-DATE- 19810915 -YEAR- 1981 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- SPEECH -AUTHOR- F. CASTRO -HEADLINE- FIDEL CASTRO SCORES U.S. IN IPU SPEECH -PLACE- HAVANA'S PALACE OF CONVENTIONS -SOURCE- HAVANA DOMESTIC TV SERVI -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- 19810917 -TEXT- FIDEL CASTRO SCORES U.S. IN IPU SPEECH FL151700 Havana Domestic Television Service in Spanish 1452 GMT 15 Sep 81 [Speech by Cuban President Fidel Castro opening the 68th Inter-Parliamentary Union Conference at Havana's Palace of Conventions-live] [Text] Presiding officers, distinguished parliamentarians: We are meeting in uncertain times. I am not overlooking the diversity of criteria and ideologies that are represented in this room, but I assume that we share a common concern over the fate of the world since each of our respective fatherlands and the peoples who live there have a sacred place in our hearts. I extend you all our warmest welcome to our country. Perhaps my words will not be pleasant to some but they are not intended to offend anyone. I limit myself to frankly expressing my viewpoints based on facts which I consider to be objective and I cannot fail to pass judgment on certain governments and policies. In so doing I am not criticizing peoples, but governments and those who may disagree with me will have ample opportunity respond to my words from this very forum where they will be heard with the greatest respect. After all, within the framework of any conference, those speaking at the end always have the advantage of making fresh statements when many no longer remember the words of those who spoke earlier. I will start by discussing the world's economic issues. We have time and again insisted on the fact that deeply rooted in the problem of peace--the main concern of No solutions in the world--lies the socioeconomic injustice that prevails on our planet. No solutions will be found to the tensions, contradictions and political conflicts that threaten and jeopardize international relations until a new economic order that would promote the peoples' integrated development and would reduce the gap existing among nations is established in the world. The world's economic situation is marked by the evident gap existing between developed and underdeveloped nations. Hundreds of millions of human beings living in countries which account for more than 3/4's of the world population are enduring poverty, famine, disease and ignorance. Until this dramatic situation endured by the immense majority mankind is solved through the establishment of new world economic relations based on equity and justice, little progress will be made of the path to an effective, durable peace. The accelerated deterioration of the world's economy which has taken place in recent years and its dramatic impact on Third World countries prompted an anxious search for formulas to first stop and then reverse a trend which was forcing most countries into an unsolved economic crisis with the serious, dangerous consequences this situation might entail for everyone from the social and political standpoint. Thus the idea of a program for a new world economic order emerged in 1974 in the midst of the worst economic capitalist crisis--occurring in 1974 and 1975--of the postwar era. After a short-lived recovery that took place in 1976, this crisis followed a course which was marked by the instability and weakness of recovery processes, trends of recessive relapses, the worsening of economic-monetary rivalries, unbridled, mounting inflation. Due to its characteristics, persistence and seriousness, this crisis reflected the overall crisis of the capitalist system which became evident through its inability to find answers to overcome its own imbalances, growing inter-imperialist contradictions and the collapse of the neocolonialist system that emerged in the postwar era. This crisis also stimulated the capitalist need to increase its profit levels, which is much more difficult now than ever before in the postwar era because it is largely dependent on the increased imperialist exploitation of the underdeveloped world. No answer has been given to this dramatic, increasingly serious situation and absolutely no progress has been made in establishing a new international economic order, which is a matter of life and death for Third World countries. The U.S. Government has aggravated the world crisis by increasing its interest rates to unprecedented levels. On the one hand, it has increased the cost of money in the Yankee domestic economy in order to reduce its pace in the belief that it would thus be able to limit and even eliminate inflation. On the other hand, it seeks--and it has achieved this objective--to attract from Europe, through more lucrative interest rates, not only the Eurodollars which had been irresponsibly dumped into the European market to finance the Vietnam war, but also monetary resources from the FRG, France, Great Britain, Italy and other EEC countries, thus affecting even more the economies of its Western allies themselves. The United States has thus weakened its competitors, caused in essence, the devaluation of their currency, made the U.S. technology imported by these countries and the petroleum they receive from third countries more expensive, but made European products cheaper to U.S. buyers. The EEC has been forced to adopt emergency economic measures. The clear, energetic protest voiced by President Mitterrand conveys a sentiment shared by the states that take part in the EEC. Several countries of the Third World have also experienced the draining of their convertible currency which were absorbed by the high interest rates of Yankee banks, which in turn increased to unbearable levels the sums to be paid for servicing the renewed, growing and monstrous debt of underdeveloped countries. If the capitalist economic crisis marked by endemic stagnation, inflation, unemployment, squandering and distortion is considered serious, much more serious and unbearable is the economic situation of the underdeveloped world which is in part a magnified reflection of the capitalist crisis itself. Developed capitalist countries have transferred and extended the basic elements of their economic crisis to underdeveloped countries. The growing dependency of the so-called Third World economies on industrialized countries deeply accentuates the negative effects that present trade relations have on Third World countries. International private banking and financial and monetary institutions play a major role in this stepped-up process of deterioration. Along with a greater opening of these countries to economic, financial and technological penetration by multinational companies. This has led them to circumstances of total economic strangulation and financial paralysis from which there is no escape. Thus, the ratio of trade prices, along with the freezing or real depreciation of the prices of raw materials and products from underdeveloped countries, to the increasing prices of manufactured goods and services from industrialized countries, the high rates of interest on the increasingly limited sources of outside financing and galloping inflation, are some of the basic elements of the crisis. All of this, along with the extraordinary increase of petroleum prices, the accelerated growth of the population in these countries, the stagnation or reversal of agricultural production, the almost total absence of industrial and technological development, has led the underdeveloped world to an unprecedented degree of indebtedness, poverty, dependence and economic strangulation. The external debt of the so-called Third World, according to official data from the International Payments Bank, amounted in 1981 to more than $500 billion and projections were that this amount would increase day by day. For example, Latin America's external debt, which amounted to $10 billion in 1965, rose to $150 billion in early 1980. So that you may have an idea or the crushing weight of the increase in the value of