Latin American Network Information Center - LANIC

-DATE-
19730928
-YEAR-
1973
-DOCUMENT_TYPE-
SPEECH
-AUTHOR-
F. CASTRO
-HEADLINE-
13TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE CDR
-PLACE-
PLAZA DEL LA REVOLUCION
-SOURCE-
HAVANA DOMESTIC RADIO
-REPORT_NBR-
FBIS
-REPORT_DATE-
19731001
-TEXT-
FIDEL CASTRO ADDRESSES CDR ANNIVERSARY CEREMONY

Havana Domestic Radio/Television Service in Spanish 2317 GMT 28 Sep 73 F/C

[Speech by Prime Minister Cawtro at the Plaza de la Revolucion on 13th
anniversary of the CDR--live]

[Text] Mrs Hortensia Bussi de Allende, Mrs Beatriz Allende, [applause]
fellow members of the party and of the government, comrades:

We are not going to fight over flags. This is the only time flags are
folded by the mandate of the people. [applause] They are unfurled and
folded [as heard].

This anniversary of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution has
been dedicated to the memory of President Allende and to solidarity with
the Chilean people. [applause] Our people, expressing their deep affection
for President Allende and their deep revolutionary spirit, have responded
by filling this square with numbers greater than at any other previous
rally.

Just 10 months ago, on 13 December 1972 in this same square, our people had
their last meeting with President Allende. [applause] Hundreds of thousands
of Cubans met with him at this square to listen to his magnificent words
and to express our confidence, our sympathy and our support for President
Allende and Chile's revolutionary process. [applause]

To express our decision to support Chile, within the limits of our
strength, we decided to give a little of our own food to the Chilean
people. We know this gesture deeply penetrated Allende's heart. [applause]

We remember how happy Allende was during those brief days he visited us. He
felt that he was among friends and true brothers; he felt that he was one
of the family. He was deeply impressed by the crowds that welcomed him
despite the hour, even though the people had been mobilized to welcome him
in the morning, and it had been necessary to change the time. And even
though it was already night, the streets of our city were filled with the
enthusiasm of our men and women to welcome him, to greet him and to cheer
him.

We could say that in the 3 years of intense effort and great tension in the
government, those 3 or 4 days were like a sedative for him. And we all
remember how on that visit, in his capacity as president of the republic of
Chile, he forgot no one; he did not refrain from visiting any friend. A
profoundly humane man, he found time to go to all those places where he had
been, there he had lived during his numerous visits to our fatherland
before he was president of Chile. And he went to see all those comrades who
attended him, to thank them and to express to them his acknowledgement.
This is the image we remember of that humane man, of that decent man, of
that firm man, of that loyal friend who was President Salvador Allende.
[applause]

And at this very same square we became convinced that he would know how to
behave in a revolutionary manner in the trying hours. And at this same
square he told us that the Chilean people would respond to
counterrevolutionary violence with revolutionary violence. [applause]

The figure of President Allende and the Chilean revolutionary process
aroused deep sympathy and interest in the world. For the first time in
Chile's history, a new experience was taken place: an attempt to carry out
a revolution by peaceful and legal means. In this effort he found the
understanding and the support of the whole world, not only of the
international communist movement, but of many political tendencies as well.
Let us say that he found acknowledgement even from those who were not
Marxist-Leninists.

Our party and our people, despite the fact that we had carried out our
revolution by different means, and all the revolutionary people of the
world, gave him their support. We did not hesitate for one moment, because
we understood that Chile presented the exceptional conditions for obtaining
an electoral victory, despite all the resources of imperialism and of the
dominant classes, despite all the adverse circumstances. We did not
hesitate in 1970 to publicly state our understanding and our support for
the effort that the Chilean left was making to win that year's elections.

The election victory actually came. The left--the Popular Unity--with its
social and political platform won a victory in the elections. Of course,
that did not mean the victory of a revolution. It meant access to very
important positions of power by legal and peaceful means. However, the task
that President Allende faced was not easy. From the beginning, conspiracies
began to appear. After the elections, an effort was made to keep Allende
from the presidency. Imperialism and its agents, the CIA and multinational
companies, conspired to prevent President Allende from becoming president
of the republic; they even murdered the Chilean army chief to do it.
President Frei himself, an arrogant man [angry noise from the crowd] and
very reactionary, could not admit that President Salvador Allende would
occupy the presidency of the republic as had been determined by popular
voting.

Despite all these conspiracies and despite the efforts of imperialism,
Salvador Allende took over the presidency of the republic in the name of
the Popular Unity. But what problems did he find himself facing? In the
first place he found that the bourgeois state apparatus was intact. He
found armed institutions that called themselves "nonpolitical,"
institutional, neutral--in other words, apparently neutral in the
revolutionary process. He found a bourgeois parliament where the majority
of its members worked for the dominant classes. He found a judicial system
that worked for the reactionary classes. He found that he had to govern
under those conditions, but he also found that the country's economy was
completely bankrupt, that the Chilean state owned $4 billion. These large
debts were the result of imperialist policies, of the U.S. maneuvers in its
efforts to create a showcase with the Christian Democratic [PDC] government
to face and halt social progress.

They gave Chile large loans when Frei was president. These credits were not
for the development of the country for buying luxury items: to buy
automobiles, television sets, refrigerators and all sorts of luxury items
that could present an image of progress and well-being during the PDC
administration. President Allende found a country terribly in debt. He
found a country where imperialism had introduced its habits, its consumer's
habits. He found a country where the mass communication media--the press,
television and radio--were in the hands of the oligarchy and the reaction.
This happened at a time when the price of cooper had dropped from 75 to 48
cents. In addition, there were very urgent popular needs to attend to.
There were vast unemployment problems to be solved and it was necessary to
solve the most urgent needs of the people. The UP government faced enormous
obstacles in its path.

When they began to implement the agrarian reform, the latifundists and the
agrarian bourgeoisie immediately undertook the task of sabotaging the
agricultural production. The bourgoisie, owners of the distribution
centers, owners of the stores and the shops undertook the task of hoarding
the supplies and sabotaging the UP government.

As soon as the first revolutionary bill was approved--the nationalization
of the copper enterprises, which were Yankee properties, which had taken
billions upon billions [of dollars] from the work and the sweat of the
Chilean people--the imperialists immediately froze all the credits from all
the international organizations to the Chilean Government. They undertook
the task of strangling the Chilean economy.

These were the enormous difficulties President Allende encountered when he
reached power. The bourgeois political parties, particularly the National
Party and the Christian Democratic Party, oriented by reactionary
leadership, undertook the task, in complicity with imperialism, the
reactionary classes and the reactionary press, of blocking President
Allende's work by all possible means. They virtually prevented him from
ruling; they virtually tied the hands of the government to stop its work.

Those 3 years of UP government were really 3 years of struggle, of
difficulties, of agony in order to go on with the program. And along with
this, some armed forces, I repeat, called themselves apolitical and
institutional. There were 3 years of plot upon plot, of conspiracy after
conspiracy. The dominant classes reacted as was expected. They and their
parties, the unions of owners, merchants and even unions of professionals
made up of that type of professional that we know here mostly at the
service of the dominant classes, sabotaged the tasks of the government;
they called stoppages and strikes of an indefinite nature and more than
once paralyzed the nation.

