-DATE- 19741024 -YEAR- 1974 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- INTERVIEW -AUTHOR- F. CASTRO -HEADLINE- CASTRO INTERVIEWED ON LATIN AMERICAN AFFAIRS, U. -PLACE- CUBA -SOURCE- PARIS L'HUMANITE -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- 19741217 -TEXT- FIDEL CASTRO INTERVIEWED ON LATIN AMERICAN AFFAIRS, U.S. BLOCKADE Paris L'HUMANITE in French 24 Oct 74 p 2 [Andre Carrel 15-16 October Exclusive Interview with Fidel Castro: "Eight Hours with Fidel"] [Text] Oil: The Underdeveloped Countries Should Not Let Themselves Be Divided Andre Carrel: It is generally known that Venezuela is one of the biggest oil producers in the world. Therefore, Comrade Fidel Castro, what is the meaning of the slogan "Venezula Will Not Be Alone in this Hemisphere as Cuba Used to Be" and what are your views on this problem which is now absorbing everybody's attention? Fidel Castro: The, oil problem is very complicated. In fact, there are two problems: that confronting the capitalist industrialized world and that confronting countries which have no industry, but have oil. We believe that the attitude adopted by the countries producing raw materials is fully justified. It is natural that they now benefit from the highest possible prices because they were very much exploited in the past. Raw materials always were purchased at a low price, whereas industrial products were sold at a very high price. This double phenomenon has contributed to the development of the capitalist industrialized world but has been responsible for the poverty of underdeveloped countries. Oil has now become a product of great importance and it is needed by all: both industrialized and underdeveloped countries. However, a third aspect of the problem should not be overlooked: that of poor countries who possess no oil. The oil-producing countries will now possess a proportion of the world's financial wealth. I believe that the oil-producing countries' surplus financial resources should be channeled toward all underdeveloped countries. If this is not done these countries may easily become even poorer. There is yet another aspect of the problem: there is a risk that the under developed countries may have a falling out if the imperialist countries' demand that oil prices be reduced finds a response in many poor countries. I believe that this is a very serious problem. In my view, the oil-producing countries have so far failed to formulate any policy with regard to the so-called "third world" countries which are their real allies in this struggle. Furthermore, many oil-producing countries have been investing their money in the developed capitalist world, especially financial organizations under imperialist control. This situation is dangerous. Therefore, as we have already explained, the underdeveloped countries as a whole must not let themselves be divided by imperialism. They should support any struggle for raw materials, while oil-producing countries should formulate a policy with respect to the "third world." Cuba: By 1980 Production Will Double Andre Carrel: I have read your recent speeches, and as a result I have become convinced that a great turning point will mark Cuban life in 1980. Is this merely an impression or reality? Fidel Castro: The year 1980 will be generally marked by great quantitative and qualitative changes. In fact, however, these changes will mark the decade 1970-1980, that is, the second decade of the revolution--because during the first decade Cuba's main problem was to survive. How could the first socialist revolution in Latin America be consolidated? How could a country situated 90 miles from the United States, subjected to an economic blockade and continually threatened with military action, survive? During these first 10 years the problem was to consolidate the revolution and create political and revolutionary awareness among the people. We had to make very great efforts, but we have survived. And not only have we survived, but we have progressed. Now in the second decade of the revolution, the country can concentrate its resources on economic development. In fact, since 1970 the economy has developed at a good rate. We are able to tell you that in 1970-80 the country's production will double. This year, despite the international situation and difficulties connected with the purchase of certain raw materials, the economic growth rate amounted to more than 6 percent. Andre Carrel: Even in the agricultural sphere and despite drought? Fidel Castro: It is true that we have suffered from drought in the past 2 years. It did not reach the catastrophic level of certain African regions, but it was serious. However, our agricultural production has not been reduced as a result. In some spheres production has even increased. For instance, milk production has increased and sugar production increased in 1974 compared with the 1973 crops. The year 1974 has even been drier than 1973 and, logically, sugar production should be affected, but not catastrophically. In 1975 we will see what the consequences of this drought are. Had it not been for this drought, we could have expected a considerable increase in 1975 sugar production. Nonetheless our production will be satisfactory. Andre Carrel: How far has the mechanization of sugarcane harvesting progressed? Fidel Castro: We are mechanizing cutting operations next year. Almost 30 percent of harvesting operations will be mechanized. The other operations have been partly mechanized. By 1980 we will have largely mechanized sugarcane-harvesting operations. Why is this problem so complicated? Only because we had no