imports, essentially determined by inflation in industrialized countries and the hike in petroleum prices, suffice it to say that in this region in 1978 the change in prices meant an overall increase in the real value of imports in relation to 1978 prices of $14,442,000,000 for fuels and $25,304,000,000 for manufactured imports. Likewise, while the value of net imports of fuels in 1973 was 8.4 percent of the total importation of goods, that proportion rose in 1979 to 23.8 percent. The social effects of these realities is expressed in the enormous magnitude of the extreme poverty, illiteracy and unemployment of the continent's large masses. Overall, the public debt of the world's underdeveloped countries grew at an average yearly rate of approximately 21 percent from 1970 to 1980. On debt service alone, our countries paid $44.2 billion in 1979. The only thing that can be compared today to this amount are the world's military expenditures, which also amount to the maddening figure of $500 billion. Moreover, the process of imperialist penetration by means of its investments in the Third World amounted between 1970 and 1978 to $42.2 billion, which is not enough for a feeble and dependent development. U.S. investments in the underdeveloped world amounted in this period to $8,701,000,000. Capitalist Europe had invested, in this same period, some $8 billion in Africa. Total foreign investments in this continent were in excess of $11 billion. Yet, in that same period, the profits from underdeveloped countries by multinational companies amounted to an extraordinary $100,218,000,000. Which means that for each new dollar invested during this period, approximately $2.4 were taken out in shared profit. The profits of the United States from the aforementioned investments rose to $39,685,000,000 which represents an earning of $4.5 for each new dollar invested. A simple figure eloquently illustrates the inequality to which we refer. It is supplied by the World Bank no less, one of the institutions created by the neocolonial powers to guarantee their financial hegemony. According to this source, the GNP per capita in a select group of 18 developed capitalist countries amounted to $8,070 whereas 38 of the lowest income countries showed a GNP per capita of $200. The medium-income group's GNP per capita was $1,250. In other words, developed capitalist countries in 1978 had a GNP per capita 6.5 times higher than that of the medium-income countries and 40 times higher than that of the poorest underdeveloped countries. Today, 10 years after the program was launched for a new international economic order, the huge and growing gap between developed and underdeveloped countries and the extreme misery in the latter is reaching its most extreme stage. Never before in the history of mankind has the underdeveloped world found itself subjected to such a high degree of exploitation, economic strangulation and misery as at the present time. Never before had the poor of the earth been so poor and exploited. Their growing mass cannot even hope for a subsistence economy and the most elemental living conditions. We can sum up these dramatic realities: developed countries, with only 25 percent of the world's population, have 83 percent of the world's GNP, consume 75 percent of the energy and 70 percent of the grain, possess 92 percent of the world's industry and 95 percent of the technological resources. In addition, they employ 89 percent of the world's education expenditures. If the present is tragic, the future looms darkly. The world population is now 4.4 billion inhabitants. Of these, 75 percent belong to the underdeveloped countries. According to various projections carried out in recent years by several specialized agencies, the world population will reach nearly 6.4 billion inhabitants by the year 2000. This represents an increase of 55 percent in the course of the last 25 years as much as in the first 1,950 years of our era. More than 90 percent of that growth will take place in the underdeveloped world. This means that in 2000, 80 percent of the world population--some 5.12 billion of human beings- will live in underdeveloped countries. Of every five inhabitants on earth then, four will live in that world. Recent studies have estimated that in 2,000 the GNP per capita will average $2,311 worldwide at constant 1975 values. This means a worldwide increase of 53 percent in relation to 1975. Yet in developed countries the GNP per capita will rise to almost $8,500 while it will be less than $90 dollars in the underdeveloped world. For every dollar increase in the per capita GDP in underdeveloped countries, an overall $20 increase is projected in developed countries. In the year 2,000, the average personal income will be more than 14 times higher in developed countries. If we were to take the per capita GDP in a group of the most powerful developed capitalist countries as a point of comparison, the proportion will rise to almost 20 times. That is, the wide gap existing today between the developed and underdeveloped world will have doubled by the year 2,000. If in 1975 the difference in per capita GDP between the two groups of countries was on the order of $4,000, this difference will rise to approximately $8,000 in the year 2000. If it is true that the situation of inequality in our days is already flagrant and we could say outrageous, we can imagine how deep the abyss separating the richest and poorest countries will be in 20 years. The food situation of the Third World is already serious. The average inhabitant of an underdeveloped country has the possibility of obtaining 33 percent fewer calories in his diet than does a person in a developed country. According to conservative estimates of the FAO, nearly 450 million human beings of the underdeveloped world will suffer from serious malnutrition, that is, they are hungry. Several hundreds of millions more are undernourished. The per capita consumption in developed countries is 6 times higher in animal proteins, 4.5 times higher in fats, 2.3 times higher in cereal grains and 6 times higher in milk. All these indicators and many more that could be mentioned can be summed up in only one word: famine. Famine is today the most distressing human drama that afflicts the peoples of the underdeveloped world. Millions of lives are lost every year and many more millions of people are unable to fully develop their abilities due to famine. Due to the concentration of developed countries on the necessary investments and technology, crop yields in those countries have in recent years doubled that of underdeveloped countries and the manpower productivity in the agricultural sector was nine times higher. The per capita food supply increased 3.2 times more in developed countries than in underdeveloped countries. In the next 20 years vast underdeveloped regions will lack the adequate food supply to allow children to achieve normal physical and mental growth and adults to enjoy their full capability and good health. For instance, food consumption in countries of Central Africa is projected at 20 percent under the minimum levels proposed by the FAO. According to the World Bank, the number of undernourished people in underdeveloped countries will increase in this brief period to the dramatic figure of 1.3 billion, that is, almost 3 times higher than current estimates. One of every four inhabitants of the underdeveloped world will be hungry. A number of people equivalent to the overall current population of the underdeveloped countries will be unable to adequately feed themselves. Furthermore, several studies conducted by the FAO and other institutions estimate that the man-land ratio in under developed countries will decline from the 0.9 hectare of cultivable land per person that prevailed by the middle of the 1970s to 0.5 hectare. If a person is today fed by nearly 1 hectare of land in underdeveloped countries, this same hectare will have to feed two persons 20 years from now. Logically, from the standpoint of production, the only way of preventing a