-DATE- 19771030 -YEAR- 1977 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- CONFERENCE -AUTHOR- F.CASTRO -HEADLINE- CASTRO'S JAMAICA PRESS CONFERENCE -PLACE- KINGSTON, JAMAICA -SOURCE- HAVANA DOMESTIC -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- -TEXT- HAVANA TV CARRIERS CASTRO'S JAMAICA PRESS CONFERENCE FL011100Y Havana Domestic Television Service in Spanish 1900 GMT 30 Oct 77 FL [Cuban President Fidel Castro's press conference in Kingston, Jamaica on 21 October; questions and answers in English and Spanish with consecutive Spanish-English translation--recorded] [Text] [Edith (name indistinct), ASSOCIATED PRESS] Mr President. My question is what do you feel should be the next step for improving relations between the United States and Cuba? [Castro] Well, I do not know what the step will be, I only know what the next step should be. It is an end to the economic blockade. [Monica Hauthorne, JBC News] Mr President. Just a follow-up on that question. My question is how do you view the efforts of the new Carter administration to improve relations with Cuba and how do you view the apparent new U.S. attitude toward Latin America? [Castro] I believe that in the last 18 years the Carter administration has been the only one of the U.S. administrations that has not been characterized by a policy of hostility toward Cuba. All previous governments, those of Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon and Ford, were characterized by a policy of hostility toward Cuba and this has not been Carter's predominant feature regarding Cuba. There have been some gestures on his part, for example, stopping spy flights over Cuban national territory. Secondly, he lifted the ban on U.S. citizens visiting Cuba. With this, in my opinion, he reestablished a right of U.S. citizens. There have been contacts and an agreement was reached on fishing questions and they also proposed to Cuba the establishment of an interest office. These are undoubtedly positive steps toward improving relations between the United States and Cuba. On the other hand, for many years the CIA supported a policy of subversion, sabotage, terrorism and of assassination of leaders of the revolution. I believe that is not Carter's policy. For instance, I am of the opinion that Carter, because his personal convictions which have a deeply religious root, would be incapable of ordering the assassination of the leaders of other countries. That is our evaluation and, therefore, we have a better concept of the Carter administration than was the case of the other administrations with regard to Cuba. [Silvio Lee, DAILY GLEANER] (?President) Castro, there has been a lessening of tensions between the United States and Cuba within recent times and according to recent statements by the, I think the Cuban Trade Minister Mr Fort, he said that Cuba is seeking not only removal of the trade embargo but also wishes to be considered as a most-favored nation and also for credits. Prior to the Castro revolution, before the Castro revolution, Cuba had two principal products to offer to the USA--sugar and tourist attractions. Now Sir, would you care to tell us, if trade with the United States resumed, what are the products that you propose to sell to the USA? [Castro] How many questions are there, one or five? [laughter] I believe that the statement by the Cuban foreign trade minister is correct. Logically, if the blockage is lifted, trade between Cuba and the United States should develop. When he speaks of the most-favored nation provision it is not a question of privilege, but more or less a recognition of the right which Cuba deserves as an underdeveloped country and as a member, as part of international agreements. It is a case of demanding that Cuba not be discriminated against in any sense. Also, trade will have to develop under normal bases as is done between all countries of the world. Before the revolution, we exported to the United States not only sugar. True, there was tourism, a tourism based on gambling casinos and prostitution on many occasions. We do not want that type of tourism and we will not accept it. We will accept tourism under different bases and not on the basis of drugs, gambling and vices. But we also exported nickel to the United States. We exported tobacco to the United States. We have very good-quality tobacco. U.S. citizens have been deprived of the quality of our tobacco for many years. [laughter] Some vegetables also were exported to the United States. Of course, we did not export industrial goods because we were an underdeveloped country. So, we have sugar, nickel, tobacco, rum and other such products. Those would be the main type of products on which economic relations with the United States would be based. We are a very close neighbor of the United States, only a few miles. So, as a sugar supplier we had a market that was formed for a period of over 100 years. We had an historical right to that market. As a consequence of the revolution, the United States in a unilateral manner deprived us of the U.S. sugar market. All this brought about many disturbances in the sugar market and affected the interests of many countries. Many Latin American countries were bribed with our sugar quota. Cuba's quota was cut off and they divided it among many Latin American countries which were thus bribed to support the blockade and acts of aggression against Cuba. Finally, those are the facts [words indistinct] so now after many years they also lost their right to their historical market, the U.S. market. We are pleased. We are not concerned and we do not care whether or not quotas exist. Whenever they want sugar, we can supply it. We can practically produce all the sugar we want. [Unidentified Jamaican journalist] Can you tell us what are your impressions of our efforts to mobilize our society on a more self-reliant basis since 1972? [Castro] I leave with a good impression about