himself had also said that he wanted to share his life with the poor
people of the world. Marti admired Karl Marx because he sided with the poor
people. Cuba was already developing a revolutionary way of thinking. The
Cubans were unable to attain the goals of full independence. The cruel
history is well-known. They were unable to see the Cuban mambises enter
Santiago de Cuba. They were unable to control the government of their
country, to grasp the history of the Platt Amendment, the history of
Guantanamo Base, the history of imposed governments, the history of
humiliating concessions, as well as the plundering and fleecing of our
economy, the history of corrupted governments, the history of continuous
direct and indirect interventions in our country, the falsification of
history, that indoctrination which started from childhood--showing the
Yankees as liberators of the fatherland, the kind liberators of the
fatherland--that indoctrination similar to the one they carried our in
Puerto Rico in order to crush the movement for independence, in order to
crush the national values of that people; as Marti said, also in reference
to Cuba: they both were the wings of one bird.

Nobody should forget that Marti began his struggle for independence, and in
the proclamation, Marti, Maceo, and the rest of the liberators were all
fighting for Cuba's and Puerto Rico's independence. The United States
practically tried to do something similar to our country. But when the
revolution started, at this stage the aspirations and goals of our people
necessarily had to be greater than the aspirations they could have had in
1878, and even greater than in 1895, greater than those of 1933. Of course,
they were as great as the needs of a country according to the conditions
and the times.

The imperialists submitted their false theories which were a result of
their frustration. What could they say when after the air raid and when the
invading hordes supported by them were approaching our land, the socialist
nature of our revolution was clearly announced. [applause] Who were the men
who defeated them? Which were the flags they were carrying? Among those
flags, which flag? Which flag but the socialist flag. When we were fighting
in the Sierra Maestra the revolution was fighting battles for certain
objectives which were necessary at the time. Many men struggled and fought
bravely.

But when we reached Giron, our combatants went there to fight and die and
pay whatever price was necessary for the socialist cause. [applause] That
is why, as Raul said 2 days ago at San Antonio military base, the battles
of Giron consolidated the presence of socialism in Latin America.
[applause] Since them, the imperialists have had no argument. Volodia
expressed his desire to learn how Giron was possible. The truth is that it
is easy to understand.

When the peoples live through a revolutionary process in their history,
they transform the deed into the simplest thing, the daily bread. The deed
becomes a daily event.

Even in the liberal revolutions when the bourgeoisie tried to ally itself
to the interests of the people, as happened during the French revolution,
the revolutionaries victoriously confronted their outside enemies. When the
Bolshevik revolution occurred, the country was invaded by a number of
foreign powers--I cannot recall if it was 16 countries which attacked from
all sides--and the Soviet people heroically resisted under the worst
conditions and carried out untold deeds.

The Vietnamese people are performing new deeds on a daily basis. And we are
certain that our fraternal Latin American peoples will carry out similar
and perhaps greater deeds under similar conditions, and probably greater
deeds than we could describe. We feel certain that the Chileans could have
a Giron in the Defense of their revolution and their fatherland, and many
Girons against the aggressors, against the reactionaries, against the
imperialists.

Our people simply went there to fulfill their duty. How did the people
react against the enemy? They reacted bravely with determination, with
courage. What characterized our combatants? Our soldiers? Our militia
members? Our pilots? Our tank crews? Our navy personnel? In short, all the
combatants and all the people.

The same morale that Cubans have had throughout their history characterized
them. The morale of the '68 fighters characterized fighters who engaged a
very powerful and well-armed enemy under very difficult conditions. The
daring, the aggressiveness of our fighters in our independence wars,
created a tradition, created a culture so to speak, a revolutionary,
patriotic culture; habits were created in our people, habits of valor,
dignity, of combativity.

The very spirit of the rebel combatants characterized them for they too
found it necessary to engage a larger,powerful, well-armed enemy even
though they had very meager means available to them. And the rebel
fighters, in feats of daring and combat valor, took just 25 months to
liquidate enemy forces that numbered in excess of 50,000 men and were quite
well armed.

Thus our rebel army was created, grew, and in 25 months crushed the enemy.
We must not forget how the island was cut in two on that 31 January and our
troops under "El Che" were attacking [applause] Santa Clara [applause
continues] supported by the troops of the other invader, comrade Camilo
Cienfuegos. [applause]

The island cut in two by the formidable action of our two commanders;
Camaguey taken; and no less than 17,000 soldiers in Oriente Province
encircled and utterly cut off. Some day the exact figures may be given by
the comrades who do historical research as to the number of soldiers we had
already encircled in Guantanamo, Santiago de Cuba, Holguin, in Mayari, in
Manzanillo, and we had even cut off two of the three frigates in Santiago
Bay. They could not leave.

All this took 25 months beginning with the insignificant figure of seven
armed men who had gathered at the end of December after the setbacks at the
beginning of the month. All this was but the continuity of our people's
fighting traditions; fighting traditions that showed up throughout those
engagements against the Batista tyranny and which were displayed in
extraordinary feats by the revolutionary fighters in the mountains and the
cities. We must not forget their great displays of valor and heroism.

A similar display was put on by our fighters against the Escambray bandits.
They staunchly pursued the bandits, encircled them, and they did not let up
until they had annihilated all of them.

Similarly when the hour of combat arrived, our fighters showed uncommon
spirit and everywhere acted in the same way. Wherever the planes appeared
on 15 April, despite the surprise and unexpected element of the air raids,
the antiaircraft gun crews reacted immediately! Yes, they reacted at once.