further deterioration of the currently unsatisfactory situation of food supply per person is by increasing the food supply faster than the increase in the number of people to be fed. However, an examination of recent trends demonstrates that the rate of growth of food stuff production in the underdeveloped world has been reduced to a level that barely surpasses the rate of demographic growth. If the well-known situations dealing with the unequal distribution of income in the immense majority of underdeveloped countries is added to that, the magnitude of the problem being faced by the great masses of population of the underdeveloped world can be easily recognized with respect to hunger and undernourishment in the near future. Another situation of great significance, not only from the economic point of view, but also with respect to ecological balance and the preservation of the environment, is the one dealing with the destruction of forests. Between 18 and 20 million hectares of forests are disappearing every year, the largest part in the tropical regions of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The total forest area of the world, which in 1978 comprised more than 2.5 billion hectares, will be reduced by 450 million by the year 2000; that is by almost 1/5. Now then, practically 100 percent of that reduction will take place in underdeveloped countries, which will lose approximately 40 percent of their forest area. The loss of the forests will force large masses of population in underdeveloped countries to pay increasingly more untenable prices for firewood and charcoal, which are their fundamental means for cooking and heating, until such time when these essential resources of life will simply be out of their reach. Education and culture, like health, are the most basic rights of man. These are not rights which the great masses enjoy in underdeveloped countries. The lack of schools and teachers, the lack of resources and extreme poverty determine these realities. The number of illiterates in the world has continued to rise in the last 15 years. According to official UNESCO figures, in 1965 there were 700 million illiterates in the world. In 1975 this figure increased to 800 million, and it is believed that it reached the 820 millions in 1980; that is approximately three out of 10 adults in the world were illiterate. It is estimated that the number will rise to 884 million by 1990, and mankind will arrive at the 21st century with nearly 1 billion illiterate adults. That is, in the period of the greatest advances ever attained by man in science and technology, there will be more than three times more illiterates in the under-developed world than the present population in Latin America and the Caribbean. These somber figures do not include the enormous mass of children who in the underdeveloped world totally lack education and those who after attending the primary school drop out of education. In half of the countries on earth, 50 percent of the children never complete primary school. In 1980 there were nearly 250 million children between the ages of 5 and 14 years who did not receive any type of education. The fifth-richest part of the world, that is 20 countries with 21 percent of the world population, spends 50 times more per inhabitant on education than the fifth poorest part--26 countries with 23 percent of the population--that is, a still greater proportion than that of their economic inequalities which is 40 to 1. Far from encouraging an educational drive, the developed countries in the West have exported the sexual exploitation of children to the underdeveloped countries. In a congress recently held in France, a report submitted on the sexual exploitation of children, a phenomenon barely known just a few years ago, called it an enormous tidal wave in a large number of countries in the Third World, and added that the tourist expansion known by some of those countries had been one of the main causes, pointing out literally that it had provoked the industrialization of tourist sex. According to a study conducted by the International Labor Office, in Bangkok alone some 200,000 young girls are prostitutes. Of these, half are less than 20 years of age and were sold to pimps when they were I2 years of age. The health situation in the underdeveloped world equally reflects the enormous differences existing with respect to industrialized countries. According to the World Health Organization, more than 1 billion persons, 25 percent of the planet's population, live in conditions of poverty, overcrowding and in danger of losing their lives. Seventy percent of the children in underdeveloped countries are suffering from infectious and parasitic diseases. The child mortality rate in underdeveloped countries fluctuates between 15 and 20 children for every 1,000 born. In the poorer countries, the rate is higher. In Africa, it reaches levels of 200 to 350 dead for every 1,000 born. In Asia, it fluctuates between 100 and 150. In Latin America, it ranges between 30 and 170, with the exception of Cuba where it is under 20. When analyzing the data on high birth rate in Third World countries, this means that of the more than 122 million children born each year, 10 percent will die before reaching their first birthday, another 4 percent before the age of 5 years. That is, 18 million children less than 5 years old die every year in the world, 95 percent of them in underdeveloped countries. This figure nearly doubles in the case of children who become partially or totally handicapped as a result of diverse diseases. The risk of dying before adolescence is 1 in 30 in developed countries, while it is 1 in 4 in African countries and 1 to 2 in certain countries. The life expectancy at the time of birth in developed countries is between 72 and 74 years of age; in underdeveloped countries it averages at 50 years and in some regions of the world is less than 40. The number of physicians in certain groups of countries varies notably. While in developed countries the number of physicians averages at a rate of one for every 500 to 600 inhabitants, a numerous group of countries having much lower income have one physician for more than 60,000 inhabitants. That is, the average availability for the first group of countries is 20 physicians for every 10,000 inhabitants, while in the underdeveloped countries it amounts to one physician for every 10,000 inhabitants. Summing up, we can affirm that the current situation of the underdeveloped world is as follows: 570 millions are hungry and undernourished, well below the necessary levels of calories and proteins; 800 millions are adult illiterates; 1.5 billion have absolutely no access to medical attention; 1.3 billion have a yearly income lower than 90 dollars; 1.7 billions have a life expectancy of less than 60 years at the time of birth; 1.03 billion live in inadequate dwellings; 250 million children do not attend any type of school; 1,103,000,000 are unemployed. At the United Nations in October 1979, on behalf of the Nonaligned Movement, whose sixth summit conference had just been held in our fatherland, Cuba proposed formulas to give a response to the desperate economic and social situation of Third World countries. We proposed, first, an additional fund of not less than $300 billion at real 1977 values, which would be divided into annual amounts of not less than $25 billion to be invested in underdeveloped countries. This assistance would have to be in the form of donations and long-term soft loans with minimum interest rates. There, we summarized in 10 points the additional and essential steps needed to begin to reverse the crisis which, because it is more present than ever, I will repeat once again. Unequal trade bankrupts or peoples and must stop. The inflation being exported to us bankrupts our peoples and must stop. Protectionism bankrupts our peoples and must stop. The imbalance existing in the exploitation of marine resources is abusive and must be abolished. The financial resources being received by developing