Jamaica. I have visited many countries which have recently come out of colonialism, [passage indistinct] and I cannot but perceive the great efforts that the Jamaican Government is making to push forward the country's progress even under very difficult conditions because, as you know, there is an international economic crisis in the capitalist world which has produced a recession in the market and decreased the sales of Jamaica's primary goods, especially bauxite and alumina. As you know, in recent years there has been not only a recession in the market but also an increase of the unequal exchange or rather a worsening of the unequal trade situation. The price of bauxite has increased about 50 percent. On the other hand, the prices of industrial equipment and machinery in general, including transportation and spare parts, have doubled and on certain occasions have tripled. On the other hand, oil [words indistinct] now Jamaica must use much more money for the machinery, and it must spend a lot more money for the oil. On the other hand, bauxite has only increased 50 percent. That is really an unfair situation--the worsening of an old problem, the problem of trade which has become very hard and very serious for underdeveloped countries that are not oil producers. We understand perfectly well what this implies. That is why the spirit of work and firmness with which the Jamaican Government and people are working to overcome these difficulties is admirable. In a short period of time I have also been able to see that many services have improved. We could say that the health conditions of Jamaica are among the best in Latin America. There are many countries in Latin America with more than 100 years of alleged independence and do not have the public health standards which Jamaica has. Moreover, education has progressed a lot and there are many countries in Latin America that do not have Jamaica's public education level. I was also able to see that both the situation of health and education in Jamaica is incomparably better than the situation of the overwhelming majority of the countries of Africa because these countries were left with a tremendous degree of backwardness and Jamaicans have taken advantage of the past 15 years to advance greatly. I have also been able to see Jamaica's efforts in building houses. It is an outstanding effort. And I can tell you that in Jamaica [words indistinct] even better than in our country. Therefore, I leave with a great impression of the advances achieved by the country, of the level of organization and efficiency of the Jamaican people. I really leave with a great concept of the Jamaican people. [Roots, New York TIMES] Mr President, Sir. May I ask this question. My name is (Roots). (Roots) of the New York TIMES. In the view of the president, how can the government of Jamaica and Prime Minister Manley best help toward this very necessary and desirable rapprochement between Cuba and the United States? [Castro] I believe that it has helped. Jamaica has broad relations with many countries, among them the United States, and I know the principled positions of Prime Minister Manley. I know that he wants an improvement of relations between Cuba and the United States. I also know that he totally opposes the economic blockade imposed by the United States on Cuba and he has expressed this in various ways. Jamaica has a very broad understanding of Cuba's international policies, especially of our support to the struggle for the independence and liberation of the peoples of Africa. He has expressed it in various forms. I believe that this understanding on the part of Jamaica's Government of questions that are of such importance which have to do with Cuba influence one way or another the criteria of the U.S. Government. On the other hand, relations between Cuba and Jamaica are very good. We are part of the underdeveloped countries and we are part of the nonalined movement, and we know of Manley's statements. I remember, for instance, that in Maputo he explained, he declared in his speech, that he did not understand why Cuba was blockaded while on the other hand trade was carried on with South Africa, weapons were sent to South Africa, credits were provided to South Africa--a fascist country, a racist country condemned by the United Nations and which has become the principal enemy of the peoples of black Africa, and it seems to me that this is an argument of extraordinary moral strength. In our opinion these statements, these firm statements on the just position of Jamaica, help in the international arena to better understand how unjust and morally unsustainable are the acts of aggression against Cuba and the economic blockade against our country. [(Leif Thompson) Jamaican Agency for Public Information, API] Mr President. it is said often by certain sectors of the Western press that in the face of the American economic blockade against Cuba your country's economy is only subsisting as a result of the $2-million a day subsidy from the Soviet Union. Is there any substance to this claim? [Castro] That is a history that is older than the revolution itself. [laughter] We have in fact received a broad solidarity from the socialist camp and especially from the Soviet Union. When the United States eliminated the sugar market we were left without a market for Cuban sugar and the Soviet Union opened a market for our sugar. When the United States deprived us of oil supplies through the multinational enterprises, the Soviet Union supplied us with oil. Not only that, but it also supplied us with machinery, raw materials, equipment, and foodstuffs such as wheat and other things which in the past we used to purchase in the United States and which we could no longer purchase after the blockade. What happened is that the United States made so many efforts to ruin the Cuban economy and crush the revolution that it did not resign itself to the fact that