And not only that, they constantly called upon the armed forces to defeat
the UP government. Amid all of these enormous difficulties, President
Allende's work was being carried out. Amid all of these difficulties he
tried to do and did many things for the people of Chile. At least during
these 3 years, the Chilean people, especially the workers and peasants,
understood that the president of the republic was not a representative of
the oligarchy, of the landowners or of the bourgeoisie. He was a
representative of the humble, of the workers, a true representative of the
people; one who fought for them in spite of the enormous difficulties he
had ahead of him. [applause]

President Allende understood the difficulties and he envisaged dangers. He
saw fascism being born. He saw conspiracies succeed one after the other.
And in the face of that group of forces created by imperialism and spurred
on by imperialism, all he had left was that willpower, that determination
to defend the process at the cost of his own life. [applause]

We remember that afternoon in a stadium in the city of Santiago where a
farewell ceremony for the Cuban delegation was being carried out, and the
words that the president uttered so firmly and categorically on that
occasion. It was on 4 December 1971 that he said: I will tell you with
calm, with absolute tranquility: I am no apostle, nor am I a messiah or a
martyr. I am a social worker accomplishing a task: the task the people have
given me. But let it be understood by those who would turn back history and
disavow the will of Chile's majority, without the beef of a martyr, I will
not take a single step backward. Let it be known: I will leave La Moneda
when the mandate the people gave me expires. [applause]

Let them know it, let it sink in deeply: I will defend this Chilean
revolution and I will defend the popular government because it is the
mandate the people have given me. [applause] I have no other alternative.
Only by riddling me with bullets can they stop my determination to enforce
compliance with the program of the people. [applause]

And he repeated those very same words the next day during the dialog with a
reporter, a part of which you have just heard here. But those words were
not simple rhetoric. Those words demonstrated the will and the
determination of a man of honor [applause] and Salvador Allende fulfilled
his promise in a dramatic and impressive manner. [applause] The fascists
have tried to hide from the world what occurred on 11 September. By
gathering the testimony of those who were the president on that morning,
and putting together the information provided by some of the survivors, we
have reconstructed the events surrounding President Allende on 11
September. And we are going to reveal them here today in a brief and
summarized form. We have heard part of the events from the lips of
Allende's daughter this afternoon, when she told us clearly what she
experienced on that morning alongside her father. [applause]

Her words essentially reflected the human side of President Salvador
Allende, his concern for his companions who were unarmed, his concern for
the women who could die there uselessly. He was aware of the need to have
leaders and cadres for the future struggle. And how right he was! Comrade
Beatriz Allende would have died there in La Moneda Palace on that day. The
million persons gathered here and international public opinion would not
have had the opportunity to hear of those deeds, that concern, those
apprehensions--above all, his concern for the unity of the revolutionary
forces. We would not have heard of that call for unity. To those sentiments
and that implacable determination to fight to the death, defending his just
cause. [applause]

We have been able to learn through his words what President Allende's
attitude and state of mind were on that day. We are going to speak
primarily about the role that President Allende played as a fighter and
soldier of the revolution on 11 September. At 0620 on 11 September,
President Allende received a telephone call at his Tomas Moro residence and
was informed of the military coup which was taking place. He immediately
put his personal guards on alert and made the firm decision to go to La
Moneda Palace to defend the Popular Unity government from his position as
president of the republic. He was accompanied by an escort of 23 men armed
with 23 automatic rifles, two 30 caliber submachineguns and three bazookas.
The escort traveled along with the president in four automobiles and a
station wagon to the presidential palace, arriving there at 0730. Carrying
his automatic rifle, the president, accompanied by his escort, entered La
Moneda by the front door. At that time the usual carabineros guards were in
their place at the palace.

Inside, he gathered his companions around him and informed them of the
seriousness of the situation and of his decision to fight to the death to
defend the constitutional, legal and popular government of Chile against
the fascist coup. He assessed the available troops and issued the first
instructions for the defense of the palace.

Seven members of the investigations corps arrived to join the defenders.
Meanwhile, the carabineros remained at their posts and some of them took
measured to defend the palace. A small group of Allende's personal escorts
guarded the entrance to the president's office with orders to keep out any
armed military personnel, in order to prevent a betrayal. In the space of
an hour, Allende spoke to the people three times by radio, expressing his
determination to offer resistance.

Some time after 0815, the fascists addressed the president over the palace
loudspeakers, urging him to surrender and resign from his post. They
offered him air transport to leave the country along with his relatives and
aides. The president answered: You, being traitorous generals, do not
recognize men of honor.

He indignantly rejected the ultimatum. [applause]

In his office the president held a brief meeting with several high-ranking
carabineros officers who had gone to the palace.

These officers then in cowardly manner refused to defend the government.
The president reproached them severely and contemptuously dismissed them,
ordering them to leave immediately.

While this meeting with the carabineros leaders was taking place, the three
military aides arrived. The president told them that it was no time to have
confidence in those who were wearing uniforms and asked them to leave La
Moneda. In spite of this, the president said farewell affectionately to
Major Sanchez, who had been an efficient air force aide-de-camp for several
years.

Shortly after the military aides and carabineros officers had left, the
lieutenant in charge of the palace carabineros detachment, on orders from
his headquarters, instructed a carabinero to go through the palace and tell
all members of the detach- ment to leave. The carabineros immediately began
to leave La Moneda, carrying some of their weapons with them. The
carabineros armored cars, which had so far been in positions to defend the
palace, also left.

A group of 10 carabineros accompanied by the one who carried the order to
retreat, and undoubtedly following orders, withdrew by the main stairway.
When they were near the exit, they turned and attempted to fire upon the
president. The president's escort vigorously returned their fire. These
were the first shots exchanged with the coupists.

While this was going on many ministers; under secretaries; advisers;
Allende's daughters, Beatriz and Isabel; and other members of the Popular
Unity were arriving at the palace to be with the president during these
critical hours.

At approximately 0915 in the morning, the first shots from the outside were
fired at the palace. More than 200 fascists infantry troops advanced along
the streets from Teatinos and Morande [streets], along both sides of
Constitution Square toward the presidential palace, firing at the
president's office. No more than 40 men were defending the palace. The
president ordered them to open fire against the attackers and he himself
fired at the fascists who retreated in disorder [applause] with many
casualties. [applause]

The fascists then introduced tanks into the battle with the support of
infantry. A tank advanced along Moneda Street, another along Teatinos,
another along Alameda and Morande, and another in the direction of the main
entrance to Constitution Square. At that moment bazookas from the
president's office opened fire and totally destroyed the tank that was near
the main entrance. [applause]

Two other tanks concentrated their fire on the President's office and
machineguns from an armored car fired at the private secretariat and the
escorts' office. Several pieces of artillery positioned on one side of
Constitution Square also opened fire on the palace. The president went
about to the various combat positions, encouraging and directing the
defenders. The violent battle lasted over an hour without the fascists
being able to advance a single inch.

At 1045, the president summoned the ministers, under secretaries and
advisers who had come to the palace to be at his to the (Toesca) room and
told them that future fighting needed leaders and cadres and that all those
who were unarmed should leave La Moneda at the very first opportunity and
that all those who had arms should remain at their combat positions.
Naturally, none of the collaborators who were unarmed agreed with the
president's directions.

Neither did the president's daughters nor the other women who where at La
Moneda agree to leave the palace. The combat continued violently. Over the
palace loudspeakers the enraged fascists issued loud, new ultimatums,
announcing that if the defenders did not surrender, they would immediately
use the air force.

At 1145, the president met with his daughters and the other women, nine in
all who were in the palace. He firmly ordered them to leave La Moneda,
since he considered it senseless for them to die there defenseless. He
immediately asked his besiegers for a 3 minute truce to evacuate the women.
The fascists do not grant the truce, but at that moment their troops began
to retreat from the area around the palace to carry out the air attack,
which caused a pause in the battle that permitted the women to leave.