I recall that I was at the command post, the so-called point No.1, and I
was in contact with Oriente Province and Raul was reporting on a movement
the enemy was making around Baracoa, an apparent landing. And while waiting
for news, daybreak came and I saw B-26's flying over my command post. And
when they had just arrived, I noticed they looked strange. None of our
planes were airborne at the time and I felt that they could be enemy planes
despite their Cuban markings. They immediately began to raid the Ciudad
Libertad base and in a matter of seconds, the antiaircraft batteries began
to fire back. [applause] We began to see the tracer bullets of the
antiaircraft guns. [applause]

The same thing was true everywhere. Nobody was afraid, nobody panicked. At
once they replied vigorously, courageously, crushingly, even though caught
by surprise. It must be noted that many of the gunners were 15, 16, and
17-year-old youths who never before had been attacked by a plane. They were
not veterans. They were raw recruits; it was the first time they had fired.
Yet they vied with each other for a chance at the guns. It was emulation:
"Who would get the gun? Who was firing more, more accurately"--a tremendous
enthusiasm. And all of them, practically all them, were engaging an enemy
plane for the first time and they did not delay more than seconds in firing
back.

When the mercenaries finally landed, as soon as they landed they met the
same reaction everywhere. The militiamen of Battalion 339 of Playa Large
and the Giron militiamen were caught by surprise there--in other words they
were suddenly confronted by the main enemy force landing there. And when
they demanded their surrender none did so. They shouted "fatherland or
death!" and commenced firing. [applause]

They did not stop to think how many mercenaries were coming or what arms
they brought with them. They were only four or five. They did not worry
about covering their withdrawal. No, they opened up on them immediately.

The same thing happened everywhere, wherever there was a man with a weapon.
And it was curious to see that sometimes there were persons who did not
have weapons but they wanted to fight. There were even literacy teachers
who helped to carry machineguns and took part in the fighting. That was the
attitude. We were faced with the problem of many persons asking for weapons
around Giron. It was not possible but that was the morale everywhere.

And the combatants did not hesitate in the slightest in carrying out their
missions; none, nowhere. Soldiers, militia members, all were the same. Of
course, there is no room for singling out, but if we single out by branch
of service the sailor, the pilot, the tank crew members--all were the same.
What did the pilots do? The papers of the mercenaries are somewhere around.
Their analysis was that our aircraft had no spare parts, that our pilots
had no means of communication, that they had no radar--in short they lacked
the most elemental needs of aerial combat. They tried to destroy the few
old aircraft, and they succeeded in destroying some. But on the morning of
17 April there were nine aircraft left that might be able to fly, and about
seven pilots, many of them new on the job. Nobody could imagine that such
equipment could play any kind of decisive role in those engagements.

We suspected that they would try an air raid early in the morning, and with
this information available and the troops moving towards Giron, our
aircraft were airborne the morning of the 17th and bound for Giron beach.
What did those pilots do? There were seven new pilots and nine old planes
without parts or parts that had been adapted with technical maintenance by
comrades that had no training. Well, what they did was simply to sink or
force all enemy ships to flee--a small fleet--and some of the ships were
armed. The results were that all the ships were either sunk or forced to
flee. And in cooperation with the antiaircraft artillery all the enemy
aircraft were shot down at the end of the invasion. Well, practically all,
because I think there was one aircraft left, or something. We do not know
how this one escaped, because there was nothing left; no ships, no
aircraft, nothing in the air and nothing at sea.

In addition, they participated in the support of infantry action beginning
with the Matanzas militia members battalion's crossing and ending with air
raids over enemy positions and enemy concentrations on the last day at 1700
hours when they were trying to return to the ships. Some of them tried to
go back to the ships. Moreover, our aircraft confronted the Yankee aircraft
from the carriers that were anchored off the Cuban coast. Our aircraft were
not frightened, not in the least. They flew around the Yankee aircraft
daringly and were ready to fight against the Yankees if necessary with
those old planes. [applause]

The artillery personnel had the same attitude, and the same is the case
with the infantry; infantry battalions which were participating in combat
for the first time, with a determination and spirit that enabled them to
advance continuously. The tank crew's attitude--the comrades that advanced
on the road to Playa Larga--they advanced through that canyon because there
was a forest on both sides. They had to march on a straight 6-kilometer
road confronted by tanks and antitank guns, and they advanced all the way
to the entrance of Playa Larga. When the lead tank was destroyed, or partly
destroyed and immobilized, the comrade commanding it jumped out, looked for
another tank, and continued to advance towards Playa Larga and to rescue
the crew of the destroyed tank.

On the 19th the comrades who were advancing towards Giron on the other road
learned from the aircraft that the enemy might go back to the ships. They
decided to launch a violent attack and several comrades boarded the tanks.
We recall that some prisoners had said that there were some antitank guns
at the entrance to Giron. However, we had to take Giron. The lead tank was
ordered to advance full speed and run over the artillery pieces. Following
that tank, several others did the same things. That tank ran full speed at
night on the road and ran over the artillery pieces and finally reached
Giron. The one tank arrived by itself. Its mission was to go to Giron and
it went beyond it. [applause] At that time the tank had no support form the
infantry, and after that one many more tanks passed and contacted the other
forces on the other side.

Also coming from Playa Larga, the column maintained heavy artillery fire.
The combat was fierce under difficult conditions because they had to
advance on one road and could not maneuver in that type of terrain. When
the tanks arrived in Giron, they took positions facing the American
warships 3 or 4 kilometers away.

The pilots and the tank crews calmly fulfilled their duties. They were not
disheartened or dismayed by that enemy in the least bit. They challenged
the mercenaries, and if the Yankees had landed, they would have challenged
them. That was the conduct of the combatants everywhere, the same attitude
everywhere.

There was another critical moment in the revolution's process, and that was
on 27 October, 1962 when our antiaircraft artillery throughout the country
fired at the Yankee which approached our territory flying at low level. Not
a single man in the artillery crews hesitate.

We all recall how the combatants fired at the Yankee aircraft and made them
flee. At the time the Yankees were ready to fire their nuclear missiles
against our country.