in spite everything the Cuban revolution resisted subversion, military acts of aggression such as the attack in Giron, pirate attacks and an infinite number of other actions. It not only resisted these acts of aggression, but it also impressively progressed in the social field. The revolution eradicated illiteracy. The revolution took teachers to all children in the country. The revolution built hospitals in all areas and sent doctors and established medical services throughout the country, achieving great successes in public health. It developed culture. It developed sports to the extent that Cuba holds a high position in sports among the countries of Latin America. Cuba faced many problems. It maintained its economy in spite of the blockade and lack of spare parts for machinery which for the most part came from the United States. And in spite of the blockade, Cuba's prestige grew. They could not resign themselves to that reality and they had to invent theories to justify all that. It is true that the solidarity of the Soviet Union meant great assistance to our country. It was lucky for our country that it was able to count on friends under such circumstances, [passage indistinct] the type of trade we have with the Soviet Union, in our opinion, constitutes a model of economic and commercial relations that should exist between developed countries and underdeveloped countries. There is no unequal trade between the Soviet Union and Cuba. They give us credits for investments--long-term credits and with low interest rates. They pay us a fair price for our sugar, a price which today is over three times...we receive the equivalent of 30 cents [per pound] for the sugar we export to the Soviet Union. We receive oil, raw materials and foodstuffs from the Soviet Union. Besides that, there is an agreement that in case the export products from the Soviet Union to Cuba increase in prices, the price for Cuban sugar goes up. That is why when I say 30 cents I refer to 1975 prices. After that, the prices of some of the goods that the Soviet Union exports to us rose and the price of our sugar also increased. That is why I believe that what actually exists is a true example of just relations in the economic field and in the commercial field between the Soviet Union and Cuba and that relations such as these should exist among all developed countries and underdeveloped countries. Why does not the United States do the same with the countries of Latin America and countries like Jamaica? Why do they pay more money for Jamaica's bauxite? Why do not they increase the price for bauxite when, on the other hand, they increase the prices of machinery and so forth that they export to Jamaica? That would be the truly fair thing to do. There is someone that subsidies our economy and it is our people, our workers [applause] who not only work 8 hours a day, but many times they work 10, 12 hours a day to help our economy and they contribute with tens of millions of voluntary hours of work as a result of their revolutionary consciousness. [(Beverly Hamilton), JAMAICA DAILY NEWS] Could you comment on reports in the Western press that Cuban troops are being used in Angola to help an unpopular government and also would you say whether Cuban troops would be sent to help liberation movements in Zimbabwe and (?South Africa)? [Castro] I like to answer that question. You should see what elements of the Western press says that and you will find out that they are at the service of South African racists, at the service of the imperialists, because what is historical and what absolutely no one can deny is that Cuban soldiers went to Angola at the request of the Angolan Government when the fascist and racist troops of South Africa, in a lightning war, imitating Hitler's (armored) divisions, invaded Angola and were advancing at the rate of 78 kilometers per day. It was at that time that we gave our support, and between the Angolans and ourselves we defeated the racist army which thought it was invincible. [applause] That is the great reality. We did not go to conquer Angola's independence. We went to help a people which already had gained its independence because, in our opinion, [word indistinct] the independence struggle is, above all, the task of the people [words indistinct] and that independence is not taken to any country from abroad, but rather, that independence is conquered by fighting heroically and courageously against the oppressors. That is what the Zimbabwe combatants are doing; that is what the Namibian combatants are doing. They do not need Cuban troops to gain their independence. This is apart from relations of solidarity and of broad support that we offer to the Namibian liberation movement and to the Zimbabwe liberation movement. That is what I can answer. In regards to our troops and what they do and about our military cooperation--whether it is offered here and there whenever it is needed and whenever it is justified--are not things we discuss in public. We discuss these things with the liberation movements, and only the CIA and imperialism can be interested in information about the things we are thinking about on those specific matters of solidarity with the liberation movements. [applause] [(name indistinct) (Miami HERALD)] Do you see the possibility that any time soon those Cubans who have left Cuba since the revolution might be allowed to return to visit relatives and see their homeland? [Castro] Really, I believe that until the economic blockade ceases, that until relations are normalized, until the activities of counterrevolutionary terrorist elements are truly suppressed by U.S. authorities, there are no conditions for that exchange, for that possibility, to take place, for the [Cuban] residents in Miami to visit Cuba. When conditions are normalized, when the blockade ceases and when terrorism ceases we could examine, in a positive spirit [words indistinct] not all