countries are insufficient and must be increased. The arms expenditures are irrational and must stop and these funds should be used to finance development. The international monetary system predominating today is bankrupt and should be replaced. The debts of lesser developed countries in a disadvantageous situation are unbearable, have no solution and should be cancelled. Being in debt economically overwhelms the rest of the developing countries and should be alleviated. The economic abyss between developed countries and those wanting to develop, instead of diminishing, is widening and must disappear. Those are the demands of of the underdeveloped countries. Is this perhaps the time for an arms race? Is this the time to build neutron bombs? Is this the time for a warmongering policy? Is this the time for deploying 572 intermediate-range missiles in Europe? Is this the time for producing MX missile systems which will cost billions of dollars? New strategic bombers? Nuclear aircraft carriers? Trident submarines? Reactivating World War I battleships? Investing $1.5 trillion in military expenditures during the next 5 years and initiating the greatest arms effort in history, as the United States proposes to do? The peoples, above all the hungry peoples of the Third World, the workers and all laborers on earth, both annual and intellectual, know that this is a colossal madness which will fall on their squalid backs, will aggravate the world economic crisis, unemployment and, what is already true in the case of billions, a desperate and untenable situation which will lead to nothing else but a final holocaust. In addition, the new U.S. administration has already announced that it will reduce its contributions to international credit institutions and will propose that concessionary credits be eliminated. according to the WALL STREET JOURNAL, the Reagan administration proposes to take its economic philosophy to the International Monetary Fund, to the World Bank and to the Inter-American Development Bank. This philosophy implies pressuring developing countries to adopt policies tending to reinforce the market economies, that is the action of the private capital and transnational enterprises. It also proposes to make international agencies demand from countries soliciting credits from them to make their governments eliminate subsidies for prices, eliminate restrictions on imports and cut back public expenditures. What can be expected from U.S. economic cooperation and contributions to a new international economic order with these ideas? It is impossible to have in existence at the same time a warmongering policy and cooperation in the world. These realities should be explained very clearly to Mr Reagan during the next Cancun conference where, by the way, the almighty and indispensable gentleman has arrogantly prohibited that Cuba's voice be heard under the threat of not paying attention to it. In the previously mentioned speech at the United Nations, we stated that the noise made by arms, by threatening language, by arrogance in the international scene should stop. Nevertheless, now we observe that the opposite is taking place. The new U.S. administration has pushed aside all theories on the need for military balance, the basis for the possibility of peaceful coexistence among states with different economic and social systems in which mankind is divided today. The U.S. Government claims as negotiating condition that its military supremacy be accepted. In the name of an arrogant economic superiority and a supposed technological advantage, it seeks to have such supremacy. The accords on the limitation of strategic arms- Salt II--which had previously been considered to be satisfactory by U.S. specialists as part of a process toward the gradual elimination of nuclear danger through additional limiting negotiations, are discarded by the United States, stating that they do not satisfy that country's military requirements which are conceived only in terms of military supremacy. Thus the march along the path of negotiations has been interrupted. Since the days prior to the Munich Pact, statements as incongruous and as threatening as those being repeated by U.S. leaders--not only by President Reagan but also his secretary of defense, Mr Weinberger, and his secretary of state, Mr. Haig--had not been heard in international forums. They play at war with war. Apparently, the new U.S. administration does not care for the opinion of those who form part of the military alliance on which U.S. strategy is based. The NATO governments demanded that prior to the deployment in Europe of the 572 ballistic missiles--which the Pentagon wants to place there extraordinarily increasing the danger of a nuclear war that will affect Europe, first of all--the United States should sit at the negotiating table with the Soviet Union. The European peoples go farther than their rulers and are increasingly more rejecting the deployment in their lands of those new nuclear arms. But, the U.S. contemptuous response is far from making possible the negotiations. Instead of showing a will to negotiate, the Reagan administration challenges international consciousness by ordering the production of the neutron bomb. A more sinister mockery could not be conceived. On another subject, who could forget that the U.S. opposition to the presence of 42 intermediate-range missiles in Cuba in 1962 led to a crisis that placed the world on the brink of nuclear war? Why not think that the USSR will feel seriously threatened and provoked with the presence of 572 U.S. missiles of this type near its borders? that attempt of superiority, which no moral limitation can stop, is the one determining U.S. international policy worldwide and adapts its attitude according to today's most pressing problems. The United Nations has established that the territories that Israel seized from the Arab countries during the war must be returned to them without delay, and that a state be created to which the millions of Palestinians who have no fatherland may go to and establish as their nation. The Zionist government not only makes a mockery of those decisions but challenges the international community with its increasingly more aggressive acts, which Washington tolerates and encourages as it feigns to search for peace and threatens to stop the supply of arms. But the hypocritical gesture is of short duration and the Reagan government continues to send the F15 and F16 aircraft, and receives Begin in the White House to discuss the terms of a strategic accord between Israel and the United States which has just been finalized. The United States appeared to be committed to a lukewarm formula of obligations, prepared by four other countries--France, England, Canada, and the FRG--in an effort to seek a peaceful solution to Namibia's independence. But it is a clear fact that, following the visit to South Africa by Assistant Secretary Crocker and the Reagan-Botha talks, South Africa feels reassured that the United States counts on it as a strategic factor in the aggressive alliance it is attempting to impose worldwide. The countries bordering the Indian Ocean have struggled over many years to achieve the declaration of a peace zone for that area, and get the various naval fleets to pledge to abandon it. The Soviet Union has expressed its willingness to do so, however, the Reagan administration has concentrated an enormous naval force there which is part of its military plans for the region in association with South Africa. It is attempting to extend this same type of collaboration to Latin American countries, imposing on them their incorporation into an alliance for the South Atlantic which would complement NATO. Brazil's refusal is a signal of the new times being faced by the U.S. imperialists. As part of its global aggressive policy, the new U.S. administration has promoted As-Sadat to the rank of gendarme of the Middle East, sponsors an anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian policy in its increasingly closer relations