This was not a matter of fighting mercenaries with Yankee aircraft and
ships nearby. There was some uncertainty as to whether or not they would
intervene. When it was a matter of Yankee aircraft on that 27th day, when
all our artillery was placed at the most important locations and the order
was given to open fire, they opened fire. Our country was being threatened
with nuclear missiles, Yankee nuclear missiles. All the Yankee nuclear
missiles or most of them were directed at us. Those men did not hesitate to
open fire.

We understand that our people gave a supreme demonstration of coolness and
bravery. Those are the traditions that have been forged by our country
throughout more than 100 years of struggle. Those are the traditions in
which our combatants have been brought up. Those are the traditions that
will have to be taught. Without any doubt, they will be taught and passed
on to the new generations of our people [applause] with moral values that
have been developing throughout our history and which are becoming
increasingly apparent; coolness before the enemy, utter lack of panic or
fear, valor, determination, vigorous retaliation, and relentless combat. In
other words, the reply is immediate and vigorous, the right is staunch and
tireless, the combat relentless--these are the characteristics of our
fighters. They are the best and most heroic traditions of our people.

We count on these traditions but today we have equipment that is much more
modern, there is more of it, and our combat readiness is vastly superior.
We have many more command cadres with much greater training and
qualifications, more modern arms, and to think that once we used to fight
in the mountains with rifles we took from Batista's soldiers. But in Giron,
well in Giron everything supplied to the fighters had changed. More modern
weapons were used in Giron, socialist weapons, and you saw the 122
millimeter guns, and the T-34 tanks, and SU 100, a combination of FAL
rifles with 120 millimeter mortars, and other weapons. For the first time
the socialist weapons appeared, and especially and above all, the Soviet
weapons that arrived very opportunely [applause] some weeks earlier.

It is known that our gunners learned one thing in the morning and taught it
to the others in the afternoon, and what they learned at night they would
teach others the next morning. We still had too few instructors, and there
was no time. Yet we could see the enemy's training and we had to step up
ours. There were hundreds of guns and antiaircraft batteries when the
invasion took place. But more modern weapons were used, and, of course, we
are very pleased to say that our fighters made splendid use of these
weapons. They will always make splendid use of these weapons in any
circumstances. [applause] It is also a historical tradition since the
mambises to the rebel guerrilla army of the mountains, that they cannot
take our weapons from us. Nobody can take our weapons from us. In other
words, comrade fighters will not let themselves be disarmed. You would have
to kill them to disarm them. Just the contrary, our fighters have
historically, always, seized more weapons than they had when the fighting
began.

Of course there is a sizable quantity of weapons in this country now. I do
not think it is a secret that there are more than half a million weapons in
this country. More than half a million weapons. [applause] And we are a
people with a fighting and combat tradition and we fight whether we are a
100 or 5, or just one, while we have a rifle. That is our tradition and we
do not panic or become frightened in the face of the enemy. Without any
doubt we are a people who are sufficiently prepared morally and better
equipped than ever and better prepared technically than we have ever been
for combat.

Of course, this has been the essential guarantee, the basic guarantee for
the survival of our revolutionary process because the imperialists realized
that they had a tough bone to chew in our country and that the invasion was
not going to be just a military walkover but would cost them plenty. This
explains logically why the invasion was utterly defeated. It was defeated
swiftly. It had to be defeated swiftly to spoil its plans to set up a
provisional government and try to legalize intervention. But in any case,
if that had not been necessary, they would not have lasted a single moment
longer either.

All our people needed to know was that the mercenaries were there to get
the proper motivation for combat. From that moment on they needed no
further encouragement, no further motivation. They all wanted to be present
for duty as they did everywhere.

Thus our people wrote that memorable page in history, a feat of
ever-increasing magnitude, and as times goes by it is better understood.
Busy as we are in our revolutionary duties and in our day-to-day struggle,
we have not even dedicated a monument to those who died in Giron.

Indeed there was a contest. Prizes were awarded. Later many were
dissatisfied with the project. The populace, the architects. In short, let
us see whether we can set up another national contest; let us Cubans set up
another national contest so we can some day undertake the task of erecting
a monument to the Giron fighters. The time that has passed does not matter.
Perhaps fraternal hands will help build that monument. Perhaps the
revolutionary hands of other fraternal nations of Latin America may come so
that the blood shed for our continent will be honored with the sweat of
Latin American revolutionaries. [applause]

I am sure that when the project is available, Latin American youths
desirous of placing a stone in the monument will come forth. It is
altogether fitting that this deserved monument be erected in memory of
those fighters. It will also honor all our people who gave up their lives.
It will also honor all those who were wounded in combat, those who shed
their blood, and in short, will be in memory of all those who, in the
vanguard or the rearguard, took part, whatever the duty assigned them, in
those memorable deeds.

I think that our people simply did their duty as all the revolutionary
peoples have done and shall always do. It is true that the face of our
continent has changed greatly in 10 years. My judgment is that the days of
imperialist domination in Latin America are numbered and that throughout
these years there has been a great increase of awareness in the continent
and the contradictions within imperialism have grown extraordinarily and
imperialist domination in Latin America is in a crisis.

Today we have had the pleasure of hearing a voice from a fraternal country,
a country that is on the path of revolution, brothers in arms with our
people, a people who are just beginning on the long and difficult struggle,
and we know how long and difficult that struggle is.

We know that the Chileans logically will encounter difficulties. So far the
imperialists, the CIA, supported by the oligarchists and the
reactionaries--as Volodia explained--are doing everything possible to
obstruct and create difficulties for the Popular Unity government, and
among other things, to sabotage agricultural and industrial production.

The sneaky and shameful manner in which they murdered the Chilean Army
chief is well known. The continued plots of the CIA against the Popular
Unity government are well known, and continued campaigns to fight the
Chilean revolutionary process, the foreign campaigns. It has been learned
how the imperialists are withdrawing their technicians from Chile in order
to obstruct copper production.