of them are negative, not all of them are terrorists, not all the emigres are counterrevolutionaries. We do not see them like that. We know of many children of people who left the country who are now young people and disagree with the fact that their parents left the country during the revolution. There are people among the emigres who have changed their opinion. There are people among the emigres who want to visit Cuba, to visit their relatives, and we have no objection to these feelings. On the contrary, we consider them to be positive, and sometime, whenever conditions permit, they will be taken into consideration. [Unidentified journalist] Do you consider the statements made by Carter with regard to human rights in Cuba an impediment to the reestablishment of normal relations? [Castro] I do not know. I do know, for instance, that in Chile the people are arrested, tortured, assassinated and they disappear. None of these things happens in Cuba. However, Carter has magnificent relations, the United States has excellent relations with Pinochet. The same thing happens in Nicaragua and relations are very good. Just to give some examples. The same things happen in Brazil and there are excellent relations between Brazil and the United States. These things happen in Zaire and excellent relations exist between the United States and Zaire. These things happen in South Africa and you know how many people have been imprisoned, how many have been murdered. Thousands of people killed in Soweto because of police shooting of the unarmed population and scores of black leaders in South Africa are assassinated in the jails, strange suicides. Nevertheless, relations between the United States and South Africa are very good, and so on. We could mention many examples. In Cuba the army has never been used against the people. In Cuba the police have never been used against the people. There are great demonstrations, great mass rallies in Cuba. The masses are constantly in the streets, but they are not against the revolution. They are in favor of the revolution and they are friends of the revolution. There are no curfews in Cuba. [passage indistinct] and those are not obstacles. So, why this question of human rights concerning a country where none of these things happens, a country that is fighting for its development, social progress, education, a country that has the best level of education in Latin America, which does not have a single illiterate, a country that has the best level of employment in Latin America, that has no unemployed, that has the best health levels in Latin America? If Carter really believes in human rights, then he should rather feel stimulated to establish relations with Cuba. [applause] [(Nevil Reed), THE STAR] Your Excellency. What is your concept of a free press in a socialist regime and how does this press function from the viewpoint of the minority (?that is) opposed to socialism, especially where there are two opposing parties? [Castro] Well, my concept of a free press [words indistinct] should be the property of the people and not the property of the officials or particular individuals [passage indistinct] belong to the people and we should have the broadest liberty so that the people use these means in favor of their interests and their cause and in hard criticism of everything that is badly done. I believe that the more criticism and self-criticism we have within socialism is the best thing. That is my opinion. You speak of a minority, I do not see a minority in Cuba. Cuba's minority left for Miami and there they [applause] have their newspapers, magazines, radio stations and everything. The majority stayed in Cuba and that is the majority that owns the radio stations, the television and newspapers. Now then, in Cuba you will never see the press or television publicizing crime. We do not have any red press, [as heard] you will not see the mass media in Cuba making propaganda for gambling, drugs or prostitution. You do not see television in Cuba doing commercial propaganda. When a campaign is carried out, [it is] a campaign in favor of education, in favor of health, vaccination of children against tetanus and against polio, and educational programs. That is what you see in our country. There are also recreational programs. If you sit down to see a soccer match or baseball game, you sit there all the time--2 hours, 3 hours watching baseball, soccer, sports and comments on them and you do not see interruptions to advertise Coca Cola, Chesterfields, such and such an automobile and that is the way it is. I remember I had an experience, two experiences that I do not forget. I remember that when we were in the Sierra Maestra during the struggle someone brought an electric power plant and a television set, and we set it up. We were anxious to see a television program, and I remember that I hated it. Buy Candado soap to win a home. Buy Grave toothpaste to win a 1,000-peso prize. Buy such and such a newspaper to win such and such a prize. All of that constant poison on the people was repulsive, alienating and hallucinating. Well then, all of that disappeared from our mass media. We have distributed television sets throughtout the country and our television network has extraordinarily improved the quality of the programs. We have about 700,000 television sets in the country--in the cities, in the countryside. The people receive the benefits of the revolution, of television which is not a commercial television and whose function is to fully serve the interests of the people. Another experience: I remember when the North Americans made the first trip to the moon. Undoubtedly, it was a considerable technological achievement and something of much interest. Miami's television is not seen in Cuba. But we said, we put up an antenna and we saw the first trip to the moon in color. [laughter] and I really loved it looking at the ship, the man, that module