Latin American Network Information Center - LANIC


Havana PRENSA LATINA in Spanish 1655 GMT 30 Aug 71-C--FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY

[Text] [No dateline] Speech by Maj Fidel Castro Ruz, first secretary of the
Cuban Communist Party and prime minister of the Revolutionary Government,
to review the solidarity of the World Federation of Democratic Youth and
the International Union of Students with the Cuban revolution in a ceremony
at Cadenas Plaza, the University of Havana, 27 August 1971, the year of
productivity. (stenographic department of the Revolutionary Government)

Comrade leaders and representatives of the World Federation of Democratic
Youth [WFDY] and of the International Union of Students [IUS] comrade

I want first of all to express my sincere gratitude for the WFDY 25
anniversary medal, which we received in the name of the Cuban people.

Beautiful words, beautiful feelings of solidarity, which come from the
farthest corners of the world, have been expressed here tonight. We want,
in the name of all our people, to express satisfaction, our gratitude, for
tonight's ceremony of solidarity. We know how to be grateful, and we have
many reasons for understanding the value of solidarity, since as
revolutionaries we have had the hard and difficult task of carrying forward
our revolution at the very door of Yankee imperialism.

And, of course, comparing imperialism's strength with ours one can
understand perfectly how our people--willing to pay any price for their
right to independence, for their right to make a revolution; our people who
would have been willing to die fighting to defend their
revolution--depended on arms and economic technical support from the
socialist bloc--particularly the Soviet Union--to carry on this hard and
difficult struggle.

So, the existence of a powerful socialist bloc--whose strength has
multiplied greatly in recent years--its solidarity, and the solidarity of
other peoples have been an important factor in the development of the Cuban
revolution. Because of this, to us solidarity is not simply a beautiful
idea, a beautiful concept expressed in words, but something real which we
have had more than enough opportunities to realize in our revolutionary

In the same way, in the education of our people, the sense of duty
regarding international solidarity began to take root from the very
beginning and has become one of the most essential elements in education
and in the forming of a revolutionary awareness in our people. This is why
our people so deeply feel a sense of solidarity, admiration, and support
for those peoples who struggle for their liberation. This feeling has been
expressed in a sincere and increasing manner for the heroic people of
Vietnam during all these years.

We always use the people of Vietnam as an example because they have given a
great example to the world, they have given all other peoples a great
lesson they have given the imperialists a great lesson. We believe that the
highest expression of a people's fighting spirit and heroism has been seen
in Vietnam where it has been necessary to face Yankee imperialism, which
attacked with its most modern means of war, and with its total arsenal of
conventional weapons. Vietnam has confronted imperialism and is practically
defeating it.

Everyone knows that more bombs have been dropped over Vietnam than were
dropped in Europe during World War II. Yet the people of Vietnam have
resisted and have forced imperialism into using tactics. They have forced
them to begin a withdrawal. Of course imperialism is trying obstinately to
postpone the moment of liberation and of a just, deserving peace for the
heroic Vietnamese, inventing cynical formulas such as the Vietnamization of
the war, but our opinion is that the imperialists are definitely being
defeated by the peoples of Vietnam and of the rest of Indochina.
International solidarity has meant very much morally and materially for
Vietnam also.

Vietnam has repaid the worlds solidarity with a service of inestimable
value--the lesson it has taught imperialism, the lesson it has given other
peoples, the confidence it has given Fighters of the world to the effect
that imperialism is not invincible.

There have been expressions of solidarity tonight for those movements which
are now struggling for liberation, not only for the peoples of Indochina,
but also for the peoples of Angola, Mozambique, the so-called Portuguese
Guinea, the Arab peoples, the heroic Palestinians, and the Sudanese
revolutionaries, who are victims of ferocious repression, Solidarity has
been expressed also for the other peoples of Africa who, like those of
South Africa, must suffer oppression and repression from a minority of
exploiters and racists. Words of solidarity have been expressed for the
people of the United States and, particularly, the U.S. revolutionaries,
who are victims of the most brutal repression and who recently, in the
person of George Jackson, suffered a treacherous crime which was committed
through the most repugnant means in a U.S. prison. Solidarity has been
expressed For Latin Americans, the people of Chile, the people of Peru, the
people of Bolivia, the people of Uruguay, the people of Argentina, the
Brazilian people, and all the brother nations of Latin America.