It has also been learned how an agrarian reform is being carried out in
Chile. In the agrarian reform processes the exploited peasant masses become
consumers. They are beginning to consume many of the products which they
were forced to take to market before in order to pay the rent, or their
purchasing power was insignificant due to very low salaries. We know about
the increased purchasing power from the peasants. Also, there is the
latifundist sabotage. We know it well. They devoted themselves to the
killing of the cattle. They refuse to plant and try to affect the harvests
in every possible manner.

During specific periods, the oligarchs are sufficiently powerful to do
harm--to do much harm. All this we know. The Popular Unity government has
been reporting these problems. Logically--it is almost unnecessary that we
say this--we are wholeheartedly on the side of the Chilean people, and we
are ready [applause] to do whatever may be necessary for them. [applause]
We are ready to demonstrate our solidarity in any field. [applause]

For instance, we have now established trade with Chile. We are sending
sugar, which is an important Chilean consumer item. They send us kidney
beans, garlic, and onions. Unfortunately, part of the last shipment
encountered problems, we have been informed. No one is at fault--least of
all the Chileans--we are trying to solve the transportation problem, the
conservation problem. We had trouble with some garlic and some onions.

I was saying that we are supplying Chile with our products and are
importing food products from Chile; lumber from Chile. The first millions
of feet of lumber have arrived. This lumber is to build
furniture--furniture for schools, homes--from Chile. We have received
barley for beer production, and in short, a broad trade exists. As long as
Chile can pay for our sugar with foodstuffs and lumber, we will be
receiving food and lumber. However, if as a result of the imperialist
campaigns and the counterrevolutionary maneuvers of imperialism and the
internal counterrevolution--if because of their sabotage of Chilean food
production--Chile should not be able to send us garlic, onions, or beans
tomorrow, this will not matter. We will continue to send our sugar to the
Chilean people. [applause]

To our Chilean brothers, to the Popular Unity government, to President
Allende, we say [applause] that if the counterrevolution sabotages Chilean
agriculture, it will not matter; The Chilean people will never lack sugar.
[applause] We will do whatever is necessary--produce more or give them from
our own share. After the Peruvian earthquake, our people in a matter of
days--in 10 days--collected 100,000 donations of blood to save Peruvian
lives [applause]; in 10 days. This is proof of the strong internationalist
spirit of our people. In 10 days, this revolutionary gesture, this
disinterested gesture, shows the measure of the awareness of our people.

The same is true of the disposition to help--to help, to fulfill the basic
duty of brothers, fulfill the primary duty of cooperation with the
revolutionary peoples of Latin America. Blood, sugar, whatever is
necessary. But all this is only a small gesture. This is too small, comrade
Volodia; sugar, blood donations--this is too little. There is a much
stronger feeling in the hearts of Cubans, a more decisive, more fraternal
feeling. Since thousands of Chileans wanted to come to Cuba for the Giron
battle during the invasion. The Chileans may be assured that if there
should be an aggression from abroad, planned by imperialism, millions of
Cubans will be ready to go to fight for Chile. [applause] Consider all
revolutionary Cubans enlisted as of now for action against a foreign
attack. [applause] It may be said, therefore, that we are revolutionary
soldiers of America.

This too is part of our tradition. During our independence war, Chileans,
Peruvians, Venezuelans, Colombians, Central Americans took part. In our
independence war, that great soldier Maximo Gomez took part. [applause] He
is a legend in our history. And in our most recent guerrilla struggle,
another legendary hero took part--the unforgettable comrade, Ernesto
Guevara. [applause]

Cuban fighters have shed their blood helping peoples of other continents,
helping African peoples. They have shed their blood helping Latin American
peoples. This is part of the best tradition of our fatherland and of our
revolution. Therefore, we may be depended upon. Our brothers of Algeria are
much farther away, yet at a difficult moment our men crossed the ocean and
arrived opportunely to give their support to Algeria. [applause] This is
part of our history, part of our tradition. So, Latin American
revolutionary peoples can depend on us; Latin American revolutionary
governments can depend on us. We say this clearly and publicly. They can
depend on the Giron fighters. They can also depend on the Giron spirit. We
consider ourselves a part of the Latin American family, we are part of this
continent. We are citizens of this continent, revolutionaries of this
continent.

This is not a (?farce), it is part of history; a historical reality. The
first ones who fought for the independence of our countries did not
conceive what we have today. Nothing was so far from their aspirations or
objectives. Bolivar, San Martin, and Sucre fought for another America; a
united America, a strong America, not for a Balkanized, impotent, and weak
America.

None better than Marti, none with more conviction than Marti in developing
this Latin Americanist feeling. Then, Marti could have been the product of
an ideal--of a rationalization of thoughts. Such aspirations today are
something vital for the existence of each and all our peoples--what we are
and what we will be.

What are we before the power of imperialism? What are we before its
imposing technical development? What is our destiny today? And what might
our destiny be in the near future? What will be the destiny of our small,
divided, and weak countries? Indeed, on this continent the Yankees have not
only taken away our sovereignty; not only have they limited our
sovereignty; not only have they imposed their mercantile and economic
conditions; not only have they taken our mineral wealth, our natural
resources in general; not only have they exploited millions and millions of
our workers; not only do they extract millions yearly from the sweat of our
peoples; not only have they sponsored our underdevelopment, our
technological backwardness; not only have they continually robbed our
technical intelligence. It may be said that the Yankees have robbed us even
of our name, because they have taken for themselves the name of America,
and they call themselves the Americans.

That group of states to the north has stolen the name of America. We,
apparently, are not Americans. We do not even have a name. We still do not
have a name. We are practically without baptism. They call us Latin
Americans, Ibero-Americans, Indo-Americans. To the imperialists we are
simply despised peoples. At least we used to be. They have started to think
somewhat differently since Giron. National scorn, racial scorn is meted out
to Creoles, Mestizos, Indians, Negroes. To be Latin American is enough to
receive their scorn.