with Israel, divides and weakens the Arab world through the use of its most reactionary allies in the region against the progressive countries, supports and encourages revolution in Afghanistan and blocks every attempt of negotiation and understanding between the Pakistani and Afghan Governments, provokes Democratic Korea, strengthens and broadens its relations with China in the economic, political and military fields in an evident dangerous strategy of using it against the USSR. It also increases its subversive activities in the midst of the socialist community. The most worrisome and dangerous parts of its policy are its arrogance and lack of interest in negotiating disarmament, the arms race, detente and peace, its aggressive, offensive and arrogant language, not heard even during the worst phases of the Cold War and the preposterous attempt to pressure, threaten or blackmail the Soviet Union. In another dangerous step of its maniac and unchecked arms race, the U.S. Government 4 days ago declared that it is considering the possibility of converting the wastes of that country's nuclear power plants into plutonium for its nuclear arms programs. Yankee imperialism has openly declared itself gendarme of the world and is prohibiting any social change in any country in the world, declaring itself willing to intervene. For the present U.S. administration, a revolution anywhere in the world simply is Soviet expansionism. However, the frightening economic crisis being lived by the world will inevitably set off revolutions and profound social changes in one or another country. The revolutions have existed since the history of man exists and are as difficult to avoid as the labor pains of a pregnant whale. Five war episodes, all bloody, almost all, all dangerous and detestable can be attributed to the warlike policy and philosophy of the new Yankee administration. First, its interventionist and genocidal actions in El Salvador, arming and training a terrorist government which has assassinated more than 20,000 sons of this noble and heroic peoples. Second, the bombing by the Zionist government of Israel of the Iraqi Nuclear Research Center, an unprecedented act in times of peace, which could have caused a catastrophe and which sets a nefarious and unpunished example in international life. Third, the brutal Zionist bombing of Lebanon, which has cost the lives of hundreds of Lebanese and Palestinians and caused mutilations, wounds and indescribable suffering to thousands of persons. Fourth, the provocation launched in the Gulf of Sidra against Libya and the downing of two Libyan planes that were guarding their country's coast. Fifth, the criminal invasion and bombing by South Africa of Angola which has cost hundreds of deaths and heavy destruction. These facts have been created by the United States, which objected in the UN to any adequate action or forceful condemnation of the aggressors. The Reagan administration and its policy of aggression, therefore, is already smeared with the blood of not only thousands of murdered Salvadorans, but also with the blood of hundreds of murdered Angolans and hundreds of massacred Lebanese and Palestinians: the blood of three peoples; of three different continents. Particularly indignant of late has been the aggression of Angola perpetrated by the racist and fascist South Africans, in total agreement with the U.S. Government, which encouraged and condoned the invasion and impeded through a hateful veto the condemnation and sanction of the aggressors. What explains this close alliance of imperialism with the execrable regime of apartheid? The community of political ideas and the community of economic interests. South Africa, with less than 7 percent of Africa's total population, possesses 1/3 of the gross product of the continent. In its territory, including Namibia, it has 55 diverse minerals. It has 60 percent of the world production of gold, 30 percent of chrome, 25 percent of manganese, 16 percent of uranium, 14 percent of diamonds. In relation to the total of African minerals it has 45 percent. The greatest economic relations between capitalist Europe and an African country are with South Africa. The large racist capitalists of South Africa share profits with 630 British transnationals, 494 U.S., 132 of the RCA [as heard] and 85 French-owned in that territory. Fifty percent of South African investment belongs to foreign capital, which controls 87 percent of the productive capacity of the private sector. Those very same transnational enterprises enabled the access of South Africa to nuclear technology. As was recently stated by Chester Crocker, U.S. assistant secretary for African affairs, the U.S. investments in South Africa amount to $3 billion, its annual trade to $6 billion and banking credits granted to this country total $3 billion. On what type of exploitation is this wealth, shared by the transnationals of the West, based? In South Africa the white population is 4.$ million persons, the black population 19 million persons. Distribution of land is whites, 87 percent; blacks, 17 percent. Distribution of the gross national product: whites, 75 percent; blacks, less than 20 percent. Proportion of average income: whites, 14; blacks, 1. Number of doctors per inhabitant, whites, 1 for every 400; blacks, 1 for every 44,000. The infants mortality rate: whites, 27 per 1,000; blacks, 200 to 400 per 1,000. Education costs per child per annum: whites, $696; blacks, $5. On speaking of international politics, it is impossible to be silent about what is happening in Northern Ireland. I feel dutybound to refer to it. I feel that the Irish patriots are these days writing one of the most heroic pages of human history. They have won the admiration and respect of the world. They also deserve its support. There are 10 who have died in the most emotional gesture of sacrifice, of personal selflessness and courage imaginable. Humanity should be ashamed that before its very eyes such crimes are committed. These young fighters are not asking for independence to end their strike; they are not making unattainable demands. They are only demanding something as simple as recognition of what they are: political prisoners. And these men, for whom we are asking solidarity at this conference, are not Marxist-Leninists or communists. They are Catholic militants. How is it possible that in the very heart of the Western World this cold and dramatic holocaust is being tolerated? We cannot grow accustomed to crime: not in Ireland, nor in El Salvador, Angola, Namibia, South Africa, Lebanon or anywhere. The stubbornness, intransigence, cruelty and insensibility of the UK Government before the international community regarding the problem of the Irish patriots who are on a hunger strike until death remind us of Torquemada and the inhumanity of the inquisition during the Middle Ages. Legend tells us that once Rome, in its early days, was under siege. Two young Roman soldiers had been taken prisoner. When, with the purpose of breaking their will, the attackers threatened to burn them alive they, as a sign of contempt, spontaneously thrust their hands into the fire. It is said that this gesture impressed the attackers in such a way that the siege of Rome was lifted. Tyrants tremble when they are faced with men who are willing to die for their ideas. After 60 days on a hunger strike, following the example of Christ's 3 days on Calvary which for centuries has been a symbol of human sacrifice, it is time to put an end to this disgusting atrocity through denunciations and pressure by the world community. The most respected leaders of Latin America, the European social democratic parties and the most levelheaded U.S. analysts all agree that the origin of the political and revolutionary upheaval in Central America--which resulted in a democratic victory in Nicaragua and has turned El Salvador into a hotbed of heroic rebellions today--should not be sought in foreign influence but in the unmitigated stupidity of the social and political regimes that the major