Studying the events which have given rise to these expressions of
solidarity we find one constant factor in all of them: The use of the most
brutal aggression, force, and violence. Violence against the people of
Vietnam, violence against the peoples of Indochina, violence against the
people of Korea, which are kept divided by imperialist troops.

In Africa...the history of the Algerians fighting hard For their
independence is very recent--the incredible pages of tortures and crimes
committed against the patriots by the colonialists. Still fresh is the
history of the Congolese people, the treacherous murder of Lumumba; racist
crimes in South Africa, Angola, in Mozambique, in all the countries

In our continent some events are still fresh, such as the intervention of
U.S. troops in the Dominican Republic to thwart the revolutionary movement,
to prevent the people from seizing power, in short, to snatch away the
victory of the Dominican people and to impose on them a puppet government
suitable to Yankee interests.

Shortly afterward there was an imperialistic intervention overthrow the
popular government of Guatemala. Of course, we recall the innumerable acts
of aggression against our country. The imperialist managed to carry out
their plans without any punishment in Guatemala. They accomplished their
objectives in Santo Domingo where the movement was just beginning. They
accomplished this in connivance with the OAS and the puppet governments of
Latin America.

In the same way, in connivance with the OAS and the said governments they
tried to impose isolation, economic blockade, and aggression against our
country. You can count on the presence of the Yankees and their
counterrevolutionary movements anywhere there is a popular movement or the
possibility of a revolution.

The revolutionary feeling, the awareness of our continent, has been shocked
by the recent reactionary and fascist coup in Bolivia, directed by the same
imperialism and supported by the gorillas of Brazil and Paraguay,
Argentinas participation in this fascist coup in Bolivia is also evident,
one of the main plotters, General Miranda, has said that he and Colonel
Banzer organized the revolution against the Torres government in Argentina.

The events, that is, the fascist attempt, the fascist coup in Bolivia,
surprised absolutely no one. It had been expected as something inevitable;
the Bolivians knew it was coming. The Bolivian delegation to the 26 July
celebrations, which was made up of labor, student, and peasant
representatives, was fully aware of the imminence of a coup. They also knew
that the people could depend only on the Colorados regiment under Maj Ruben

They were convinced that the air force could not be counted on, that the
Viacha motorized regiment could not be counted on, that, of course, none of
the rangers trained by the Yankees could be counted on, that no other unit
could be counted on. Yet, despite this, they were determined to fight to
defend their revolutionary opportunity.

Moreover, in a situation such as the current situation in Latin America in
which the anti-imperialist revolutionary movement is in full swing, it is
logical that imperialism should hasten to take the counteroffensive.
Imperialism now paces not only the Cuban revolution, but also the triumph
of Popular Unity in Chile, which is turning the copper nationalization law
into reality. In Peru a group of progressive and nationalist military men,
with the complete support of the armed forces, are putting into effect laws
such as the nationalization of petroleum and the agrarian reform lass and
are determined to recover the rights of national sovereignty, to change the
old economic structures, and to follow an independent course. At the same
time, another Latin American country, Uruguay, a small but patriotic and
unified fighting nation, with a developed working class, with extensive
mass movements, is conducting an increasingly determined struggle on two
levels: On the level of armed struggle and on the level of mask movements
and legal struggle, and it is organizing a Broad Front which has great
possibilities of defeating the Uruguayan oligarchy. In view of his whole
situation in Latin America, in which the empire is constantly losing ground
and in which revolution is in full swing, it is logical that imperialism
should hasten to take the counteroffensive and it should logically strike
at the weakest link, which, in this case, was Bolivia.