that left the ship and the men reaching the moon. And suddenly all of that was interrupted for several minutes of commercial propaganda. [laughter] I wanted to see man walking on the moon and I was not allowed because every 5 minutes they wanted to instill in my head that I should eat this or that, smoke that, to wash my mouth with such and such a toothpaste [laughter] and to [words indistinct]. [Unidentified journalist] Mr President, [words indistinct] All the secrecy and tight security surrounding your visit to our country caused a handful of Jamaicans to react negatively to your visit. Would you say two things: One, whether the security arrangements for your visit have hindered your visit in any way, and, the importance to you of the security arrangements that were made? [Castro] First of all, the government of Jamaica is not to be blamed at all for the discretion that was maintained. That is my responsibility. I was the one who asked Manley that if the visit were to take place, discretion would have to be maintained. And that is because of very logical reasons, and I am surprised they are ignored. It shows that the press here is not fulfilling its true role. [applause] And I will ask you a question. Have you read, do you know of the U.S. Senate committee report on assassination plans against me which the CIA prepared for many years? Do you know about it or not? You do not know about it? Have you seen...yes, excuse me...have you seen Bill Moyer's report on the secret army of the CIA? Well, you have seen it? Has it been shown to the people of Jamaica? Why do you not show it to the people of Jamaica? And why do you not show the people of Jamaica [applause] the U.S. Senate report on assassination plans? Do you know that there are hundreds of terrorists in Miami with the most sophisticated weapons who were trained by the CIA for many years? Do you know that they have great financial resources? Do you know that they travel throughout the Caribbean and Latin America with false passports and disguised as tourists and businessmen? Do you know that a plane with over 70 people aboard exploded in flight about a year ago, assassinating Cuba's young fencing team that had won all gold medals in competition? Did you know that when I was in Chile, assassination plans were made and that they introduced automatic weapons inside a television camera and that, with identity cards as Venezuelan journalists, they had automatic weapons and special rifles? They were right in front of me. The television camera was right in front of me with a weapon inside it but they did not dare shoot because they knew they would be killed. And counterrevolutionaries are mercenaries, they are not fanatics. The dangerous ones are the fanatics not the mercenaries. They were right in front of me in an apartment building with weapons ready and they did not fire. When we went to Peru, they moved all that same apparatus to Peru. When we went to Ecuador for only a few hours, they moved the same equipment to Ecuador. When mention was made of a visit to Mexico, they introduced many weapons into Mexico. They studied the possible route of the tour in order to carry out assassination attempts against me. Do you now know that imperialism, U.S. governments before Carter created the philosophy that leaders of the Cuban revolution were a sort of rate animals which they had the right to hunt anywhere in the world, and that it was imperialism that created that mentality, that hysteria, that psychology of mercenaries with the right of assassinate? Well, those are the reasons why when we travel we must simply be discreet so as not to make it easy for the enemy to carry out his task. If you explain that to the Jamaican people [words indistinct] you have an open country. Many planes constantly land in your country. Thousands of tourists visit the country. There are many facilities for visitors, and this can be used by the terrorists. I tell you, it is not a question about which I personally concern myself very much. It is not a virtue, but to tell you the truth, I like danger. I feel an attraction to danger. But that is not my problem, it is a problem of my party, of the leadership of the party and the Cuban Government. And if certain measures are not adopted, they would not agree to my traveling. I have been in the midst of danger all my life so I do not feel bad in danger, because a life without danger is a little bit boring. [laughter] To tell you the truth, I take advantage of this opportunity to express [words indistinct] excellent work done by Jamaica's (?defense force) [words indistinct] [applause] by Jamaica's police and by the Special Branch [applause] because they adopted excellent measures and showed great efficiency and great capability of organization. We know more or less who the terrorist elements are, where they are and what they do. We know a lot of things, and I can assure that the measures taken by the Jamaican authorities were sufficient so that they could not even move. So, I avail myself of this opportunity to express our gratitude to the Jamaican authorities for their efficiency, and also to ask you that you inform the Jamaican people so that no one gets sad because of it. It did not stop the visit. I have met with tens of thousands of people. I have personally shaken the hands and embraced thousands of people in Montego Bay, in the mines, in the fields, in Savana-la-Mar and wherever I have been. I had not greeted so many people for a long time. And actually it is because I have confidence in the people, because those who have defended us throughout our whole life of revolution are the people, the masses. And that is why none of these measures has hindered anything. Look at the interviews we have had and I have not been investigating to see if there are pistols around or if one of you has a bomb here inside a camera. And that is why we can have this broad conference and you can