With its exasperated chauvinism of great power, its habits of colonialism
and dominion, its imperialistic habits, the Yankee--we mean the
imperialistic Yankees--feels only scorn for our peoples. His strategy
throughout history has been to divide us. For almost 200 years the European
and Yankee imperialists have done everything to keep Latin American peoples
divided and impotent. They have even promoted ferocious wars. Who can
forget wars such as the Chaco between Bolivia and Paraguay? Who can forget
that painful war which did so much harm and created so much resentment
between Peru and Chile? Who can forget the very recent war between El
Salvador and Honduras? Who can overlook the scheme which is being used by
the imperialists and their agents against the peoples of Colombia and
Venezuela-- stirring up their nationalistic feelings which are actually
fictitious, stirring up passions?

The monopolies have promoted war in order to defend their own interests.
They have promoted divisions. Of course, for such imperialistic policy to
prosper it is necessary to have lackey governments, reactionary
governments, puppet governments. Because within revolutionary peoples,
between revolutionary governments, the feelings that can be awakened are
those which today exist between Chile and Cuba--feelings of real
brotherhood, because nothing can divide us. The interests of our own
peoples come first.

We must learn to think in this way. We must educate ourselves in this way,
and we must educate the new generations along these lines. We must educate
ourselves not only politically but culturally along these lines so that
economic colonization may not be superseded by cultural colonization. We
must not forget that imperialists base their dominion not only on arms,
economics, and politics, but especially in spiritual arms. They sue the
weapon of the mind and culture.

We have been talking about the teaching of falsified history--all those
lies. Imperialistic dominion tends to disappear in third would countries,
but those who aspire to become intellectual tutors continue to subsist.
Cultural colonialism continues. Those who want to instruct our people from
New York, from Paris, from Rome, from London, or from Berlin still exist.
This is why our people must make a very loud reply against this colonizing
attempt, this spiritual and cultural colonization, against the unacceptable
attempt to introduce and maintain all the elements of a decadent culture,
which is the result of a society, or societies, which are full of
contradictions and rotten to the core.

This is why we have a superior culture; that of our Latin American peoples,
who together form a constant and rich spring of spiritual creation sin all
aspects of life. We therefore urge our Latin American friends to help us,
to cooperate in the development of the broadest field of knowledge, the
broadest development of cultural and artistic values among our Latin
American peoples, of our America. We are a part of this America, and this
is what prompts our attitude and is responsible for the degree of our
solidarity, which is full, absolute, and total.

Other Latin American countries are in convulsion. We were also aware of and
consider with sympathy--with great sympathy--the development of the
Peruvian revolutionary process since the very first manifestations of the
government which emerged against the oligarchic and submissive former
president Belaunde. That process was observed with interest in our country.
Our country quickly became aware that in the Peruvian process totally
different actions were taking place--when we saw the cancellation of
concessions granted to the oil companies, when we saw the intervention and
recovery of resources which were under the control of oil monopolies, when
we say the fierce campaign unleashed in the United States, when we saw the
agrarian reform law, when we saw control of currency, and when in the final
analysis we saw a series of measures we became aware that a real change in
that country's structures was taking place and that a revolutionary process
was under way. We did not hesitate to call this process revolutionary,
because what determines whether a process is revolutionary or not are not
the schemes, the fictitious actions, and the attractive aspects, but the
deeds; and the deeds were determining objectively the existence of a
revolutionary process in Peru.

Naturally, each process possesses its own characteristics. In the Peruvian
process, the prime force behind the struggle for development and against
the external domination of its economy was the strongly patriotic and
nationalist sentiments which prevailed. One cannot speak about a
Marxist-Leninist revolution in Peru, but from the viewpoint of
revolutionary theory one can speak objectively about a revolutionary
process in Peru. This was demonstrated by the reaction and hostility it
produced in the United States. Naturally, as a result of the Cuban
experience the imperialists have been much more cautious. They have been
much more careful and have become smarter, and they have resorted to much
more subtle weapons.

In Peru they are conducting their great reactionary campaigns with the
support of the oligarchy and the press, which reflects the thoughts of the
imperialists, that is, the rightist press. To cite one example of this it
suffices to mention that in the last few days--in 1 week--these rightist
newspapers published 32 articles against Cuba; they published 32 articles
against Cuba. Logically these articles against Cuba were not really aimed
against Cuba. They were aimed against the Peruvian government. Their
objectives was to confuse the masses, to deceive the masses, to scare the
masses by telling the masses that the structural changes--the revolutionary
changes--could lead to problems and difficulties. In other words, they are
aimed at discouraging the masses' revolutionary spirit and fighting the
structural changes ideologically. They have learned through their long
historic experience and structural changes, which do not come alone but are
accompanied by fierce opposition of the exploiting class, cause all sorts
of problems for all revolutionary processes. And no true revolutionary
process has been free from them. However, 32 articles can only be written
by the Yankee embassy. We know that sort of campaign.

Now, why were 32 articles published against Cuba in a single week? Because
of the fear of the imperialists, a fear of the revolutionary wave which is
sweeping the continent, a fear of the radicalization that is taking place
in Latin America. And the Yankees are desperately seeking by all means to
prevent that which is inevitable, to apply a brake to this process. And
they are increasingly unable to do so. Then there is Bolivia, where Che and
his guerrilla comrades fought a heroic battle. Che died, but his
sentiments, his ideas, his example, remained in the hearts of the Bolivian
working, peasant, and student masses.