The coup in Bolivia is not only a coup against the people of Bolivia, it is
also a coup against the Latin American revolutionary movement. It is a coup
against the people of Chile, the people of Peru, the people of Uruguay, and
to a greater or lesser degree, against all the people of Latin America.

We have learned with sorrow of the news from Bolivia. We have read how
tanks, cannons, planes, and automatic weapons were mercilessly turned on
virtually unarmed people. We have heard of more than 100 deaths, of
hundreds and hundreds of persons wounded--according to figures which we
could term conservative.

After the coupists had taken the capital, after they were installed in the
palace and were momentarily in control of the situation, the students, in a
valiant gesture gathered at the university and continued the rebellion
there, although they were virtually unarmed. Then we saw that they were
suddenly, criminally, and brutally attacked by fighter planes and tanks,
which machine gunned and fired cannons at the University of San Andres.
This was done even though there were many people in the streets. We saw
that numerous students were killed in that episode. Among them was
certainly Major Sanchez' son, who, it is reported, was mortally wounded in
that barbaric and uncivilized attack.

This reminds us of those years when our university buildings were also
attacked and machine gunned by the hired ruffians of the regime. It reminds
us of the heroic acts of the students, of their pitched battles against the
people under rifle fire, beatings, and repression. Those were battles which
moved the nation, although the students were completely unarmed. They were
the prelude to the heroic 13 March attack on the presidential palace on the
day when the glorious leader of the University Student Federation, Jose
Antonio Echeverria [applause] was killed.

What then was the answer of our people? What could be the only answer of
our people? They fought, they fought on whatever ground it was necessary to
fight on.

Our workers, our peasants, our students paid for their adherence to
liberty, to justice, to social progress, with countless lives; dozens,
hundreds of unarmed workers, peasants, and students were killed by bullets,
beatings, and sabre-blows. With their own flesh they experienced the
meaning of class hatred, the hatred of the imperialists and their
agents--untie the day came when our people decided to take up arms, until
the day came when our unarmed people were tired of being beaten in
demonstrations, until the day when our unarmed people were tired of
receiving beatings and bullets, without being able to respond. They paid up
to that day, up to the day in which they decided to respond to weapons with

The message of our revolution to the sister nations of Latin America is
essentially this. This does not mean, far from it, that we are in favor of
violence for the sake of violence, of armed struggle for the sake of armed
struggle. It does not mean that we adhere to dogmatic positions, rejecting
any other form of struggle. No. The history of our relations with. the
revolutionary movement in Latin America, the history of our relations with
Chile and with the popular movement in Chile [applause] demonstrates that
we were clearly aware of the possibilities of the popular movement in the
recent elections, when the political awareness of the Chilean people was
rising, when the right was divided and the left was able to rally
sufficient forces to win an electoral victory, and we were aware of the
possibilities which this victory offered.

In the same way, in our relations with the Uruguayan popular movement, we
understand perfectly the tactics and the intelligent combination of forms
of struggle which the Uruguayans are using.

A good proof of our lack of dogmatism was the fact that almost from the
beginning, our country understood the new type of events which were taking
place in Peru, the nationalist and patriotic character of the process which
was beginning there under the leadership of military men. Our country
understood immediately the revolutionary possibilities contained in that
situations and, as eloquent proof of our complete eschewal of dogmatism, we
viewed what was happening as something positive and we supported it.

So the Cuban revolution has demonstrated that it has no spirit of dogmatism
and it has demonstrated its ability to appreciate all the positive elements
in a situation and the revolutionary contradictions which nay develop at a
given moment in any nation of our continent.