appropriate machinery, paying attention to what has been done in Australia and with the Soviet Union's help we have constructed machines of which we now possess a relatively large number. In addition we are now constructing a plant capable of producing 600 machines annually. This is why we hope that by 1980 some 80 percent of our harvesting operations will be mechanized. This will probably be one of the most spectacular developments in the country. We now employ 350,000 sugarcane cutters. By 1980 we will need only 50,000 workers. Andre Carrel note: The jeep proceeded toward a livestock-raising center. We had a long discussion on the milk-production problem and genetics. Questions concerning the construction industry, education and people's power were also answered dispassionately. We then left for a technical institute. The Blockade: Its Breaching Has Been Mentioned; Let Us Rather Speak of Its Failure Andre Carrel: Can the blockade of Cuba now be seen as more or less breached? Fidel Castro: The blockade has not achieved its objectives, for it has not destroyed the Cuban Revolution but it has, in fact, caused us great harm. A breaching of the blockade has been mentioned. We should rather, however, speak of the failure of the blockade, whose aim, I repeat, was to destroy the revolution and prevent normal trade activities, which we have nonetheless successfully pursued with certain Western capitalist countries. Obviously, the United States has mainly been responsible for it. It has both stopped all its trade with Cuba and tried to prevent any transaction with the rest of the world, taking advantage of its economic and political influence. The blockade has deprived Cuba of access to international credit. It has denied us the North American market. It has made it difficult for us to sell our nickel. The United States has successfully exerted pressure on France with a view to preventing it from purchasing Cuban nickel. Furthermore, it has banned imports of products containing a proportion of Cuban nickel. It has in the same way prevented exports of Cuban-produced rum, Cuban cigars and so forth. Every time our country has tried to buy an industrial product based on North American technology in the West this purchase has been refused. The blockade has really been a criminal policy which has done considerable harm. However, they have not succeeded in liquidating the revolution. They have not attained this objective. On the other hand, they have succeeded in curbing Cuba's development to the greatest possible extent. And that is why, when we speak of breaching the blockade, we want to stress that despite all the inconvenience which it has caused us the country is advancing, the country is developing at a good rate. The country has insured its future, finally, despite the blockade. Fidel Castro then spoke of the exalted figure of President Allende, symbol of the liberation of the continent and the struggle against American imperialism, and of the necessary international solidarity with the martyred Chilean people. Chile was the subject of our conversation for a long time as darkness fell on the suburbs of Havana. Latin America: A Future Community of 600 Million Inhabitants Andre Carrel: In your recent speech I was struck by this passage: "The United States on one side and the Latin American and Caribbean peoples on the other form two such different worlds that, like Europe and Africa, there is not room for them both in the same community. There, it is the narrow strait of Gibraltar which separates them; here it is the Rio Bravo and the Florida Strait which separate us; and in both cases a technological gulf and totally different cultures." Fidel Castro: In the world of tomorrow no small isolated country will have a future. One can say that the union of the peoples of Latin America is a precondition for their survival and independence. Latin America must unite, will have to unite, or else it will be brought to subjection. The goal to aim for is proper regional organization with the basic objective of fighting for the union and economic and political integration of these peoples. Naturally, this is not an easy path. The Latin American political system is very heterogeneous. Oligarchy in general has governed Latin America by serving its own selfish interests. Nowadays integrationist ideas in Latin America have considerable support among public opinion and in the minds of Latin American politicians. The bourgeoisie of Latin America has been very badly affected by imperialism. It has tried to integrate its economies with, for example, the Andin Pact (linking the Andean Cordillera countries--L'HUMANITE) and the Latin American Free Trade Association (ALALC). In these countries there is a growing awareness of the exploitation of which they have been the victims. Awareness is also growing in favor of the defense of natural resources, and I would even say that anti-imperialist awareness is making progress. The efforts of all the progressive forces, all the nationalist forces, all the partisans of national independence emerging in Latin America must be coordinated. One phenomenon which, in my view, is very important is the role which certain military men can play in the present situation. In Peru, for example, the armed forces were the motive force, the fundamental factor in the changes which took place. In Panama, too, the armed forces were a fundamental factor in bringing about changes. Previously the armed forces hid been organized and trained by the United States in order to maintain the existing social regime and insure the domination of imperialism. These