At approximately 1200, the aerial attack began. The first rockets fell in
the winter garden, that is, in the center of La Moneda, ripping through the
roofs and exploding within the buildings, New waves of planes and more hits
followed one after the other, flooding the entire building with smoke and
toxic gas. The president then ordered that all gas masks be collected. He
became concerned about the ammunition situation and exhorted the combatants
to resists the bombardment firmly. The ammunition for the automatic rifles
of the president's personal guard had nearly been exhausted after almost 3
hours of combat. Therefore, the president immediately ordered that the door
of the armory of the carbineros' palace garrison be broken down so that
some ammunition could be obtained.

When be became impatient over the delay in obtaining information about
these weapons, he himself crossed the winter garden and went to the armory.
He noticed that they were delaying in breaking down the door, so he ordered
them to use the grenades seized during the operation. Then they succeeded
in opening up a hole in the armory from which they extracted four .30
caliber machineguns, many Sik rifles, a large quantity of ammunition, gas
masks and helmets.

The president then ordered that everything be taken to the combat
positions, and he personally went through the carabineros' dormitories
picking up the rifles and other weapons that were still there. The
president himself carried many weapons on his shoulders to reinforce the
combat positions exclaiming: "This is how the first page of the history is
written. My people and America will write the rest of it." [applause] This
caused deep emotion in all of the people accompanying him. While the
president transported munitions from the armory, the attack was again
violently resumed.

An explosion smashed glass near where the president was, hurling fragments
of glass that injured his back. This was the first injury he suffered.
While he was receiving medical attention, he ordered that the
transportation of weapons continue, and he did not cease to be concerned
over the fate of each of his comrades. Minutes later, the fascists again
resumed the attack violently, combining the action of the air force with
the artillery, tanks and the infantry. According to eyewitnesses, the
noise, the bullets, the explosion, the smoke and the toxic gas converted
the palace into a hell. Despite the orders given by the president that all
the faucets be opened to avoid fire on the ground floor, the left wing of
the palace began to burn and the flames spread toward the aides-de-camp
room and the Red Room. But the president, who was not disheartened for a
moment, not even during the most critical moments, ordered them to confront
the attack with all possible means. This is when the president accomplished
one of his greatest feats. While the palace burned, he crawled under
gunfire to his office, which faced Constitution Square. Then he personally
took a bazooka, aimed it at a tank on Morande Street which was firing
furiously at the palace and put it out of combat with a direct hit.
[applause]

Minutes later, another combatant put a third tank our of action. The
fascists introduced new armored cars, troops and tanks through (?Morande
Street), and intensified the fire through the (?side door) of La Moneda
while the palace was still in flames. The president and several combatants
descended to the ground floor to repel the fascists' attempt to penetrate
the palace from Morande Street.

The fascists then suspended the fire in that sector and asked that two
government representatives, as [words indistinct]. The president sent
Flores, secretary general of the government, and Daniel Vergara, under
secretary of interior, who went out through the Morande Street door and
went to a military jeep that was in front. This happened at approximately
1300. Flores and Vergara talked with a high-ranking officer who was in the
jeep. Later, as they approached the entrance of the palace, shots were
fired at them from the very same jeep. Flores received a bullet wound in
his right leg. Daniel Vergara, who was killed by several shots in his back,
was picked up by his companions under the cover of other defenders.

The fascists asked for a conference to demand surrender, offering the
president and the defenders facilities to leave the palace and to go
wherever they chose. The president immediately reiterated his decision to
fight to the last drop of blood, [applause] interpreting his only desire
and that of all the heroic defenders of the palace.

They resisted the attacks originating in Morande Street from the ground
floor while the main entrance of the palace was practically destroyed.
Nearing 1330, the president went upstairs to inspect the positions. By that
time, numerous defenders had been killed by the shrapnel and the explosions
or burned to death. Journalist Augusto Olivares astonished everyone with
his extraordinary heroic behavior. [applause] After having been seriously
wounded, he was operated on and attended to at the medical ward of the
palace. When everybody thought that he was in bed, he took his combat
position, with weapon in hand, on the second floor next to the president.
[applause]

It would take a long time to enumerate the names of heroic deeds of the
combatants who excelled there. After 1300, the fascists took the palace
ground floor. The defense was organized on the upstairs floor and the
battle went on. The fascists attempted to enter through the main stairs. At
approximately 1400, they were able to take a section of the upstairs floor.
The president was entrenched together with several of his comrades in a
corner of the Red Room. Advancing toward the area where the fascists had
penetrated, he received a gunshot wound in the stomach that doubled him up
in pain but he did not stop fighting. Leaning on a rocking chair, he
continued to fire his weapon against the fascists who were a few meters
away [applause] until a second shot in the chest felled him and while he
way dying he was riddled with bullets.

When they saw the president falling down, members of his personal guard
energetically counterattacked and repelled the fascists all the way to the
main stairs. [applause] Then, in the midst of the battle, a gesture of
unusual honor takes place. Taking the motionless body of the president,
they take him to his office, sit him on the presidential chair, place the
presidential sash on him and wrap him with a Chilean flag. [applause] Even
after death, he was a heroic president. The immortal defenders of the
palace resisted the brutal fascist attacks for a period of 2 more hours. By
1600, after the palace has been on fire for several hours, the last bit of
resistance ended.

Many persons will be astonished by what has been told here, and that is the
way it is--simply astonishing. The high fascist command of the four
branches of the armed forces had revolted against the government of the
Popular Unity, and over a period of 7 hours just 40 men resisted the bulk
of the artillery fire [applause], the tanks and the aircraft of the
fascists. Very few times in history have such pages of heroism been
written.

The president was not only courageous and firm in keeping his dying word to
defend the cause of the people but he grew to unbelievable heights at the
hour of decision. The valor, the calmness, the cynicism, the capacity for
leadership and the heroism that he demonstrated was admirable. Never in
this continent has any president played such a dramatic role. [applause]

Many times the defenseless thought was knocked down by the brutal force,
but now it can be said that never before has brutal force met such
resistance carried out on military grounds by a man of ideals whose weapons
were always the word and the pen. Salvador Allende demonstrated more
dignity, more honor, more courage and more heroism than all the fascist
military put together. [applause] That is the way to be a revolutionary.
That is the way to be a man. That is the way a true combatant dies.
[applause] that is the way a defender of his people dies. That is the way a
fighter for socialism dies. [applause]

Several moments ago the test of President Allende's last words was received
by us at this podium. [Castro appears to be reading] Workers of my
fatherland, I have faith in Chile and its destiny. Other men will overcome
this critical and bitter moment where treason is attempting to interfere.
You should know that sooner or later the greater public paths will be
walked upon by the free man to build a better society. Long live Chile!
Long live the people! Long live the workers! These are my last words.
Knowing that the sacrifice will not be in vain, I am sure that at least
there will be moral sanction that will condemn the crime, the cowardice and
the treason. [applause]

The fascists have attempted to hide from the Chilean people and the world
this extraordinarily heroic behavior of President Allende. In so doing,
they have attempted to emphasize the suicide version. If Allende mortally
wounded, in order not to fall in the hands of the enemy, would have fired
against himself that would not be a dishonor but would have constituted a
gesture of extraordinary courage. [applause] What are they attempting to
deny President Allende? What can be denied in this supreme hour of
sacrifice and heroism?

Calixto Garcia, one of the most glorious leaders of our history, fell in
the hands of the enemy and when his mother was notified that her son had
been taken prisoner, she said: That cannot be my son. But when they told
her that before being taken prisoner he shot himself to take his own life,
then she said: That then is my son. [applause]

After the death of President Allende, they have attempted to throw mud over
his clean body in a despicable, vulgar and vile manner. But, what can be
expected from the fascists?