I remember perfectly how, immediately after the guerrilla movement headed
by Che in Bolivia [applause], in which--as it is known full well, Cuban
revolutionaries also participated the death of Che, a harsh blow to our
people, a harsh blow to the Latin American revolutionary movement--was used
as a kind of argument to refute the idea of revolutionary armed struggle.
The imperialists cried victory. They believed that the revolution in
Bolivia had been definitely crushed. The imperialist ideologists began to
say that this meant the failure of the revolution and even of the very idea
of revolutionary struggle.

It was not only the imperialists, there were attacks and criticism from the
pseudorevolutionies too. There were calumnies against Che, there were
intrigues against Che. All this, when Che had written one of the finest
pages in the records of solidarity and self-sacrifice which a revolutionary
could write. He had written with weapons in hand and he wrote by pen,
leaving the heritage of his extraordinary diary, with the objectivity, the
courage, and the serenity which always characterized him, and he wrote it
with his blood.

But when Che died, one could say that even among the Bolivian people there
were many who were still confused by the propaganda, by the lies, by the
demagoguery--who did not understand, at the beginning, Che's gesture. As
time went by, as the months turned into years, the figure of Che kept
growing until it became a symbol not only of the Latin American people but
even of the young people of the United States, and a beloved symbol for
world youth.

Che's struggle and death contributed in an extraordinary way toward
awakening the revolutionary consciousness of the Bolivian people, and his
presence, his spirit, his ideas, his thinking were increasingly present in
the Bolivian revolutionary process; so much so, that these ascended along
with the people's awareness, which in just a few months threatened the
imperialists' dominance in this country. Many hands were extended to take
up arms and a whole people stood up.

Now then, considering what has just happened in Bolivia, we--who have
spoken with Bolivians, who have discussed many things with the
representatives of the workers, the students, and the peasants--know that
there is not or revolutionary in Bolivia who believes that there is any
other way but the road of evolutionary armed struggle. [applause] There is
no one who fails to understand that this road is exactly the one pointed
out by Che.

Those who murdered more than loo workers, students, and peasants; those who
seriously wounded hundreds and perhaps thousands of Bolivians; those who
are today organizing and carrying out the ferocious repression of the
Bolivian people--they are the sane ones who murdered Che; the same who
murdered Inti Peredo; the same who carried out the massacre of the miners
on the night of the feast of St. John, the same ones who murdered Vazquez
and Inti Peredo [as received]; the same ones who murdered the guerrillas at
Teoponte and in a cowardly manner exterminated every fighter who fell into
their hands and was taken prisoner.

These same murderers--educated in U.S. military schools and indoctrinated
by the Yankee imperialists--allied with the worst in Bolivia, that is, with
the oligarchy which is in turn allied with the rightwing of the National
Revolutionary Movement (MNR), which is precisely the most corrupt segment
of a bourgeois faction which, for 20 years, was bloodily antagonistic to
the oligarchs who today make up the Socialist Falange...that is to say,
these same goons and murderers, united to the oligarchs, to the
reactionaries, to the traitors of every description, are the one who made
possible this fascist coup, and who carried out these brutal massacres of
the Bolivian people.

For the Bolivians, therefore, there is no alternative. Furthermore, the
Bolivian affair has shown how a military machine trained for repression can
operate, how a military machine led by the most recalcitrant and bloodiest
enemies of the people can operate; how the whole propaganda and campaign
work; what the objectives of the anticommunist hysteria are, and of the
lies and the incessant venum spread by the imperialists through all the
mass communications media; and how the armed machine, the oligarchic
parties, the bourgeoisie, and the ideologists at the service of the
imperialists contributed toward creating all the conditions necessary for
interrupting the revolutionary process in Bolivia.

Now then, the agents of the imperialists in Bolivia evidently are in a
difficult situation, [Word indistinct] of the people, without room to
maneuver and carry out demagogio campaigns, without being able today to
take one measure to confuse anybody, to fool anyone, for they have removed
their masks, both they and their masters; they have begun to talk of
foreign investments, of the guarantees to private capital, of free

And, of course, the imperialist newspapers, the spokesmen of the
imperialists, do not conceal their jubilation or the Yankee government's
glee, or the joy felt in official Yankee circles over the partial victory
won in Bolivia.