Consequently, in Bolivia we have a revolutionary, convulsed, radicalized
people who do not stand for jokes and are demanding a radical revolution.
They are demanding a profound revolution; they are demanding a true
revolution. They are the people who are taking to the streets to fight
threats of a fascist coup. They are the people who are demanding that
responsibility by fixed for actions taken by fascist elements that are
still in military uniform. They are the people who are demanding punishment
for the officers responsible for the murders of miners, workers, peasants,
and students. These people are demanding punishment for the CIA's
accomplices in the repression and murder of the guerrillas and Che's
murder. For this reason, it is our opinion that a revolutionary process
also exists in Bolivia. This is borne out by the degree of radicalization
and the formidable awareness of the masses. With regard to the leadership
of that process, we have not expressed our views. We have seen that the
imperialists are concerned, and when the imperialists are concerned about
someone or are against someone--even if it is for reasons not completely
revolutionary--we will not do a single favor for the imperialists.

Therefore, here we can say or express our confidence in the Peruvian
revolutionary process, in the Peruvian Government, in the Peruvian people.
We express our confidence in the Chilean revolutionary process, in the
Popular Unity movement, in the Chilean Government and people. We can also
express our confidence in the Bolivian workers, students, and peasants--our
confidence in the Bolivian people. [applause]

The political regimes of Uruguay, Argentina, and Brazil are also in strife,
and every day press dispatches mention the revolutionary fighters, the
fighters who are risking their lives in the underground and shedding their
blood fighting oppression which reminds us of the heroic days of our people
from 1953 to 1959. Almost every day we hear reports of armed actions or
mass movements. Every day we hear about youths who have died fighting the
repressive forces. Evidently these governments are facing a crisis because
of the increasing revolutionary struggles of their peoples. The Uruguayan
Government is facing a crisis. Also in crisis is the Argentine Government,
where we have seen gorilla Lanusse--let us not confuse him with Llanusa
[former Education Minister in Cuba]--who after sitting behind the throne
removing and establishing governments and following crisis after crisis
decided to take direct charge of the government. He did this in order to
extricate the army from the great difficulties which he had created--from
the critical situation which the government is facing and to try to
organize an electoral farce to prevent a revolutionary solution for the
Argentine people.

In our opinion, his efforts are useless and Argentina--as in Brazil where
the dominant and exploiting oligarchies have resorted to the most barbaric
methods to maintain their system--has reached a point considered the
incubus of revolution. They have reached a situation in which they have
exhausted the last methods, the last actions, the last weapons, to maintain
a system. Consequently, we see clearly the development of the crisis in
Uruguay, Argentina, and Brazil. Every day the press carries reports about
the cruel Batista and Ventura type tortures taking place in Brazil. We all
know that once the dominant and exploiting systems have reached this stage
they have no possible way out.

Consequently, a wave of radicalization, a revolutionary wave, is sweeping
the continent and is seriously threatening imperialist domination. Now,
what has been and what will be Cuba's position in this situation? Cuba
maintains its policy--the policy it has pursued always--the line of Sierra
Maestra, Giron, the line at all times, the line of the 1st and 2nd Havana
declarations. Cuba maintains its policy of support to the revolutionary
governments and also support of the revolutionary movements of Latin
America. [applause]

Naturally, the imperialists would like to pacify Cuba, to calm, tame, and
neutralize Cuba. Of course, they cannot even dream about this. If they
dreamed about it once, they had a bad dream because they should never have
dreamed about it. Indeed, behind the tradition of our people is a firmness
of principle, a revolutionary intransigent position. Ten years have passed
since Giron--the Cubans also fought from 68 from 78 [as heard]--10 years.
Unfortunately, the painful experience of El Zanjon is well known. Defeatism
and pessimism led to the abandoning of arms. Naturally, our people profited
from that long experience. For this reason, the Americans--an erroneous
term because we have already said the name America does not belong only to
them, the Yankees, and when we say Yankees we mean imperialists--have no
right or basis to dream about any type of normalization of relations with
Cuba and conciliation with Cuba. We explain this, because in these days the
demogogy of Mr. Nixon has exceeded all limits. In a desperate situation
arising from the tremendous defeats inflicted in Indochina, where Mr. Nixon
began his administration with one war and now has three wars going, the
three have been lost--and are becoming increasingly lost. Nixon is
maneuvering internationally, seeking desperately to grasp something to save
himself. We know him well-extremely well. Among other things, we do not
forget that he was one of the fathers of the Giron invasion and one of the
persons responsible for the deaths of 149 comrades at Playa Giron. We do
not forget this.

In a recent radio interview on international policy, Nixon said, in
reference to Cuba: If Cuba's policy toward us were to change, we would
change our policy toward Castro. In other words, we would take a step
forward. He went on: As long as the Havana government does not change its
policy toward us, we will not modify ours in any way, and Havana has not
taken any such step. Therefore, our relations with Cuba continue at a
standstill.

Of course, the old insolent and disrespectful language is no longer used by
those who at one time thought they would have us on our knees. Now they
almost seem to pine for a gesture from Cuba. But such a gesture, Mr.
Nixon--and we say this with all the honesty with characterizes this
revolution and its statements--will never be made.

The imperialists have accumulated a long list of responsibilities and debts
toward our nation and our people, even if we were not to count what they
have done since the war of independence. Their opportunist intervention,
their Platt Amendment, their taking over of part of our territories and our
riches, the sacking to which they subjected us during almost 60 years. Oh,
what they did in recent years! After deforming our country's economy, after
forcing us to depend on only one product which had only one market, they
then took away our sugar market, and with that market, the sugar quota.
They went from country to country bribing the reactionary and oligarchical
governments, offering them part of our sugar quota so that they would vote
against Cuba.