ask whatever you want. [laughter, applause] [Translator to Castro] This the last question. [name indistinct, independent journalist] In a book that was written in 1971, Sir, you said that you viewed society without the exchange of money and without the incentive of money,[words indistinct] of money. You see a new people without the need of money, people who would not work for the material rewards but who would work for something else, something more finally enriching and liberating, for a greater ideal than at present, for the establishment of a new and greater communism, Fidel's utopia. How many years do you think it will take your country to achieve this, Sir, this utopia? [Castro] Actually, I do not regret having said that. Those are my ideals and that is what I consider to be a communist society. That was said a long time ago. Really, one cannot get to communism overnight. I believe that no one knows yet how long it will take to get to communism. A socialist revolution begins from a capitalist society in which money is everything and in which men are alienated and are generally selfish and individualistic. The socialist revolution begins a new stage in which a principle is applied that is not yet a communist principle. The founders of scientific socialism, Marx and Engels, clearly stated that in the first phase of a socialist society for the building of communism, the first phase which precisely corresponds to the building of socialism, the remuneration formula is that everyone offer according to his capability and receives according to his work. In a future society--the communist society, the final stage--each man should contribute according to his capability and receive according to his needs because the socialist formula is not yet totally just since there are men who have greater capability than others, more mental capability or more physical capability. And that is why it cannot be said...Marx said that the socialist formula did not yet go beyond the narrow horizons of bourgeois law but that, nevertheless, in a realistic way it was the only formula applicable to the building of socialism. And the formula of contributing according to your capability and receiving according to your needs would be the formula for a very developed society with a very solid material base and a superior consciousness. Those are the principles and postulates of Marxism-Leninism. Almost all revolutions have had their times of idealism, their not knowing of the realities and their attempts at jumping over historical stages. And we have not been exempt from that. We have done many just things. We have distributed many things free of charge--education, public health--according to needs, but sometimes we go beyond those limits. We went a little bit beyond wanting to apply communist formulas at a time when the material base was not sufficiently developed, at a time when in society there was not a totally superior consciousness. So, actually I cannot answer your question as to when a communist society will be established, when communist formulas will be applied and how long that will take, especially if one takes into consideration the problems of the underdeveloped world and the fact that there are (?millions) of people that are [words indistinct] (?we cannot think) only about ourselves. What we have we must distribute a bit. We must practice internationalism. We cannot devote ourselves to building our happiness within our borders. On the other hand, there are other problems: An extraordinary population growth, [words indistinct] natural resources. Therefore, first we would have to define very clearly what the objectives of communism are and they cannot be those of establishing a consumer society of the capitalist type. It could not be to implant in every citizen's mind the idea that they will have one or two cars. Can you imagine every citizen in India with an automobile and every citizen in China with an automobile? How many years would oil last, oil which is already in short supply and being exhausted rapidly? That is why I believe the objectives of communism must be defined and, in our opinion, we must give the greatest education to the individual, the greatest instruction, the greatest of culture, the maximum of health, the maximum opportunity to develop his personality, [provide for] his needs for recreation, food, clothing, shoes, housing. In other words, for the building of communism, in my opinion, we must get away from the idea of the capitalist consumer society because I think that is a mad idea which uses up the world's natural resources. How many years did it take for oil to form in the land? More than 300 million years. And how fast are we using it? In 100 years. Someday we will regret all this madness. Someday the future generations will condemn these types of societies that exhausted such valuable resources in luxuries. Someday they will condemn this epoch because oil produces fibers and even food and we have burnt it among hundreds of millions of automobiles and things of that nature. For instance, we do not promote the idea of automobiles [for personal use]. [We do promote] automobiles for public services and for the technicians in their work, and light fuels for the chemical industry for the production of fertilizers and to produce food for the children and for the people. That is our concept. That is why I believe that it is very important to define what will be the objectives in a communist society [where] man is fully developed, an integrally developed man but with concepts very different from capitalist societies. I think that is a fundamental point. And in order to create a new culture, it is necessary to work very hard and it is necessary to provide a lot of education. I think that education is the fundamental instrument of society, besides economic development, to create a communist consciousness. Those are my opinions. [applause] -END-