Confronted with these facts and realities, faced with the lessons deeply
ingrained in the conscience of the Bolivians--a process which has made
extraordinary progress during the last few months--we are absolutely sure
that this government cannot endure, that the fascists will not be able to
remain in power, and that the Bolivians will struggle tirelessly until they
win back--let us call it--the way. And even more winning back this road, to
take the reins of power in a revolutionary way.

It is evident that the imperialists and the reactionaries have presented a
challenge to the revolutionary movement with this situation in Bolivia; and
it is our duty as revolutionaries, and the duty of the international
revolutionary movement to offer its support and its moral and material
encouragement to the Bolivians in their struggle for liberation. [applause]

Our country's position, our party's position, is more than amply known. We
have recently witnessed unusual and unprecedented events. Now, what could
be unusual for us who have seen so much? What is an unprecedented event?
This very important report concerning Cuba and the OAS; this incessant
bantering about of gossip, hypotheses and theories on the eventual or
possible reentry of Cuba into the OAS.

The Spanish dictionary has no more adjectives to describe the OAS. Our
dictionary has no words to express more clearly that Cuba will never rejoin
that cesspool, that filth, that cadaver. [applause]

There is no way, no way whatsoever, to explain clearly enough that we do
not want to be involved anymore in this reconciliation chit-chat or be
considered as possible candidates for reintegration into the OAS. Press
dispatches constantly appear reporting endless discussions saying that if
the sanctions are lifted Cuba will rejoin the American system, and things
of that ilk. This has been said a thousand and one times. We hope they are
not planning to make us members by force. We know--oh boy, do we know--that
no one can get us to do anything against our will. And in the case of the
OAS, we would not join it through force or through diplomacy; through
neither enticement nor force: Let there be no doubts! [applause]

And another thing, the imperialists are always worrying about their OAS, so
what is its future? What could be the future of this hideous institution?
As you know, the peoples of Latin America are beginning to raise their
heads, beginning to build their own futures, beginning to reaffirm their
own national sovereignty. As you can see, the people of Latin America are
becoming increasingly aware of the role played by the OAS. The imperialists
are feeling uncomfortable, Do not forget that this same OAS is smeared with
blood from head to toe; the same OAS of the Guatemala affair; the same OAS
which ratified the criminal invasion of Santo Domingo. Let us not forget
that this OAS is the same OAS of the agreements against Cuba, of the
aggression against Cuba, of Giron, of hundreds of aggressions--pirate
attacks, infiltrations, armed attacks--this is the OAS which thought up and
supported the economic blockade, the rupture of diplomatic relations, and
all the similar measures taken against us. This is the OAS which has been
the most servile tool of the imperialists.

The people are becoming more conscious of these realities, and as the
people become more conscious of this, there appear more possibilities for
establishing relations with Cuba. But let it be well understood: Cuba is
not interested in relations with oligarchic and reactionary and
pro-imperialist governments; Cuba is not interested in those types of
relations. If some day they decide that it is convenient for them, for
demogogic reasons or to save the sinking OAS ship or in order to neutralize
the Cuban revolution, to fly the hypocritical banner of relations with us;

Clearly defined is the Cuban revolution's policy of establishing relations
with only independent governments; with governments capable of opposing
Yankee dictates; with governments with a will to express, to demonstrate
their stand with authentic displays of sovereignty and national
independence. Since the number of countries in the world are growing,
sooner or later the number of those people demanding dignity and national
sovereignty will be seeking sincere relations with our people. The
imperialists are seeing how they can patch things up and are even
authorizing Latin American governments to establish relations with us.