two examples, Peru and Panama, are very important. Their armed forces realized that they could not play the role of a policeman of imperialism against their people, and they integrated themselves with the people in the general political movement. I consider this very important. It is possible that this phenomenon could occur in other countries also. It is also interesting to observe the role of the church. Not the high-up ecclesiastical hierarchy, but the role of many priests who are in contact with the people and are aware of their poverty and their needs. During the last few years they have participated increasingly in political life and have shown themselves to be partisans of social change. This is important because the church was for a long time one of the forces used for support by reaction and imperialism to maintain their domination in Latin America. Finally, to all these phenomena must of course be added the action of the revolutionary political forces, the action of the left movements, the action of the communist parties. All these facts must contribute to bringing about important political changes in the near future. Naturally, for any real integration of the peoples of this hemisphere to occur, great social and structural changes are necessary, accompanied by access to power for popular governments really concerned with their country's interests. Governments of the Pinochet or Stroessner (fascist dictator of Paraguay--L'HUMANITE) type will never take an interest in any integrationist movement in Latin America. But I would say that I am something of a long-term optimist. I am sure that one day the Latin American peoples will unite and Latin America will form a great community, a community already possessing more than 300 million inhabitants and which in the year 2000, in 25 years' time, will possess between 600 and 700 million inhabitants. This community has great natural resources, great energy resources. It has long-standing common traditions, much more so than the west European countries, where wars have lasted for entire centuries. Soviet Union: Decisive Aid Andre Carrel: But do your relations within CEMA, in which Cuba is now a full partner, represent for you a decisive element in your evolution and, even more so, for the future which you have just outlined? Fidel Castro: I consider that it is indeed a decisive element. Under the conditions of isolation and embargo which we have experienced we have managed to survive, not only through our people's efforts, which have been highly meritorious and cannot be underestimated, but also through the large amount of aid which we have received essentially from the Soviet Union; I can assure you that the Soviet Union's aid to the Cuban Revolution in every field has been a decisive factor in the revolution's survival and decisive over the last 15 years. There is no doubt about that. We will pursue integration as far as possible with all the CEMA member countries, but it is beyond doubt that the Soviet Union remains the fundamental support for our economy. The fact that we are very distant from it geographically must be taken into account. Our economies have different levels of development. In any case, we think that economic integration with CEMA will present no obstacle to future integration with the other peoples of Latin America. United States: Before Any Negotiations, the Lifting of the Embargo Andre Carrel: Row do you see the evolution of your relations with the United States? Fidel Castro: Relations with the United States are not easy. In reality, the United States are suffering a defeat in their policy of isolating Cuban. They are finding a growing resistance to this policy in the Latin American countries. In general these countries consider it humiliating that the United States should impose isolation on Cuba at a time of international detente when the Cold War is disappearing. These countries cannot understand how it is possible that the United States can improve its relations with the Soviet Union, improve its relations with China, relations which it had intentionally maintained in a strained state for decades in the name of anticommunism and the spirit of ideological crusade, and at the same time prevent the Latin American countries from developing their relations with Cuba. For the reasons which I have just explained, the Latin American peoples' sense of independence means that they can no longer tolerate this absurd, ridiculous fact: the isolation of Cuba. From the moral viewpoint the United States has committed all kinds of crimes against Latin America. It has seized territories, intervened in Guatemala, massacred the people of Panama. It has occupied Santo Domingo with its troops. The CIA operates in all the countries of Latin America, pursuing a policy of subversion. This has been formally demonstrated in the case of Chile. While the United States intervenes shamelessly and openly in the affairs of the Latin American peoples, is Cuba supposed to remain isolated because it represents a danger of "subversion for America?" All such arguments are ridiculous and indefensible. In this situation the United States is faced with a serious defeat, given the fact that the Latin American countries are going to end Cuba's isolation within the OAS itself. They are going to enforce this. The United States is running the risk of remaining isolated itself. It is therefore finding it necessary, I believe, to change its policy toward us. How and when will this be done? That is the question. Naturally, it is not for us to take the initiative, because we did not impose an embargo on the