They have even brought into the limelight the rifle with which Allende
fought, the automatic rifle that we gave him, attempting to make vulgar and
ridiculous propaganda with that. But events have demonstrated that the
automatic rifle was the best present that could be given to President
Allende in order to defend the Popular Unity government. [the crowd chants
a rhythmic slogan].

The premonition and reason that we had in presenting the president with
this rifle was great. Never was a rifle held in better hands than those of
a constitutional and legitimate president of his people. Never has a rifle
better defended the cause of the humble, the cause of the Chilean workers
and peasants. [applause] If every worker and every peasant had had in his
hands a rifle similar to that one, there would not have been a fascist
coup. [applause] [the crowd chants rhythmic slogan]

This is the great lesson which the revolutionaries learned from the Chilean
events. Not only have they brought the rifle to the limelight, several days
ago they published a letter which we sent to President Allende at the end
of July. But the fascists play dirty. They did not publish the full letter.
From the wire reports that we have read, we draw the conclusion that they
have published just a few paragraphs, that some parts have been omitted.
That is why we are going to read the full letter here. [applause]

"Havana, 29 July 1973. Dear Salvador: Under the pretext of discussing with
you matters dealing with the meeting of nonalined nations, Carlos and
Pineiro are going there to see you. The real objective is to report the
situation to you and offer our cooperation in the face of the difficulties
and dangers that obstruct and threaten the process. Their stay there will
be very short because they have many pending obligations here; but
sacrificing their work, we have decided from them to make the trip.

"I have noted that now you are undertaking the delicate matter of the
dialog with the Christian Democrats in the midst of serious occurrences,
such as the brutal murder of your naval aide and the new strike of the
truckowners. Based on that, I can imagine the present tension and your
wishes to gain time, improve the correlation of forces in case the fighting
begin, and, if it is possible, find a way that will permit the
revolutionary process to move forward without a civil war at the same time
that you save your historic responsibility for whatever occurs.

"These are objectives worthy of praise, but in case the other side--whose
intentions are not able to evaluate from here--persists in following a
treacherous and irresponsible policy, demanding a price that the Popular
Unity and the revolution cannot pay--which is highly likely--do not forget
for one second the enormous strength of the Chilean working class and the
energetic support that it has offered you in all difficult moments. If you
call on it because of the danger in which the revolution finds itself, it
can paralyze the coupists, halt the secession of those who hesitate, set
its own conditions and decide once and for all if the Chilean destiny is to
be considered above all.

"The enemy should know it [the Chilean working class] is ready and
determined to go into action. Its strength, its combativeness could tilt
the scale in your favor in the capital even when other circumstances are
unfavorable. Your decisions to defend the process with firmness and honor
at the price of your own life, which everybody knows you are capable of
fulfilling, will bring to your side all the forces capable of fighting and
all the honorable men and women of Chile. Your courage, your calm and your
audacity in this historic hour of your fatherland and, above all, your
firm, determined and heroically executed leadership are the key of the
situation.

"Inform Carlos and Manuel as to the manner in which your loyal Cuban
friends can cooperative with you. [applause] I reiterate the love and
unlimited trust of our people, fraternally."

It is absurd, it is ridiculous, it is stupid to try to show this
letter--bearing the solidarity, the friendship, the breath of our people to
a president persecuted by imperialism, persecuted by the reactionary forces
and persecuted by fascism--as an example of interference in Chilean
domestic matters. Based on this judgment, does the universal condemnation,
do the statements of numerous statesmen, public figures and many
organizations condemning the coup, condemning the massacres, condemning the
crimes constitute an interference in Chilean domestic affairs?

The problems of the anti-imperialist struggle, the problems affecting the
revolutionary movement, the problems affecting humanity concern us, are of
interest to us and touch all the revolutionaries and progressive men of the
world. [applause] And for Chile, just as for Vietnam, not only are we ready
to give our sugar--taking it away from our quotas--for Chile, for the
Chilean people, we are ready to give our own blood. [applause]

During the Chilean war of independence, men from other corners of the
continent not only sent letters but went there to fight together with the
Chileans for the independence of the country. [applause] The fascists on 11
September not only attacked the presidential palace, but also attacked and
unmercifully bombed the residence of President Allende where his family
was, and it was an exceptional case that his wife did not meet her death
there also. The relatives have told of the cavalry which they went through
on that day and the following days.

Then they kept the death of President Allende from the people for more than
24 hours after it occurred. The burial took place under the most secret
conditions. Through different means they located the wife and one sister.
They took them to a military airport in Santiago de Chile and they took
them together with a casket aboard a military aircraft to a Valparaiso
airport. From there, with an extraordinary display of force, they took them
to a cemetery of that city where the family tomb of President Allende was
located.

But, under no circumstances did they permit the opening of that sacred
coffin wrapped with a military blanket. Under no circumstances, neither
aboard the aircraft nor on the way to the cemetery not at the cemetery did
they permit the family to view the corpse of President Allende. Why? What
were they trying to hide? Is is not evident that they were afraid to expose
themselves? Is it not evident that they were trying to hide the fact that
Allende's corpse had more than 10 bullet holes. Allende's body was riddled
with bullets even after death. As you all know, the fascists were also
merciless against the Cubans, against our embassy, and this does not
dishonor us. It would be bad, it would be grave were the fascists to smile
at us.

This fascists hatred demonstrates and expresses what Cuba really is and
that they hate it for a reason. They know about the loyalty of the
revolution, the firmness of the revolution, the solidarity of the
revolution with the Latin American revolutionary process. And this is what
scares them.

On the eleventh, at about noon, the fascists attacked our embassy for the
first time. At about midnight, the embassy received the second fascist
attack. But both were energetically repelled. After the attacks, the
fascists attempted to intimidate our diplomatic delegation and threaten to
use tanks, cannons and aircraft, but our diplomatic representatives
constantly told some generals and henchmen who telephoned them: We will
defend the embassy, which is Cuban territory, to the last man. [applause]

The fascists knew that they would have to kill the last Cuban in our
embassy. There was no hesitation. During the early morning hours of the
twelfth, they fired sporadic shots, but the final attack never began. And
our comrades of the embassy returned to the country after diplomatic
relations had been broken.

There is news about four or six Cubans, four who were professors in the
universities of the northern part of the country and two physical education
instructors. There is news, I repeat, that they have reached Argentina. But
as yet we have not received news about two Cubans who worked there as
technicians. [Crowd yells something inaudible--applause]

And not only did the fascists attack our embassy, but they also behaved
rudely and manhandled the diplomatic officials of other socialist
countries, and other technicians who were rendering services in that
country. And not only did they manhandle representatives of socialist
countries but they even committed all sorts of vulgarities against and
mistreated representatives of other capitalist countries.

25 August 1973--the vessel arrives in Valparaiso and drops anchor.

26 August--the fascists set off bombs at the embassy and residences of
Cuban diplomats and at schools for Cuban children.

29 August--vessel docks at the pier and unloading of the sugar begins.

4 September--the fascists set off bomb at the residence of the
representative of Navegacion Mambisa in Santiago.

6 September--provocations of rightist newspapers against the vessel, Play
Larga.

10 September--the ship goes out to anchor outside the port leaving the dock
to a vessel which is carrying wheat because of the lack of it in the city.

11 September--at 1000, the master meets with the officers to study the
situation provoked by the military coup. It is decided to await orders from
the Navegacion Mambisas enterprise. One man of the crew who should have
returned by midnight the day before is missing.