And behind all these maneuvers by the OAS [as heard], behind all these
agreements, besides the criminality of Yankee policies, lies the shameful
corruption, the unbelievable bridging of the oligarchical governments by
parceling out Cuba's sugar quota. The Yankee imperialists deprived us of
the raw materials necessary for our industries which, in many cases,
depended exclusively on certain raw materials. They denied us all
possibility of getting spare parts for our factories, for our railroad
engines, for all our transportation, most of which came from the United
States. The imperialists forced us to bring these items from 10,000 and
15,000 kilometers away. In other words, even though we have 52 transport
ships, we can transport scarcely 8 percent of the country's imports and
exports.

The imperialists persecuted us everywhere by blockading our trade,
preventing us from selling our products, making their influence felt in all
the countries where they could, either because the country bought from the
United States or because the United States owned the industries. Or where
they had political influence, they obstructed the selling of Cubans
products, among them our nickel. The imperialists boycotted the ships, and
raised the price of cargo for our country. They made it difficult to get
transportation to bring in our merchandise. The imperialists forced us to
pay more, sometimes 20 or 30 percent more, for any item.

The imperialists and their agents have during all these years made a
tremendous effort to bribe, to buy, to seduce Cuban diplomats and
businessmen. The imperialists have put forth in all these years great
espionage activity, this without referring to the activities which they
directed against us specifically, the dozens and dozens of arms shipments
dropped by plane in Escambray, promoting the bandit struggle which cost us
hundreds of lives, which cost us hundreds of millions, the infiltrations,
the sabotage, the fires, such as the one at El Encanto, explosions such as
the one of the (?Lecumbre), dozens of pirate attacks and evil deeds of all
kinds committed against our country.

And today we are commemorating the 10th anniversary of the criminal and
pirate-like attack on Giron. The imperialists did not want to go through
those difficult October days. The imperialists moved their puppets, their
resources, and reached all sorts of agreements aimed against our country.
We have not forgotten this, nor shall we forget the crimes committed
against other brother nations; the historic crimes against Cuba and the
historic crimes against other Latin American nations; against Mexico,
against Central America, against Santo Domingo.

We shall not forget the murder of Sandino, a historic crime. So many
murders, political assassinations of revolutionary leaders. Nor shall we
forget the imperialists' contemporary crimes. The murder of Lumumba, the
murder of Mulele, the mass murder of the Indonesia communists, brought
about by the intrigues and the conspiracy of the CIA, the murder of
revolutionaries in the African nations.

We shall not forget the recent criminal intervention in Santo Domingo,
where they landed their troops armed to the teeth in order to prevent the
self-determination of the Dominican people. We shall not forget their
crimes against Korea, nor against the Arab nations. We shall not forget
their horrendous crimes against the Heroic people of Vietnam and the other
peoples of Indochina. [applause]

We shall not forget their reactionary coups of Argentina, in Brazil, and
other countries, with their subsequent bloody reprisals against the
workers, peasants, and students--all promoted by the imperialists. This is
the imperialism represented by Mr. Nixon. What kind of normal relations or
arrangements can there be between a revolutionary country such as Cuba,
which is developing its system as it does, and this Yankee imperialism,
this genocidal government, this cop-like government, this aggressive
government. Reconciliation and normal relations with Mr. Nixon would mean
that Cuba was renouncing its solidarity with the revolutionary movements
and peoples and governments. But Cuba will not renounce this--we repeat
this once more--will never renounce this solidarity. [applause]

We have survived for 10 years, and we shall survive for as long as
necessary. We have resisted for 10 years since Giron, and we shall resist
for as long as necessary. We can afford to scorn--yes, simply to scorn, for
they taught us how--to scorn relations with the imperialist U.S.
Government.

To scorn relations with a government of aggressors, with a government of
genocides, an imperialist government of a decadent empire clearly being
defeated on all international fronts.

This revolution could have good relations with the imperialists only at the
price of submission, and this revolution will never submit. [applause] We
were in the Sierra Maestra at one time, isolated, in dire straits; we
fought, we resisted, and we were victorious. After our people had wrested
power and a new facet of the revolution had begun, the imperialists
isolated us, left us just like Batista left us in the Sierra Maestra. We
have resisted, and we shall continue to resist. But we are no longer so
alone, we are no longer alone. Other peoples have embarked on their
revolutionary path.

Normal relations with the imperialists would mean that we would have to
renounce our elementary duties of solidarity with the revolutionary peoples
of Latin America. Normal relations with the imperialists who are
threatening our brother nations, who are a threat to other revolutions? How
can this be if we are sworn to go and fight alongside our brothers against
those same imperialists and against their mercenaries? How can anyone
conceive of the idea of reconciliation or of normal relations with these
same imperialists? Never, not at all. And once more we wish to make clear
our position.

Some Latin American governments have brought up in the OAS their
condemnation of the aggression and the measures against Cuba. This is
clearly Chile's position. Others have suggested that the sanctions be
suspended. Sanctions against whom? Who indeed is under censure? Who should
the sanctions be against? The Yankee imperialists and the puppet
governments which were their accomplices in the aggression against Cuba! We
may have been censured by that court of bandits, but morally we have never
felt under censure. Morally, historically,they are the only ones under
censure and, naturally, we have no intention of lifting--nor can anyone
lift--these moral and historic sanctions against the imperialists and their
cohorts. That is our position. [applause]

The imperialists and their puppets have been condemned by history. We
believe that when the Chilean Government adopted the position of fighting
it out with them there, it did the right thing, within its conditions.
Despite Chile's fighting in the OAS, they have not thrown them out of the
OAS, as we were thrown out! And now that we are outside, we feel perfectly
well. [applause]

We do not have to account to the imperialists, nor to the OAS. We feel
better outside than inside the OAS. We feel more honored, lighter, more
satisfied, and freer outside the OAS. Furthermore, how are they going to
allow us into the OAS when we say we are on the side of the revolutionary
governments? How, when we say that the OAS is a filthy, rotten bilge with
no honor? How, when we say that the OAS causes fits of vomiting in our
country--the name of the OAS, that is? Furthermore, we say publicly that we
have supported, we still support, and we shall continue to support the
revolutionary movements of Latin America! [applause]

We do not belong, nor shall be belong, to the OAS. At one time we said,
well, if they want us to rejoin the OAS, let them throw the imperialists
out of the OAS--throw the puppets out of the OAS. Because historically the
OAS has to disappear, because the OAS in itself is an historic expression
of the degree of Balkanization and division that the imperialists have
introduced into Latin America.