part of Central America has been living under. The Washington government is accusing Cuba, however, of being responsible for the Central American unrest. Fifty years ago, when the Cuban revolution had not even appeared on the horizon, the Salvadoran people had already tried to unearth their rotten regime from the very roots. This attempt ended with the deaths of almost 30,000 Salvadoran patriots by Dictator Maximiliano Martinez. Sandino fought against the Yankee marines to defend his fatherland, and later the Somoza tyranny murdered thousands of Nicaraguans- although this exemplary people would not let themselves be defeated--while our revolution still had not emerged in America. It is not Cuba, in a presumed subversive action, which is destabilizing Central America. It is Yankee imperialism which in the past imposed atrocious governments and systems of merciless exploitation in these regions, which currently rejects any possibility of political agreement in El Salvador, which contributes each day with new arms for the repressive forces of this country, which hypocritically tries to hide the genocidal barbarity of its accomplices, which threatens with direct military or indirect intervention through the equally reactionary, homicidal regimes which serve it in the area and assume the responsibility for the fact that in Central America there exists no peace. Imperialism has continually tried to justify each of its latest steps in El Salvador with a number of lies and charges against Cuba which are systematically repeated by its unscrupulous spokesmen with a cynicism that would make the "devil" [in English] himself envious. It is not true--and I repeat it here with absolute moral authority--that there are Cuban military advisers in El Salvador. It is a lie that some of the arms supplied by the USSR for our defense are being redistributed in Central America. It is a lie that Cuba is supplying arms and military equipment to the Salvadoran patriots. There is no way to do this. For many months the Salvadoran patriots have been fighting with their own resources and weapons which they seize from the enemy. Lies, lies and more lies. We have challenged the U.S. Government to show some shred of evidence of their charges, and it has been unable to answer one single word. We are not committed to denying these falsehoods. The charges they have lodged against us do not merit a moral judgement nor forsaking the sacred duty of helping in any way we can a brother people who are being massacred and exterminated. If it were within our reach, it would not be immoral or reprehensible to help with arms a people whose offspring, including women, children and elderly people, are being brutally annihilated. The matter, then, lies in the factual nonexistence of these possibilities. Why all these lies by the genocidal U.S. Government then? To deceive U.S. public opinion, to deceive the U.S. House and Senate, where more than a few show scruples about the policy followed by their country in El Salvador, to cynically deceive world public opinion, to send large amounts of sophisticated arms and military advice to the assassins. The Governments of Mexico and France agreed on a courageous and humanitarian undertaking: to recognize the representativeness of the patriots who are fighting for the physical survival of their people and their fatherland, in order to permit a negotiated and political solution to the bloody conflict. This is not intervention. This is a cry for justice, which is compatible with the purest principles of international law and with the interests of the nations and peoples of the world in the search for peaceful solutions to the hotbeds of tension that are poisoning the international atmosphere. To intervene is to arm to the teeth and to give military advice to a bloodthirsty gang that in only 18 months has committed more than 20,000 crimes, in order to crush a rebellion that is the exclusive result of dozens of years of ruthless exploitation, abuses and crimes. With weapons, they will be able to kill the hungry and exploited masses in El Salvador, but not the hunger, the illiteracy nor the unsanitary conditions and injustice that prevail in that country. Nor will they be able to kill the people's just and ancient right to rebel against tyranny. This noble step by Mexico and France prompted the ire of the imperialist interventors. In a grotesque uproar orchestrated at the instructions of the United States and accusing these two prestigious countries of intervention, a few governments of this hemisphere that pretend to be democratic unblushingly joined bloody, repressive and fascist tyrannies, whose most recent calling card is an unending list of coups d'etat, tortures, murders and disappearances. This action has bared from head to toe several pharisees, true whited sepulchres, who, invoking the word democracy and the very name of Christ, support one of the most monstrous crimes committed on our continent in this century. The search for a negotiated and political solution to the bloody conflict in El Salvador sponsored by Mexico and France is the same formula proposed by such prestigious governments as those of Canada, Nicaragua, Panama, the Scandinavian countries, a large number of countries who belong to the Nonaligned Movement, the Socialist International and all of the world's progressive forces. And let no one delude himself that the revolution in El Salvador is weak. That country's patriotic movement is strong and will become increasingly stronger and invincible and will not be defeated by arms. This parliamentary conference must become aware of and take a stand on this problem. Let there be respect for the sovereignty of El Salvador and for its heroic people's right to life and justice. Similar Yankee threats and dangers of aggression hover over the heroic fraternal peoples of Nicaragua and Grenada. They require maximal international support and solidarity. Also in need of our sympathy, support and encouragement are the fraternal peoples of Panama, in their struggle to secure fulfillment of the canal treaties; the peoples of Puerto Rico, subject to the infamous Yankee colonial status; and those of Guatemala, who are struggling against the cruel tyranny imposed by the U.S. intervention against Arbenz in 1954, the bitter fruits of which have been 70,000 patriots assassinated since then. I have left until the end the issues related to our fatherland. The Yankee imperialists have increased their economic blockade of our country. They are intensifying their espionage and subversive activities. They speak barefacedly of setting up official radio transmissions from the U.S. Government, to promote the destabilization and counterrevolution in Cuba. The CIA has been freed of all restrictions. To the reiterated public pleas that it clarify whether this sinister institution will once again have a free hand to organize attacks against the leaders of the revolution and to use plagues against our plants, our animals and our population, the government of that country has not committed itself. We are threatened with naval blockades and direct attacks. Recently, we expressed our conviction that imperialism is using biological arms against our country. This is not a baseless charge. In less than 3 years, five serious plagues and epidemics have affected our cattle, our plantations, and even worse, our population: swine fever, tobacco blue mold, sugarcane rust, hemorrahagic dengue, and lastly hemorrhagic conjunctivities, which have caused considerable material and human damage. In all cases, they appeared without any logical or natural explanation. It is known that the United States has developed an entire sophisticated arsenal of arms of this type and the methods to employ them. Within the imperialist concept, these arms can be used in times of peace. Hemorrahagic dengue has cost us 156 lives, including 99 children. This epidemic broke out suddenly in our country at a time when no outbreak had been reported in any other place. It involves virus No 2. In a serious and