-DATE- 19821211 -YEAR- 1982 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- SPEECH -AUTHOR- F. CASTRO -HEADLINE- CASTRO FAR DAY SPEECH CRITICIZES U.S. POLICY -PLACE- HAVANA'S PLAZA DE LA REVOLUCION -SOURCE- HAVANA DOMESTIC SERVICE -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- 19821213 -TEXT- CASTRO FAR DAY SPEECH CRITICIZES U.S. POLICY FL112220 Havana Domestic Service in Spanish 2118 GMT 11 Dec 82 [Speech by President Fidel Castro at a military ceremony held at Havana's Plaza de la Revolucion to mark the 96th anniversary of the "Granma" landing and the founding of the FAR, as well as to present combat flags to Havana territorial militia units -- live] [Text] Distinguished guests, comrades of the FAR, comrades of the territorial militia troops [MTT], [applause] chanting and shouting] today we commemorate [applause, chanting and shouting] the 26th anniversary of the "Granma" landing and the founding of our glorious FAR. This anniversary was a few days ago, on 2 December, but in order not to affect labor activities it was decided to celebrate on a Saturday afternoon. As a very special, symbolic and expressive event of this commemoration, today the CLXIII Corps of the MTT and the seven divisions which make up the corps received their combat flags. The militias have a long and beautiful history in our country. They were founded in 1959, the first year of the revolution. Our Rebel Army was still small. The threats and dangers of aggression began to appear during the first months. Already by May, with the implementation of the agrarian reform law, it was said that decisions were made by the U.S. Government to carry out what it is currently called destabilization of the country in order to then carry out aggression. They wanted to apply the Guatemalan prescription to us, a prescription used almost 30 years ago to overthrow a democratic and progressive government in Central America. From the first months we clearly saw the need to incorporate the people into the defense of the country. I believe it was Lenin who said that a revolution is as valid as its ability to defend itself. This is how the demand for it came about [applause], the clamor to arm our workers, our peasants,our students, our workers in general -- manufacturing and intellectual workers. From the first moments, we showed imperialism that we were ready to fight and this was a revolution of the people, because only a revolution of the people can arm the people [applause]. There have been many changes of government throughout history; these changes take place all the time. Not a week goes by without reports of coups and changes of government of one kind or another. There are even some which are called revolutionary, but for some very special reason they arm the people. The classes that carry, out exploitation have always historically opposed arming the people. How can an exploiting society arm the people, how can an exploiting society hand over arms to the workers, peasants and students as we normally read that the workers, peasants and students are in constant struggle and strikes? If an exploiting society arms the people, this society will disappear in a matter of weeks or in matter of days or in matter of hours, therefore this fact defines a real revolution; the people were not armed only because of this definition or theory, the people have also been armed because of a need. This is how our first national revolutionary militia came about, a militia which has always been organically integrated to our FAR. There was no need to make any kind of separation because our FAR is a single unit made up of the armed people, by people in uniform as Camilo used to say. [applause] We must remember that at that time we practically had no military training centers, very few. And during the first few months we found it necessary to improvise. The first militias were organized in the factories. They used to train in the backyards of the factories, on the streets, everywhere. And how timely was that militia training, seeing that enemy intentions were treacherous. Within the plan to organize counterrevolutionary bands throughout the entire country -- and there was a time when there were bands throughout the entire country, in all the old provinces, including Havana Province -- the landing of military weapons, the airborne delivery of weapons and the introduction of explosives for sabotage, and so forth was incessant. [It was] an active counterrevolutionary campaign just exactly like the one the imperialists are now carrying out against Nicaragua. In some regions of the country the bands gathered considerable strength, such as in the Escambray. And it is a historical fact that at first the aggressors were not considering Giron [Bag of Pigs]. There were considering Escambray as a landing point for their mercenary expedition. And I remember that a few months before, or let us say a few weeks prior to the Giron invasion, 40,000 militia members from the capital of the republic were mobilized -- workers and students from the capital, 40,000 of them. And they took the Escambray. They surrounded it. They split up and they searched it corner by corner, capturing -- I don't remember exact figures, but yes -- between 500 and 1,000 counterrevolutionaries in a few weeks. [applause] There were a few scattered [counterrevolutionaries) left there, but very few whom, it is clear now, continued to receive support from abroad and to fill their ranks with reactionary individuals. At that time there was an enormous anticommunist campaign, when the peasants did not even know what communism was and they used to be told that communism was a terrible thing, therefore communism was something they must fight against. The truth is that at that time we had not declared the socialist revolution, nor had we proclaimed Marxism-Leninism as our doctrine. The proclamation of our socialist revolution and of Marxiam-Leninism, was the result of a consistent