There should be a union of Latin American states, not an organization of
Latin American states. There should be a union, not an organization.
[applause] And for a union to exist, there first must be revolution in each
of the Latin American countries. Union is not brought about by agreement at
a given day or hour. It will be a historic process to the degree that it
takes this phenomena into consideration to the degree that the people free
themselves, and to the degree that they understand that for each of our
people there is a single truth. There is a future only in union. There is
salvation only in union. It will be a long historic process, of partial
integration of an economic type, until one day this law of history results
in a union of the Latin American people; economic union and political union
of the Latin American people. [applause]

Today, distance have disappeared. Between Havana and Buenos Aires travel is
much faster today. The trip between Santiago de Cuba and Havana is three or
four times faster than at the beginning of the century. Distance no longer
exists (? in the midst of) fabulous means of communication. All tradition,
all the cultural-linguistic community, commonality of interests inexorably
force the union of our people.

The Bolshevik revolution was an extraordinary historic event, the most
extraordinary even to of this century and perhaps of this millennium. Now,
the revolution took place in an immense country, with 170 million
inhabitants, with immense natural resources. If the revolution had taken
place in Belorussia, one of the many small nations which make up the Soviet
Union, the revolutionary process of that historic event would not have had
the far-reaching effect that it had, and has today. That influence makes
possible the development of the enormous economic resources, makes possible
the development of immense military resources with which to confront the
imperialist threat, makes possible the immense technological development,
permits the conquest of space, the struggle against Yankee imperialism, and
victory in the conquest of space.

Yankee imperialism is nothing less than our neighbor. It is at our side. It
has been influencing our destiny for 200 years. It will continue exercising
this decisive and astounding influence on the destiny of our people to the
degree that we are unable to unite. Therefore, according to the law of
history our peoples are being called to unite and this will be the task of
the Latin American revolutionaries. This will be the task of future
generation. It should not even seem extraordinary if the children of today
live to see this occur. They will live this reality. This is inexorably
pointed out by history, and therefore we must teach the future generations
to have this conscience.

We should develop this internationalist or Latin Americanist sentiment as
broadly as possible--this sentiment that is expressed in the blood given to
the Peruvian people; this sentiment that is expressed in our willingness to
hurry to fight together with our Chilean brothers--simply because this
sentiment is already in our hearts. This sentiment is in our thoughts, this
sentiment is in our blood.

Our country has had the privilege of being the first, the privilege of
being able to deepen its political conscience, its revolutionary
conscience. A great responsibility falls on our country. It is the
responsibility of the generations to come to follow the path already marked
out in this struggle for independence, to follow the path followed by Marti
and Dos Rios, to follow the path followed by the fighters and heroes of
Giron, to follow the path that marks the realities of the world in which we
live, to follow the path that marks the laws of history for us.

Therefore, we believe that this day, this 10th anniversary of Giron marks a
qualitative change in the Latin American situation and should also mark a
qualitative change in the development of our internationalist conscience
and in the development of our Latin Americanist conscience.

We should orient our schools along this line. We should guide our studies
along this line. We should orient our cultural movement in this way. We
should begin to orient all our minds and the minds of the future
generations, and the present generation of children along this path.

Therefore, for us this 10th anniversary of Giron is commemorated under the
auspices of a growth of the revolutionary movement, of a wave of
revolutionary radicalization in Latin America. It commemorates a moment in
which Cuba is no longer alone among the peoples which follow this path. It
commemorates a moment in which the struggle for freedom is at a peak and
when the future tasks of the people shine clearly.

It is with great satisfaction that we note having a representation from a
sister country with whom the representatives of other revolutionary peoples
are united in solidarity--the representation of the GDR, in the person of
its defense minister [applause] and the representation of heroic Vietnam
fighters. [applause] Our armed forces and all of our fighting men, all of
our people, must continue exerting themselves as they have to date,
constantly surpassing themselves in the technical area and in the political
area. We think that we already have the responsibility of preparing
ourselves not only for ourselves, not only to defend our land, not only to
defend our fatherland--let us say our little fatherland, Cuba--but also to
express our solidarity in whatever task might be necessary in relation to
the peoples of Latin America. [applause]

Our armed forces have acquired broad technical knowledge. They have
developed formidable educational institutions. We have been able to advance
in this area. And in this area, we will undoubtedly one day have the need
to give technical aid to other revolutionary Latin American peoples, to
give them our support, support of a technical nature. In these same
institutions, possibly in the future, there will be students from other
revolutionary Latin American peoples. Surely, therefore, when we see the
development of the ITM [not further identified, possibly meaning the
military technical institute] and other schools we think that they are
being developed not only for the Cubans [applause] but also for Latin
Americans. And in relation to Latin America, at the hour and moment that
the other brother revolutionary countries request technical assistance,
such as technicians or soldiers, as soldiers and combatants and as our most
sacred duty we shall furnish them.

Therefore comrade Volodia Teitleboim tell the Chilean people, the Popular
Unity, and the government headed by Salvador Allende that our people
unselfishly and in brotherhood with the spirit of Giron say: When you need
it you can count on our sugar [applause]; when you need it you can count on
our blood; and when you need it you can count on our lives. [applause] Viva
the heroes if Giron. [people shout viva] Viva international proletarianism.
[people shout viva] Viva the solidarity of the Latin American peoples.
[people shout viva] Fatherland or death. [people shout via] We will win.
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