fundamental study carried out by Cuban scientists and technicians, with the advice of highly qualified foreign experts, we reached the conclusion that this virus was introduced deliberately into Cuba. According to the analyses made and the study of all available information when the epidemic broke out in Cuba, in no country of Africa or Southeast Asia with which we have relations had there been any epidemic outbreak of virus No 2 of the dengue. We have confirmed that no Cuban or foreigner who came from those areas or others had been affected by the illness caused by this virus. In the Central American and Caribbean region, the epidemiological situation at that moment was as follows: in Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Colombia, as well as in the islands of the Caribbean, including Haiti, Puerto Rico, Guadeloupe, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago and St Cristopher-Nevis-Anguilla, virus No. 1 was circulating. On the islands of Dominica, Curacao, San Bartolome of the Lesser Antilles and in El Salvador, Honduras and Puerto Rico dengue virus No. 4 was circulating. In this manner, it was seen that in the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean islands, after the year 1978 there had been no case registered of dengue virus No 2. The dengue fever in the islands adjoining Cubs, which originated at the outset of the start of the epidemic in our country, was provoked by virus of types No 1 and 4. It has been specifically virus No 2 of the dengue that has been one of those receiving the most attention in the U.S. centers dedicated to the development of bacteriological weapons. Such aggression might seem absurd, but it is not if we analyze the precedents of the criminal activities which the U.S. Governments have developed against Cuba, many of which are known today and which no one questions, because they have been investigated and disclosed by the self-same U.S. Senate. Here I am obliged to mention some which we already mentioned in our charge on 26 July. During the 91st session of the U.S. Congress on 18 and 20 November and 2, 9, 18 and 19 December 1969, a meeting was held to analyze the alleged plans on the use of biological weapons against Cuba. During these sessions the following eloquent dialogue occurred: Mr Fraser: It has been said that the United States is preparing to use biological weapons regarding Cuba. Can you tell us if this is true or not? Mr Pickett: I have no knowledge of this. Mr Fraser: Does anyone here have any information on this matter? There is no reply. Mr Pickett: I have seen debates on the matter in the press. Mr McCarthy: I would say that the Senate foreign Relations Committee is not ignorant of the incidents that have been mentioned. There are persons in the government who are familiar with the minutes of the present and of the past; I know that the information is included in their minutes. In the report produced by the special senate committee in 1975 which investigated the CIA activities, it is stated textually: In November 1962, a proposal was implemented for a broader program of new clandestine operations to oust Castro. Presidential aide Richard Godwin and Gen Edward Lansdale, who had experience in counterinsurgency operations, played important leading roles in the creation of this program, called Operation Mongoose. By the end of 1961 and the beginning of 1962. William (Harvey) was put in charge of the "W" operational force of the CIA; this was the CIA unit for Operation Mongoose. Operating force "W" acted under the direction of the expanded special group employing some 400 persons in the CIA headquarters and in its Miami branch. (Mackon) and (Harvey) were the primary CIA participants in Operation Mongoose. On 19 January, 1962, the main operation Mongoose participants held a meeting at the office of Attorney General Kennedy. The minutes taken at the meeting by George (Magnus), executive assistance to Helms, included the following: conclusion--the overthrow of Castro, if possible. The solution to the Cuban problem is a priority concern for the U.S. Government. We cannot stint on time, money, efforts or human resources. On 18 January, 1962, the report says further on, Lansdale apportioned 32 preparatory tasks to the agencies participating in Operation Mongoose. In a memorandum sent to the working group members, Lansdale emphasized that the task was to put U.S. expertise to work on the project, in a rapid and effective manner. This demanded a change in daily operations and a serious awareness of the fact that we are in a war situation in which we have been granted full command. The 32 tasks to be accomplished covered a wide variety of activities, ranging from the gathering of intelligence information to be used by the U.S. military forces in supporting the Cuban popular movement to the development of an operational program for acts of sabotage inside Cuba. On 19 January, 1962, Lansdale added an additional task to those already assigned on 18 January. Task 33 covered a plan to disable the Cuban sugar workers during the harvest through the use of warlike chemical agents. Lansdale declared that the plan included the use of nonlethal chemicals, capable of making the Cubans temporarily sick and of keeping them out of the fields for a period of 24 to 28 hours, without harmful effects. This task was initially approved for planning projects, with the observation that it would require a political decision prior to its final approval. The (SGA) [not further identified] approved the 33 Lansdale tasks with a view to its planning on 30 January, 1962. The revision of General Lansdale's program for project Cuba dated 20 February, 1962, included his basic action plan. Phase four of that plan included as one of its components an attack on the cadres of the regime, including key leaders. This must be a special objective operation. In carrying it out, the CIA's operations with deserters are vital. The gangster elements can furnish the best potential recruitment for actions against the officers of the G-2. Technicians of the bloc must be added to the list of objectives. The CW, Chemical Warfare, agents must be taken fully into consideration. Further on, the report states: notwithstanding the program, teams of agents were sent to Cuba. A memorandum from Lansdale dated 13 March, 1962, to the special expanded group instructed that 2 teams of agents be sent from 1 to 15 April, 1962; 2 teams of agents be sent from 16 to 30 April, 1962; 2 teams be sent to Cuba from 1 to 15 May, 1962; 4 teams of agents be sent to Cuba from 16 to 31 May; and from 10 to 15 teams of agents be sent to Cuba 1 to 10 June, 1962. In addition to the infiltration of agents, the mongoose program included proposals for accelerated sabotage. The unsuccessful attempt to blow up the Matahambre mine was approved on 30 August, 1962, and a memorandum dated 31 August, 1962, from Lansdale to the (SGA) selected targets for sabotage like the Matahambre mine and different refineries and nickel plants. The same memorandum suggested: Encourage the destruction of harvests through fire, chemical products and weeds; and prevent the harvest through delays in work and the destruction of sacks, cardboard boxes and other shipping containers. These frightful acts I just mentioned are not merely inventions of mine. They are the disclosures of illustrious members of the U.S. Senate. On 1 September, 1981, the U.S. newspaper Miami HERALD published a report that stated textually: Washington--The high-sounding charge by Fidel Castro that the harmful plagues that destroy harvests and animals in Cuba and the dengue fever epidemic that has caused the death of more than 100 persons on the island are the work of the Central Intelligence Agency, CIA, does not appear inconceivable to the authors of a new book, which will be published this fall. A former agent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, William W. Turner and newsman (Warren Hinkley) report that the United States used biological warfare in Cuba during the Nixon administration. According