At 1100, steward Gumersindo Perez returns abroad. Gumersindo Perez says he
had been arrested by a navy patrol the night before and had been mistreated
because he was a Cuban citizen. The naval authorities expressed at that
opportunity their profound hatred for the Cuban people and government. At
1125 military pilots board the ship and change the ship's anchorage. At
1630 orders are received from Navegacion Mambisas enterprise ordering the
vessel to make arrangements with the Chilean authorities for departure. At
1700 the master meets again with the officers, who unanimously support his
decision to leave port because there is no security for the vessel and
crew. This decision was made due to the mistreatment of the previously
mentioned crew member, and because the local authorities did not offer any
guarantees of respect for human rights. At 1735 the vessel suddenly departs
at full speed. At 1755 Chilean aircraft make low- level runs over our
vessel. At 1802 Chilean aircraft dive over our vessel firing machine guns.
At 1845 the Chilean aircraft are continuing to fly over our vessel.

At 1900 helicopters drop bombs close to the bow of our ship and machinegun
us to prevent possible maneuvers on our part in trying to leave the area
where the bombs were dropped. At 1905 a depth charge explodes at the bow of
the ship. At 1932 two naval aircraft resume runs over our ship. At 2000 our
radar detects a Chilean naval unit, which has been sent to catch up with
our vessel, at about 17.5 miles on the starboard side, and the aircraft are
also continuing to harass our vessel. The master convenes a meeting of the
officers who support him unanimously in his decision to proceed on course
at all cost without accepting surrender under any circumstances. [applause]

At 2030 radar indicates we are 33 miles from the Chilean coast. At 2040 the
Chilean Navy man-of-war orders engines stopped, and we answer that we are
in international waters. At 2043 the Chilean man-of-war following us begins
to shoot at us with heavy caliber guns. At 2045 the Chilean naval unit is
continuing to bombard us, as well as to throw flares to light up the area
in which we are navigating. At 2055 the Chilean naval unit is continuing to
fire on us. At 2100 the Chilean naval unit is continuing bombardment. The
closest point of the Chilean coastline is 52.3 miles away. At 2110 the
Chilean navy unit following us begins to shoot us again. At 2120 the
following message is relayed to the Chilean naval unit: We have reported to
our government this cowardly aggression in international waters. You are
responsible for the consequences. Fatherland or death; we shall win! Long
live Cuba! Signed, master and crew. In response, the Chilean naval unit
bombarded us.

At 2130 the Chilean naval unit following us resumes firing on us. The
closest point of the Chilean coastline is 61.5 miles away. At 2200 the
Chilean naval unit continuing to follow us asks us to return to the port of
Valparaiso. From this message we learn that the name of the unit if Blanco
Encalada. A message is received from the PCC Central Committee Politburo,
from the merchant Marine and Ports Ministry fully supporting our decision
not to surrender under any circumstances, a message which encourages us to
proceed ahead with our voyage at all risks. At 2114 we are hit by a shell
from the destroyer Blanco Encalada. At 2220 the vessel receives another hit
in the bow. At 2230 the ship is hit in the stern by cannon fire. At 2238
destroyer Blanco Encalada shells our vessel's bridge, hitting it. The
shells are seen falling in the water on the other side of our vessel. At
2240 the destroyer maneuvers to board our vessel on the port side and we
take evasive action to impede the boarding. At 2302, when the boarding
maneuver on the port side fails, the destroyer Blanco Encalada attempts to
locate off the stern in order to shell the rudder and propeller, and our
vessel takes evasive action in order to prevent damage to these. With the
aid of VHF, the destroyer begins to transmit the orders given by the
officer directing the firing of the different guns in order that they can
be heard by our ship to intimidate us.

At 2330, having been unsuccessful in all its maneuvers, threats and violent
actions to take over the ship, the destroyer Blanco Encalada begins
gradually drifting away toward the Chilean coast.

On 12 September at 0530 an inspection is made of the ship [words
indistinct] of the holds, and three large holes made by shells are
discovered in hold No 1. The crew begins to cover the holds and large
quantities of water enter the hold in question. After 3 hours orders are
given to ballast [words indistinct] stern and the (?bottom) of Hold No 7 to
improve the ship's stability.

The [word indistinct] tanks and the stern [word indistinct] are completely
filled at 1000. An inspection of the damage caused by the cowardly
aggression of the Chilean navy ship shows the following:

1. A 2-foot square hold in the starboard side and a 2-by 3-foot hole in the
deck next to the area previously mentioned, caused by the impact of the
same shell.

2. A 1-foot square hole on the starboard side.

3. A 3-by 1-foot hole on the port side.

4. Numerous holes caused by the fragments of high-explosive grenades on a
partition of the prow.

5. Perforation of [word indistinct] pipes and [word indistinct] damage.

6. A 3-by 4-inch hold on a lower deck.

7. Various dents on a partition of the starboard bow.

8. The loss of 199,624 kilograms of sugar due to flooding of hold No 1.

9. Impact [ word indistinct] in the same hold below the waterline on the
stern as well as other minor damage.

At 1035 a Chilean Air Force plane flies over our ship to identify us and
reveal our position to the Chilean military.

At 2200 rendezvous with the Cuban ship (Marble Ayan) and sailing together
for Callao, Peru.

This fact concerning the ship Playa Larga constitutes something truly
unprecedented. It was practically a battle with an unarmed ship, which
refused to surrender and which refused to obey the orders of the fascists
despite being attacked by planes, helicopters and a navy ship capable of
destroying it. We have never known of a similar (?event). [applause] This
was a deliberate attack on a merchant ship, which was fired upon with
cannon and nearly sunk. The holes really could have caused the vessel to
sink, and this would have occurred if the captain and the crew had not
thought of a way to ballast the holds with water to lift the blow. The
admirable part of this episode was the determination of the crew to let
themselves be sunk in the Pacific rather than obey the fascist orders.
[applause] Even the fascists themselves were amazed, and I am not going to
repeat here some of the things they said in their amazement. [shouts from
the crowd] We are not interested in the opinions of the fascists. Let it be
sufficient to say they were amazed.

That is the conduct of the Cubans. That is the true attitude of a
revolutionary. As for the phrase fatherland or freedom, this is knowing how
to say fatherland or freedom when one has to say fatherland or freedom.
[applause] This is the conduct of the Cuban, not because they are Cubans,
but because they are revolutionaries. [applause] That is the conduct of
Cuban revolutionaries. These facts will be more far-reaching than they
appear now because fascists use violence to impose terror, and this has but
one answer: to not fear the fascists. [applause]

President Allende's exemplary conduct morally destroyed fascism in Chile.
[applause] They underestimated President Allende. They thought President
Allende would take the plane. They thought President Allende would submit
to force. They were absolutely certain of that, and what overwhelmed them
was President Allende's attitude, his courage, [applause] his honor, his
heroism, his dignity and determination to fight against all the tanks and
cannon and planes in the world, knowing that that [word indistinct] he was
defending the flag and a cause, although the flag and that cause were, at
that moment, in a very unfavorable situation. But he knew that they had to
be defended at cost of life.

This was the attitude of other Chileans in Tomas Moro, in the universities
and in the popular communes. This was the attitude of the crew of the ship
Playa Larga. [applause] Therefore the fascists were not lacking in lessons,
extraordinary lessons that day, and those lessons are already being taught
by the resistance they will encounter. They are being told what awaits them
when people do not let themselves be oppressed, when people do not let
themselves be intimidated, when men and women are prepared to die.
[applause]

Fear can intimidate the cowards, but it will never intimidate the
revolutionaries.