But, since in order to authorize relations with us they hare to "color us
good," we are witnessing another unusual thing; the attempt to present an
image of a peaceful Cuba which does not express support for the
revolutionary movement in Latin America. And there is no way to convince
them--there are no words in the dictionary with which to explain to the
imperialist gentlemen--that we are not, nor will we be "gooded." [applause]
They maintain that the solidarity that the revolution has expressed and
will continue to express is the reason for the measures against us--the
solidarity which the revolution has maintained and will continue to
maintain as long as there is a single Latin American country under
imperialist domination, as was said on 26 June--we want to tell them
emphatically that we have not repented one whit and that the path we have
followed up to today is the path that we will follow in the future.

Therefore gentlemen imperialists and gentlemen of the OAS, we do not accept
your attempting to make us appear "good" because we wish to be, and we are
determined to continue being, "bad" in the eyes of the reactionaries and of
the imperialists. [applause] We think that the OAS--a symbol of imperialist
domination, and instrument for imperialist domination in Latin
America--must disappear. And doubtless some day the OAS will disappear, and
such institutions will be replaced by another type which will be able to
truly represent the peoples and the interests of the Latin American
nations. When, some day, there is no longer an imperialist government in
the United States, there will be institutions to which even the people of
the United States might belong; [applause] and these will not be the OAS or
anything resembling the OAS.

But there is, in addition to this, another matter that we want to clarify.
We were speaking of unusual things, and this--to speak of Cuba's returning
to the OAS, to speak of authorizing governments to establish relations with
Cuba--is unusual...but there is something else: We think that our position
vis-a-vis the United States is very clear. There is not, nor can there be,
the slightest doubt about it. Our position vis-a-vis the people of the
United States has been stated and repeated many times. Because we do not
harbour chauvinist feelings, we do not preach hatred against the U.S.
people. On the contrary, we have always looked with approval on the way
awareness in growing day by day among the U.S. people themselves--the
protest demonstrations against the war, the struggle for civil rights
within the United States, and we have even received in our country,
throughout these last few years, representatives of the youth of the United
States, who have come to participate in the sugar harvest with us.

Our ties with the people of the United States, and our feelings and our
policy, and our principles, and our preaching, and the concepts with which
our people have been educated, are clear, and we make a clear distinction
between the people and the imperialist government of the United States.

Now, our position vis-a-vis the imperialist government is also quite clear:
We have nothing to negotiate with the imperialist government of the United
States! [applause] Debts to the imperialist government? Mines, Cuban lands,
natural resources, banking institutions, factories, trade rights which were
recovered by the people? Those goods cannot be paid for, should not be paid
for, and will never be paid for! There is no need to even discuss that.
[applause] We will never pay even a symbolic penny--not even a symbolic
penny--to the imperialists who exploited us and who made millions from our
sweat and from our blood. That is quite clear. It is not we who owe them,
it is they who owe us--for the immense material and human damage that they
have caused us with their blockades and economic aggressions and their
repeated political and military evil-doings. It is the United States which
will one day have to pay us indemnization.

Therefore, there is nothing to discuss regarding its properties and
businesses. There is nothing to discuss regarding the blockade, because the
Yankee imperilasts did not hold discussions with us when they were going to
establish the blockade. There is nothing to discuss in connection with the
imperialist aggressions against us, because we did not negotiate the
aggressions with the imperialists. So our position with respect to the
imperialist government of the United States is quite clear; We have nothing
to negotiate with them, and much less from positions of strength, much less
from the position of a blockading country and blockaded country, and this
must be said perfectly clear.

When they feel like it, if they feel like it--and we really do not care
much one way or the other--the day they want to stop their blockade and
cease all the measures against Cuba, they must do so unconditionally and
without a single world with us. [applause]

We will never discuss these questions; that is our position and it is
necessary to repeat it. Because no matter how clearly we have spoken or
have defined Cuba's position, there is always some intriguer talking about
Cuba's positions. Regarding this same problem of the volleyball
championship, and when we received the Cuban delegation that was returning
from Cali, we explained with complete clarity what would be our conduct
toward the U.S. players who would visit Cuba for the elimination tournament
to select the volleyball teams for participation in the Munich olympics,
and why? So that there would be no confusion of any sort in our country's
position regarding the United States.