United States; we have passed no law preventing the sale of sugar or nickel to it. We have no law preventing boats which come to Cuba from going to the United States. After all, it was the United States that organized the attacks and the embargo against us. We have said that before any serious negotiations could be opened with the United States the economic embargo would have to be lifted, first of all. Why? Because it would be absurd for us to sit down at the same table while this embargo continues to exist. We would not be in a position of equality for negotiation. After that there will be many other problems. For example, we have no military bases in the United States, and it has a military base on Cuban territory. These talks really will not be easy. Then we will have to see whether the United States claims the right, for example, to impose anything that limits--however minimally--our country's sovereignty; we will accept no conditions. For the negotiations to prosper and for relations with the United States to improve it is essential that the United States begin to understand that the Cuba of today is not the Cuba of yesterday, that the Cuba of today is an absolutely free country--a country which does not and will not accept any conditions in any way harming its dignity or its political sovereignty. It is therefore necessary that the United States realize all this. When it is prepared to accept these facts there will be a possibility of relations between Cuba and the United States. But that depends on it, not on us. American Senators: I Am Satisfied With This Meeting Andre Carrel: Without being indiscreet, is this what you said to the American senators? Fidel Castro: Yes, in general terms. They talked with various comrades and the various subjects were dealt with... In fact, I must say that I am satisfied with this meeting; these senators were very respectful; for my part, I was as friendly toward them as I could manage. We talked about various subjects. But both parties were naturally aware of the difficulties in the way of improving our relations I tried to make them understand our point of view; that for our part we are prepared, in the future, to work patiently for an improvement of relations; that we were riot against the prospect of an improvement of those relations. France: Our Relations Have Developed Andre Carrel: How do you see the present state of relations between the French and Cuban governments? Fidel Castro: You ask me about the state of relations with France? These relations have developed in recent years, particularly in the economic field. I would say that France has an acceptable and positive policy for the development of economic links between Cuba and France. I must say this, to be fair. I think that these relations can develop even further in the future. In the early days of the revolution serious difficulties arose in official relations between Cuba and France, particularly because of the Algerian War. We maintained, in fact, an active and militant position in favor of the national liberation movement. This situation changed when Algeria became independent, and from that time there was an improvement in official relations between the two states. No conflict has arisen since then. It must be added that for years France was characterized among the countries of Europe by its greater independence of the United States. And this, I think, also favored the links between our states, considering that certain other European countries were much more amenable to U.S. pressures. The French Government was less amenable to these pressures. At present, I repeat, our relations have reached a satisfactory level. Logically, our economic interests could allow the development of these relations, and we are prepared to work toward this. But it should be clearly understood that, for us, political principles naturally come before any interest of an economic nature. Is that clear? Confidence in French Communists Andre Carrel: Comrade Fidel Castro: Before I leave you, have you any special message to convey, through L'HUMANITE, to French communists? Fidel Castro: I want to say first that we greatly admire the French communists. The entire history of the workers movement since the Paris Commune, the entire history of the PCF up to the present, is full of heroic episodes. We cannot forget, for example, the international conduct of the PCF and its remarkable historic role during the years of Hitler's occupation. Moreover, we are aware that the PCF represents a very great force in France. It is the party of the workers, the peasants, the progressive intellectuals; and, I say frankly, it is the party of France's future. In addition, we consider that it has had to struggle under very difficult circumstances during the long years of cold war. Lastly, we will never forget the sentiments of solidarity which the PCF has always expressed toward Cuba. We therefore send our sentiments of sympathy, admiration and confidence to the PCF, and our desire to improve still further and make closer our relations with it. I consider it a duty for both parties: the duty of the PCF, the duty of the Cuban Communist Party. For our part, we are prepared to do all in our power to reinforce our close ties of fraternity and confidence with the PCF. We highly appreciate what the PCF is doing and we want the PCF to appreciate what the Cuban Communist Party is doing. Relations between our two communist parties are based on a community of ideas and of identity, on the principles of Marxism-Leninism which unite us above all, above any interest of state. That is clear. -END-