And even less revolutionaries who fight for their fatherland, their people,
the workers, the exploited, the oppressed. And even less, Marxist-Leninist
revolutionaries. [applause]

The military junta is fascist. It is not only fascist because of its
actions, but also because of its ideas. Just before our return from our
visit to Chile we were brought a small textbook used at Chilean military
academies entitled "Geopolitica" which was written by Mr Augusto Pinochet,
chief of the fascists. [crowd boos] On our return, we leafed through the
booklet and were amazed to see that many of the concepts in the book were
Nazi-fascists concepts. In the introduction to his book "Geopolitica."
Pinochet says: Geopolitics considers the state as a supraindividual
organism and, as such, a free organization which is in a constant fight for
survival. Further on, it says that one of geopolitic's objectives is to
furnish antecedents for the possible application of the space laws, in the
state's foreign policy, and during the development period. Then it adds,
geopolitics has come to be considered as a tool of thought and of political
action. Further, this must become the state's geographic policy and the
inspiration for the different internal and external objectives which it
must achieve.

In the same introduction, talking enthusiastically about one of the fathers
of this fascist science, a certain Haushofer, and totally sharing his
criteria, Pinochet says: He adopted the law of Ratzel [German geographer]
regarding the people's territorial expansion and in his struggle for
increasingly larger living space he spoke of a destiny in space and coined
the very definite expression that territory is vital. He advocated the
conquest of eastern territory before the war with Poland. These textbooks
are the ones used for teaching in Chile's military academies by one of its
most distinguished professors, Augusto Pinochet Urgarte. It is with such
geopolitical concepts of vital territories as these--territorial expansions
that are obviously nazi--that many Chilean military men are educated.

In all justice, we cannot say that all Chilean officers are fascist. We
have the examples of General Prats, of General (?Picri) and of General
Sepulveda Espueda who strove to maintain the armed institutions within the
bounds of loyalty to the constitutional government and within the law.
Naturally, the majority of fascist officers practically made them leap from
their commands.

So that we may have an idea of how the reactionary classes operate, it is
only necessary to recall that occasion when the right--with its press and
mass information media was incessantly sowing poison, ideologically arming
the coupists and mobilizing the reactionaries--organized nothing less than
a demonstration of colonels and generals' wives to march to General Prats
home to demand that he resign from the army. This fascist majority in the
ranking levels of the armed forces produced the resignation of these three
generals and unfortunately these resignations--in due course--facilitated
the entry of fascism. We also have reports that a carabineros officer--one
of those who fought against the Tacnazo--went to the palace in the midst of
the fighting and, once there, fought alongside President Allende's personal
guard against the fascists. [applause]

It is convenient to praise these deeds, because, although the class
structure of the Chilean Army and armed forces--that is, of the Chilean
armed forces officers-- is reactionary as they have taken care to insure
that their officers are from the middle and wealthy classes and because
young men from the humble classes do not have access to these positions,
and although the majority of the officers are fascist and they have been
educated in fascism and reaction, we are sure that there are Chilean armed
forces officers who will realize the despicable, criminal role which their
fascist leaders are forcing them to play. On the right day these officers
will join the people in their struggle against fascism. [applause]

With the fascist coup, the Chilean armed forces have sealed their fate.
They have completely unmasked themselves. Their nonpartisanship and their
institutionalism, which they maintained among the interests of the
dominating classes, have come to light. They were not threatened, but when
they saw the interests of the class endangered, they abandoned their false
nonpartisanship and their institutionalism and lined up beside the
reactionaries and on the side of the exploiters against the exploited.
Between the Chilean people--that is to say, between the best of the Chilean
people: its workers, peasants, and combative youths--and the Chilean armed
forces there is today a deep and unbridgeable abyss. This abyss is the sea
of blood of the workers, peasants, students and revolutionaries who were
shot, massacred and assassinated by the fascist hordes. Between the fascist
armed forces and the Chilean people there lies the insurmountable blood of
Salvador Allende and the men who died at his side that day, and, it must be
said, without qualms or fear.

The people will have to confront fascism. The military junta is not only
fascist because of its ideas, but also because of its acts. The cables have
brought us news of mass executions of workers, the bombing of universities,
the burning of books, atrocious acts of terrorism against the masses and
against the people. They bring us news of the outlawing of the political
parties and dissolution of the labor organizations. They bring us news of
[word indistinct], of crimes of all types, because the fascists do not just
commit murder alone. During the searches of communes, universities and
homes of the revolutionaries, they sack indiscriminately, they steal
whatever they find, they behave like true bandits who are thirsty for blood
and money.

Today we received the news that the secretary general of the Communist
Party was arrested by the followers of the fascist junta. We already know
what this means. Undoubtedly communist leader Luis Corvalan is now being
subjected to the most atrocious tortures by the fascists and his life is in
danger. It is necessary to create a powerful international movement to ask
respect for the life of Luis Corvalan and to ask for the physical
well-being of Luis Corvalan [applause] and of all the (?other)
revolutionaries, rank-and-file combatants, leaders, and ordinary men and
women, tens of thousands of whom are in the concentration camps created by
the fascists.

All of these events--the execution of workers, dissolution of parties,
burning of books, violations of international laws, attacks on embassies,
attacks of defenseless ships, concentration camps--are pure expressions of
fascism. Between the decades of the thirties and the seventies, 40 years
have passed. We are not living in the times when Hitler and Mussolini
roamed through the world. Now there is a widespread universal agreement,
humanity is much more advanced, much more progressive and it repudiates
these vandalic acts with all its soul. The only ones who think we are still
in the decade of the thirties are the stupid, cretinous, Chilean military
men who carried out the coup d'etat. [applause]

They still do not know the world in which we live. When we were in Chile,
we could already envisage the advent of the fascist spirit in the face of
the revolutionary movement within Chilean society. And when we bade
farewell to the Chilean people on 2 December 1972, we told them: We have
learned one thing; we have confirmed another law of history. We have seen
fascism in action and we have been able to prove a contemporary
principle--that the desperation of the reactionaries, and the exploiters in
today's world, as has already been proved by experience, tends toward the
most brutal, most barbaric forms of violence and reaction.

Everyone knows the history of fascism in various nations, in the nations
that were the birthplace of this movement, how the fascists emerged, and
how the privileged, the exploiters, when even their own institutions,
created by them to maintain the domination of classes, are not worth
anything to them, they destroy them themselves. They invent a legality,
they invest a constitution, I say they invent a (?bourgeois) constitution,
because the socialist revolutions establish their own constitutions and
their own forms of democracy.

But what do the exploiters do when their own institutions no longer
guarantee them dominion? What is their reaction when the mechanisms they
have historically depended upon to maintain their dominion fail? They
simply destroy them. There is nothing, there is no one more
anticonstitutional, more antilegal, more antiparliamentary, more
repressive, more violent and more criminal than the fascists.

Fascism, in its violence, liquidates everything, attacks universities,
closes them and smashes them. It attacks the intellectuals; it represses
and persecutes them. It attacks the political parties. It attacks labor
unions, all the mass organizations and the cultural organizations. There is
nothing more violent, more regressive, or more illegal than fascism. And
this, unfortunately, is what we know has recently been happening in Chile.
Outstanding popular artists have been assassinated in Chile. The cables
have brought the news that an entire folklore group was executed by a
fascist firing squad.

Imperialism tries to (?deny) its complicity and its responsibility in the
coup. Imperialism is an entire economic, social, political and cultural
system designed to oppress nations. Imperialism has attempted to create all
the conditions to block the advancement of the popular movement in Latin
America. It has been conspiring in Chile since before the UP victory. It
mobilized millions of dollars, handing it over to the bourgeois parties to
try to smash the UP. It won more than one election through bribery, through
the utilization of massive sums of money, through lies and through
campaigns of terror and slander. Imperialism tried to corrupt the Chilean
people. The monopolies tries to corrupt the miners by paying them salaries
incomparably greater than the rest of the workers. Imperialism never ceased
plotting against the UP government. And it is clear that while Chile was
blocked from all economic credits, the Pentagon maintained magnificent
relations with the Chilean armed forces. Many Chilean armed forces officers
have been educated in imperialist academies.