The championship was held, the players received respectful treatment, and
this speaks highly of our country's awareness. We do not want to win honors
or glories--that should never happen--by treating in an uncivilized way a
group of athletes that come here unarmed. We hat that. We could never do
that. We understand that our people gave a formidable civic lesson and that
all the visitors from numerous countries were impressed with the respectful
treatment given the U.S. athletes, and how we really tried to see and saw
in them representatives of the U.S. people, not of imperialism.
Newspapermen approached them and asked questions with great interests, and
received unequivocal replies. "Do you believe that this has anything to do
with possibilities for improvement of relations?" "It has nothing to do
with it. I do not see why it has anything to do with it. This has nothing
to do with politics; it has nothing to do with diplomacy." Such was the

A Yugoslav political magazine wanted to draw conclusions believing that the
volleyball matter could be a rapproachment step. That is why we take this
opportunity to reiterate once more that there is no rapproachment step and
there never will be one. This was made very clear on 19 April, on 26 July,
and on the day we received our athletes; and we repeat it once more.

We must say to the Yugoslav newspaper BORBA; do not defend us, we have no
interest in any rapproachement with the imperialist government of the
United States. We believe that imperialist government will pass, will
disappear, it is condemned by history. We are not in a hurry.

We have known how to resist and we resisted with firmness when imperialism
was much stronger and could do us much harm, as it did; and we were alone
and isolated within the scope of a continent completely oppressed and
submissive. What interest can we have now towards any sort of rapprochement
with imperialism and with the OAS, when the revolutionary movement in Latin
America is at is highest?

In sports we will always compete as long as there is international

We have defended Cuba's right to participate, and on occasions we have had
to defend it in s special way, as occurred during the Central American
games in Puerto Rico when our athletes were not granted visas, and we
viewed our participation not as a concession, not as a grace by the U.S.
Government, but as a Cuban right. And we went there with a ship and the
athletes, and in the end, they had no choice but to let our athletes enter.
We were going there to compete and we were defending that right.

We have maintained the same position in all international events. In the
same way we respect the right of athletes of any country to come to our
country to compete in international events. We are not interested in having
any (?position) nor anything like that. That is very clear. Therefore, we
believe that this should be enough for the intriguers, the speculators, and
those who do not want to understand, to understand what are the positions
of the revolution regarding all of these essential issues.

We will not make the least concession to imperialism. We will not give up
in the least any of the revolutionary positions which our country has
maintained until now. That is an unvariable stand. And this stand will
prevail as long as there is a Latin American country dominated by Yankee
imperialism; this stand will prevail as long as there is in the United
States a government that assumes the role of international gendarme, that
attacks criminally the people of Indochina and others who struggle for
their liberation, and that promotes a counterrevolution in every country
that struggles for a just and humane life.

The United States has been involved in all political crimes against the
revolutionary movement. The United States has been involved for the past 25
years in all fascists coups, in all reactionary movements, in all the
counterrevolutionary plans that have taken place in every corner of the
world. And as long as the hand of a government like that of the United
States remains involved in all of these events, we are not interested in
any type of relations with that government.

This is the stand that our revolution has followed and will follow. We take
advantage of this occasion, of the presence of the representatives of the
WFDY and of the IUS to explain and ratify this position. Cuba has received
full solidarity from revolutionary movements, and Cuba will always reward
that solidarity with solidarity, with revolutionary firmness, and with
revolutionary loyalty.

We want to emphasize the great importance for the Cuban people and for the
people that struggle in Latin America of having in our continent the
representatives of world youth movement; the great importance that the
solidarity and the support of the youth and students of the world have at
this time for the people of Latin America, and especially for the Bolivian

Once more we express our gratitude for this beautiful act or solidarity

Fatherland or death. We shall overcome.