to them, Nixon's tricks included the introduction of swine fever to destroy Cuba's swine production and atmospheric modifications to create instant flooding and destroy harvests. The authors allege that the CIA has compromised the United States in a secret, undeclared and illegal war against Cuba for more than 20 years. The so-called project Cuba is the largest and least known CIA operation outside of the legal bounds of its statutes, they affirmed. The biological war, the assassinations and the misinformation were elements tested with diverse levels of success by the CIA, according to Turner and (Hinkley). The story of project Cuba is the story of an important U.S. war, undeclared by the congress, not recognized by Washington, and not reported by the press. In regard to this same topic, the introduction of swine fever into Cuba, initially done in 1971, a very revealing UPI dispatch datelined Washington, 9 January, 1977, states textually: The Central Intelligence Agency, CIA, refused to comment today on the report that it might have been implicated in a premeditated outbreak of African swine fever that resulted in the sacrifice of 500,000 swine in Cuba in 1971. NEWSDAY, a newspaper from Long Island, New York, reported today that, with at least basic support from the CIA, agents linked with anti-Castroite terrorists introduced the African swine fever virus into Cuba in 1971. Six weeks later, an outbreak of the disease obliged Cuban health authorities to sacrifice 500,000 swine in order to avert an animal epidemic of national proportions. African swine fever, as opposed to swine influenza, does not affect human beings but is highly contagious and mortal in the case of swine. An unidentified CIA source revealed to NEWSDAY that in the beginning of 1971 he had been given a container of the virus in Fort Gulick--a U.S. Army base in the Panama Canal Zone, also used by the CIA--and said that it was taken via a fishing boat to persons who operated underground in Cuba. This was the first time that the disease manifested itself in the Western Hemisphere. A CIA spokesman said that no comments would be made on the report by NEWSDAY. It is known by their own admission that at the time of the African swine fever outbreak in Cuba, the CIA and the U.S. Army were experimenting with poisons, mortal toxins, products to destroy harvests and other techniques of bacteriological warfare, the report stated. The epidemic noted in this report occurred in our country on exactly the date indicated, during the Richard Nixon administration. Now, when we have still not completed our struggle against the dangerous dengue epidemic, another epidemic, hemorrhagic conjunctivitis, which appeared in an explosive manner in the capital of the republic, has been introduced in a strange and inexplicable manner. We hope that none of the persons here will be affected. Messrs parliamentarians, our reasons for thinking the worst of imperialism and its terror and crime institutions are solid. Not in vain have 20 years of bitter experience passed. We do not fear imperialist threats. It can perhaps be known when a conflict against us should be started, but no one can know when and how it will end. The U.S. system is not fascist, but it is my deepest conviction that the group that constitutes the main nucleus of the current U.S. administration is fascist; its thinking is fascist; its arrogant rejection of any human rights policy is fascist; its foreign policy is fascist; its hate for world peace is fascist; its intransigent refusal to search for and find formulas of honorable coexistence among states is fascist; its prepotency, its arrogance, its arms race, its quest for military superiority at any cost, its adherence to violence and domination, its methods of blackmail and terror, its alliance with Pinochet and with the most brutal regimes of this hemisphere--whose methods of repression, terror, torture and disappearances have caused the death of tens of thousands of persons, without their relatives knowing even where their bodies are-their shameless alliance with South Africa and apartheid, all are completely fascist. Its threatening language and its lies are fascist. I will never say that the U.S. people are fascist nor their legislative institutions, nor their press nor their many creative social organizations, nor the considerable remainder of their noble democratic traditions and their commitment to freedom. Our hope is based on the certainty that fascism cannot succeed in the United States or in the world, but the fact is that, at present, within the structure of an imperialistic bourgeois democracy, a fascist leader ship has been established in the United States. And this is very dangerous. However, in the past, fascism was not defeated by lamentations, honeyed words or concessions. It was defeated by struggle by becoming aware of the facts, by noting them in time. To denounce and resolutely combat this mad policy is one of the ways to avoid a holocaust. It is necessary to demonstrate that today's world cannot be intimidated by threats and terror; nor can such a policy be imposed upon it; that there will be no Munichs or undignified concessions, that there will be resolute opposition and that the peoples will resist its criminal pretensions to the death if necessary. World opinion is already reacting and the U.S. people will not be long in doing so, as the drastic measures against the interests of the most modest sectors of the U.S. society begin to have an effect; as the budget deficit increases; as inflation, recession and unemployment are aggravated; and as international repudiation and the resistance of the peoples grow in the face of an irresponsible and adventurist policy that can only lead the empire to ruin and to an abyss. Men, leaders, whatever honors of recognition we feel we deserve, are passing things. Only one thing has lasted until now: humanity, and the values it has created in the course of millenia. It is not exaggerating to say that today, all that we love, all that for which we have struggled, all that was dreamed of by those who preceded us and of which we dream today, the past, the present and the future, is endangered. We are spectators to and actors in a singular minute in history. Many may wonder whether we are experiencing the need of an era of a final era. Will humanity survive? We might all ask ourselves. For the first time in human society, these dramatic concerns are being faced by man. We must face these real dangers with serenity and bravery. We cannot allow ourselves the luxury of being pessimistic, because the struggle for peace would then be lost before it is begun. We cannot be cowards, because then both dignity and peace would already be lost. We can and we must preserve peace, without the least surrender, basing our actions on the mobilization of peoples, including the people of the United States; on the immense power of world opinion and conscience, as was demonstrated during the heroic Vietnam war; on the present correlation of forces between socialism and imperialism, which the latter is vainly attempting to alter in its favor; on the peoples' ability and determination to fight, to resist any imperialist aggression; and on international solidarity, which can be expressed in a thousand new and varied ways. We even trust in the spirit of self-preservation of the imperialists, knowing as they do that if a nuclear war is unleashed, they will also inevitably be converted into ashes. We will preserve peace if the enemies of peace know that we are prepared to die for it rather than submitting to blackmail and fear. The adventurers, the maniacs and the madmen cannot determine the fate of mankind. We hope that the world will survive and that conscientious men, just criteria and reflective, intelligent and courageous decisions will prevail. So that all nations and peoples, present and future generations, can live in peace, security and justice. Mankind must last and if we are determined, conscientious and courageous, it will last. [applause] -END-