While all credit was being denied to Chile, a few weeks before the coup
d'etat Mr Nixon granted a $10 million loan to the Chilean armed forces. The
imperialists were playing an open and shameless game of separating the
government from the armed forces, blocking the government and supporting
the Chilean armed forces. Imperialism has created instruments like the OAS,
the Inter-American Defense Board, the joint naval maneuvers--yet for some
reason the navy was one of the most reactionary forces in Chile.
Imperialism has created all these institutions to conspire and to carry out
the counterrevolution in this continent.

The UP government could not even prevent the Chilean Navy from
participating in joint maneuvers with the U.S. Navy. On 11 September, the
day of the coup, U.S. warships were anchored off the coast of Valparaiso.
On that day the Chilean and Yankee fleets began their maneuvers. The
Chilean warships apparently went to sea, but in the few hours they returned
to Valparaiso to lead the uprising.

Actually, the coup d'etat began to develop many days before. As Beatriz
pointed out, the president told her that under the protection of the
so-called arms control law, the armed forces have been deploying great
numbers of troops against the factories, work centers and offices of the
popular parties.

During the last week of the Allende government, the fascist Fatherland and
Freedom Movement carried out scores of terrorist attacks daily and
committed all types of crimes. The reactionary press, the National Party
and the PDC, which has a great historic responsibility for the events that
have just occurred, constantly encouraged a coup d'etat.

When the history of these events is written, it will have to point out
clearly the responsibility of Frei and his companions--the entire rightist
clique of Christian Democratic leaders--and the responsibility of the
reactionary press, the National Party, the judicial branch and congress,
because some day they will have to answer to the Chilean people. [applause]

We revolutionaries must reach our conclusions from the events that have
occurred. It is clear that imperialism is dying and that is carrying out a
strategic offensive in Latin America in complicity with Brazil. First there
was the coup d'etat in Bolivia, then the coup d'etat in Uruguay and not the
coup d'etat in Chile. At least 10 years ago the bourgeoisie and
imperialists used other procedures to defend themselves. They used congress
and bourgeois constitutions. Uruguay and Chile were considered as models of
legalistic and constitutionalist countries. The bourgeoisie and
imperialists have done away with the constitutions and democratic methods
in Uruguay and Chile.

Today, those countries, together with Brazil, are reactionary countries
serving imperialism in South America. That movement, that offensive is
aimed against the popular movement in Argentina, first to intimidate it and
then to crush it. But this movement is particularly aimed against the
Peruvian Armed Forces Government.

Imperialism, in using a fascist regime to take over power in Chile in an
undisguised manner, threatens Argentina from the West and also threatens
Peru. But above all, imperialism is attempting to use the Chilean military
coup to create the antidote for the Peruvian armed forces movement. The
Peruvian Army, contrary to the Chilean Army, (?made it easy) for common men
to enter the military schools. And the class structure of the Peruvian Army
is different than that of the Chilean Army. These circumstances facilitated
the task of some commanders and prominent officers who, headed by General
Velasco Alvarado [applause], united the Peruvian armed forces with the
people.

They led the armed forces to progressive, antioligarchic popular positions.
And there is no doubt that the Peruvian example has had a widespread effect
in Latin America. Imperialism, confronted by the Peruvian armed forces,
wants to use the Chilean armed forces as an example. There is no doubt that
these threats are openly aimed, I repeat, at the Argentina and the Peruvian
people. At this moment we are not concerned with the difference in
ideologies or shades of the movements in Argentina, Peru and Cuba. Our
revolution is undoubtedly the most solid in this continent. The
Revolutionary Government of Cuba [applause] is undoubtedly the most solid
government in this continent. [applause]

Our people are the most united people because after the disappearance of
the exploitation of man by man in this country, the true unity of this
nation was created. It is a solid and indestructible unity. This country
does not have the problems of other Latin American nations because the
exploiters have disappeared from this land forever. [applause]

Here, reaction and fascism have absolutely nothing. Our armed forces are
out armed people. [applause] Our masses are organized and are directed by a
Marxist-Leninist party. [applause] There are some who feel fear when they
hear the word Marxist. Many of our people were also afraid at the beginning
of the revolution because that is the culture imperialism had impressed
upon them, and the prejudice imperialism has impressed upon the Latin
American masses. But fortunately, no one is scared here any more when they
hear Marxism-Leninism mentioned. [applause] No one is scared any more when
they hear people speak of socialism. [applause] No one is afraid when they
hear people speak of communism. [applause] Marxism-Leninism and socialism
signify political definitions, [applause] very clear and precise political
definitions. This is to have a political science at the disposal of the
people, it is to have a guide, a direction, a compass. It is to know what
steps are to be taken. It is precisely this characteristic, without beating
around the bush, these complete definitions that make the Cuban revolution
healthy and strong. This is what has made it resist Yankee imperialism. We
have already waged a long struggle against the imperialism of the [word
indistinct] and we expect to struggle against imperialism for a few more
years. [applause]

The imperialists know the Cuban revolution and know that all of their
maneuvers, tricks, plans and offensives have crashed against it. Now, of
course, it is no longer whether or not the Cuban revolution is going to
survive. The question now is whether or not the Latin American revolution
is going to survive. [applause]

Imperialism is not bent on smashing the Cuban revolution, which seems to be
somewhat difficult to smash now, but on trying to smash the Latin American
revolution, to smash the movement in Bolivia, to smash the labor movement
in Uruguay, to outlaw the leftist parties, to dissolve the labor
organizations and to install fascism. To destroy the popular Chilean
movement, to liquidate the parties and the labor organizations, [words
indistinct] fascist nature.

And now they will attempt to smash the Argentine movement, which is not a
prosocialist movement. It is not a Marxist movement; it has not yet gone
that far. It is a progressive movement, a popular movement. It is a
movement that intends to struggle for national sovereignty. Until a few
years ago the Argentine Government was servile lackey of Yankee
imperialism. Today, that situation no longer exists. No doubt a strong
popular movement, deeply rooted in the workers, has experienced important
changes in Argentina. In the current leadership of the Argentine armed
forces, a certain unrest is observed, a certain concern to the extent that
they have outlined the need for Yankee military advisers to leave that
country. [applause] and this, no doubt, is some progress. But imperialism
is not ready to tolerate anything that smells of national independence, of
a popular movement, of progress in Latin America. That is why it will try
to smash the Argentine popular movement, or at least make it deviate from
its path.

And of course, for some time now imperialism has been struggling against
the nationalist government of the Peruvian armed forces. The lesson that
must be drawn from this Chilean example is that revolutions are not make
with people alone; arms are also needed. [applause] And that revolutions
are not made with arms alone; people are also needed. [applause]

We have made these considerations to explain the general situation of this
continent to our people. Some news agencies have been rubbing their hands
together over the Chilean military coup until they became raw. They said
that now the trends of rapprochement toward Cuba and the opening of
diplomatic relations would be interrupted. Let us say that we will not deny
that these events can frighten some people. Unfortunately, there are some
people who are frightened. Not everyone is like President Allende. Not
everyone is like the palace defenders. Not everyone is like the Playa Larga
crew. [applause]

One of the initial effects of these imperialistic coups is to make some
people nervous. This is indisputable, but it may make anyone nervous except
the Cuban revolution. [applause] The relations of the revolution expand
despite the coup and they will continue to expand. They are expanding with
the countries of the Caribbean. Our relations with Mexico are improving,
our relations with Peru are very good, and initiatives with favorable
outlook have been started with Argentina. There is no doubt that despite
the blows, threats and the fury of the imperialists, other peoples will
develop relations with our country. But from our revolutionary viewpoint
that is not what matters. At one time we had relations only with Mexico.
Imperialism had us blocked in many directions, even diplomatically. But the
relations of the Cuban revolution have developed not only with Latin
America but they have developed and are developing in an extraordinary
fashion with the rest of the world and they are strong and solid.
[applause]

The prestige of the Cuban revolution in the world and with the countries of
the Third World is greater than ever. Our relations with the socialist
field are today more solid than ever. [applause] What hurts us in the
Chilean case is not that the country should break relations with us--we are
honored by the break in relations with Chile--it is an honor for us because
relations with this fascist regime would have been dishonorable.

You can see how the fascists were quite surprised with the reaction, the
repudiation, the condemnation of the world. Leaders of countries from all
political currents and from every continent have condemned the fascist
coup. Naturally, the Soviet Union and many countries from the socialist
bloc immediately broke off diplomatic relations with the fascist regime.
[applause]

We are sorry about the Chilean events due to the blow suffered by the
Chilean people and the hard and bloody struggle which the Chilean people
will have to wage. However, as part of our relations with Latin America we
highly value the relations with Peru and with Argentina, independent from
the ideological differences represented by these governments. Naturally, to
the same extent that imperialism threatens those countries and those
governments, our position will unhesitatingly be beside the Peruvian and
the Argentine people, independent of the ideological differences with these
governments, because we consider them [applause] states which are carrying
our an independent and progressive policy in relation to imperialism.

As for our relations with the Chilean people: We have no doubt that the
Chilean people will fight against fascism. We know the Chilean people. We
have been among their workers, their peasants and their students and we
will never be able to forget the spirit of the Chilean people, their
enthusiasm, their patriotism, their revolutionary fervor and their
attitude. We will never be able to forget their workers, from the peasants
of Magallanes to the miners of the north, the workers in the coal mines,
the industrial workers, the Chilean youth, the Chilean combatants and the
Chilean revolutionaries. We are absolutely certain that they will know how
to confront fascism. [applause]

We are absolutely certain that 11 September was the beginning of a struggle
which will end only with the victory of the people. This will not occur
immediately. Do not expect miracles in the Chilean situation. The people
have been badly beaten and the parties and organizations will have to
recover from the fascist blow.

Doubtlessly no one can create miracles in the Chilean people's struggle. It
will have to be a prolonged struggle. Undoubtedly, the Chilean
revolutionaries will react, organize and confront fascism relentlessly.
Chilean revolutionaries know there is no longer any alternative except
revolutionary armed struggle. [applause]

The revolutionaries established the electoral route and the peaceful route
and the imperialists and reactionaries have already changed the rules of
the game. They destroyed the constitution, they destroyed the laws, they
destroyed congress and they destroyed everything. They will be unable to
extricate themselves from that situation. They will no longer be able to
rule Chile except by force. They will no longer be able to (?rule) Chile
except through fascist institutions. All that, of course, has its limits.
The fascists now say they are going to reconstruct the economy. They even--
and this is ridiculous--called on the wives of the colonels and generals to
donate a few jewels to reconstruct the Chilean economy. Who is going to
believe that deceitful story? We all know that the fascists will want to
develop the capitalist and bourgeois economy of Chile behind the backs and
at the cost of the blood of Chilean workers. We all know very well that it
is not with the jewelry of their women and their wives that they are
thinking of constructing the Chilean economy, but with the blood and sweat
of the Chilean workers.

Imperialism will now certainly grant credits immediately through the World
Bank and other institutions and will try to arm the fascists to the teeth.
The fascists say that order prevails in the country. We recall 10 March.
Order also reigned in the country after 10 March! Order prevailed in the
country until that one day. And we all know that on 10 March the revolution
in Cuba began. [applause] We also know that 11 September will precipitate
and will intensify rebellion and revolution in Chile. But the 10 March
events were not a coup against a popular government, it was a coup against
a corrupt government and, or course, a government against the people. The
11 September coup was against a popular government and against a government
loyal to the people, against a free government. That is the great
difference and the great advantage the Chilean people have over the Cuban
people--11 September as compared to 10 March. The Chilean people had a
popular government which struggled for socialism, nationalized copper and
adopted what measures it could for the benefit of the people. On 10 March
there was no popular government and nothing had been nationalized, and no
law or measure had been taken for the benefit of the people.

The revolution seemed much more distant in Cuba on 10 March 1952 than what
the revolution may appear to be in Chile as of 11 September 1973. We had no
flag. But Chile has been left with a great flag, an extraordinary flag, an
extraordinary figure, the immortal flag and figure of President Allende.
[applause]

President Allende has given the people the highest example of heroism that
can be offered. And it is impossible that each honest Chilean, each worthy
Chilean does not feel his blood boil, does not feel the deepest indignation
in the face of the events that have occurred in his country and the example
of President Allende and in the face of the fighters who died with him.
President Allende has exemplified the finest of patriotism, courage, honor
and the combative spirit of the Chilean people. [applause] We Cubans did
not have that extraordinary flag on 10 March.

The fascists say there was peace in Chile following 11 September. But if
there was an 11 September as there was a 10 March in Cuba, there will be 26
July in Chile ad there will also be a 1 January in Chile. [applause]

When we arrived here and saw this large crowd, we were thinking--as we
heard the Chilean and Cuban national anthems--how a million people were
capable of holding absolute silence in memory of President Allende. In
these moments filled with deep respect toward the Chilean people, we were
thinking that some day they will also assemble in crowds such as this one,
in a country with neither exploiters nor exploited, in a country in which
armed forces and people are the same, in a country also armed as we are, in
a country also united as we are [applause], in a country with the people
organized as we are, and with a cultural level such as that of the Cuban
people of today, without latifundists, without henchmen, without exploiters
of any sort, without fascists, without a bourgeois press, without a single
radio or a single means of mass communications that is not in the hands of
the people [applause], in a Chile without a bourgeois congress, without a
Rio de Janeiro pact [applause] and without joint maneuvers. [applause]

And we are convinced that the Chilean people will attain this because of
their revolutionary spirit, their civic virtue, their enthusiasm, their
human quality and their courage. We are certain that just as the Cuban
people have attained it, the Chilean people will also attain it. [applause]
Furthermore, [I am convinced of this] because we represent the just cause
and the cause of future, the cause of the liberation of peoples, because
progressive forces are going throughout the world and imperialism is
declining.

We saw the decline of imperialism on this continent. We began the decline
of imperialism on this continent. [applause] Our nations will be the end of
imperialism. [applause] Our nation will solidarize with the Chilean people
[applause] and will extent as much help as we can [applause] in every
field. [applause]

If (?if it necessary) to give part of our sugar quota to the Chilean
people, we will be willing to do so [words indistinct] to help the Chilean
revolution. [applause]

We had faith and confidence in President Allende. All of our people trusted
him and were convinced of his integrity and his courage. We knew that he
would know how to die defending his position. President Allende did not
fail his people. He did not destroy the confidence of the Cuban people.
[applause]

Likewise, the Chilean people will not fail President Allende. The
revolutionaries will not fail President Allende. Above all, they will hear
his call to unity of [word indistinct] to carry forward the struggle for
liberation. [applause] the Cuban people will not fail President Allende,
their loyal, heroic friend, their comrade, their brother in arms.
[applause]

Eternal glory to Salvador Allende, along with Che, Marti, Bolivar, San
Martin, O'Higgins, Morelos, (Silbaldo) and Flores. The Chilean people will
smash fascism. Fatherland or death. We will win! [applause]
-END-


LANIC |