revolutionary process. Because without socialism and without Marxiam-Leninism it is absolutely impossible to talk about revolution. [applause] There have been many who have tried to make the ideals mystical. They tried to find some kind of hybrid or mixture between socialist Marxism-Leninism and the capitalist ideologies. There may be revolutions, there were revolutions at other times during centuries past which may have been nationalist, democratic, progressive revolutions. For example, our own struggle for independence was one. At that time it was not the era of socialism or of Marxism-Leninism. But at the present time no hybrid can really be labeled revolutionary. No mixture can function. How a process is developed is another thing, step by step, in time periods or by stages. But today we cannot speak of revolutionary ideals if they are not inspired within the doctrine of the working class and Marxism-Leninism, or if they fail to follow the objective of socialism in the short, medium or long term. At that time we had not even proclaimed socialism. But the enemy did understand that this was a real revolution and a revolution of the people and it set about to fight it on all fronts. At that time the exodus began. They attempted to take away our doctors, teachers and technicians. And we opened our doors. We did not want to carry out a revolution against the will of those people. We did not want to impose socialism on them if they preferred capitalism or the Yankee consumer society. Then [let them] go and may all go well for them. For us it was much better. [applause] Because to tell the truth tens of thousands of houses belonging to the bourgeoisie, to oligarchies, to extremely wealthy people -- who built bigger houses than the U.S. millionares -- were left for us to use as schools and to house the people. Many of those elegant and well-built apartment houses, where the bourgeoisie that left used to live, today house workers, today house the proletariat. It was good for us because they took with them those of that social group who were incapable of joining a revolutionary process. It was good for us because the good ones, the vast majority, remained in the bosom of the country and die revolution. During that era, I repeat, the dangers were more real and growing each day. The intensity of sabotage and counterrevolutionary bands increased. That was how the first great service rendered by the militia took place. Those were, as a matter of fact, the militia of the capital; although later, battalions from Oriente and from other provinces took part in the Escambray. The fact was that we almost completely cleaned up the Escambray some few weeks prior to the Giron invasion. The enemy had to change its plans. It no longer had a base for its aggression. Then the enemy launched its attack at Giron. At the time we were not yet organized into army corps divisions, regiments our organization at the time consisted of battalions in the national militias, and relatively small units in the Rebel Army. That was our situation when the Giron attack took place. But days before that we had received from Czechoslovakia and the USSR some hundreds of cannons of all types, 57 [mm], 75 [mm]; all types of mortars, also howitzers of 122 [mm]. In those days we did not yet have the famous multiple rocket launchers. We had already received tanks and various type of infantry arms. We also had received a large number of antiaircraft guns because we did not have an air force. There were a few aircraft, and I believe fewer pilots than planes. We needed the antiaircraft guns. A few days before that schools were improvised with thousands of militia members. We used to meet in different areas of the capital and asked who wanted to be gunners. Naturally, thousands responded positively, immediately. Everywhere training camps were improvised for training artillery personnel for the militias. The truth of the matter is that on 17 December 1961, following the air raid -- because it was a treacherous action, yes -- they tried to destroy the very few aircraft we had. However, they were met by antiaircraft machineguns operated by militia members in all airfields. [applause] But if the air raid was treacherous, it was also stupid, because it warned us that the invasion was imminent. With the typical method of imperialism and the cynicism typical of imperialism, they declared that those aircraft were not coming from anywhere. They were not coming from Nicaragua, or Guatemala or the United States. They said that those aircraft were coming from Cuba, that it was the air force which had rebelled and, after bombing some units, had sought refuge in Miami and other places. They also told this lie at the United Nations to everybody, very calmly. They are doing the exact same thing with Nicaragua today in relation to Honduras. Every day there is aggression and every day they deny it. This is for those gullible individuals who still believe that the imperialists are capable of telling the truth at least once, because even the simplest events are complicated by them. They always say things in a biased manner. Their lives, their philosophy is practically the philosophy of the lie, and we have had that experience. Knowing the imminence of the invasion, all forces were mobilized. When the landing took place, in the country there were mobilized, and on a state of alert, not only the Rebel Army forces, our budding FAR, the navy and air force included, but hundreds of militia battalions throughout the entire country. It is possible that the imperialists do not yet know what happened. But wherever they might have landed, they would have met the same punishment. And if instead of an expeditionary force they had landed 10 expeditionary forces, they would have been dealt the same blow everywhere, [applause] everywhere the people were waiting for them. I repeat that our army, our expeditionary armed forces, were very small. They could pilot just a few aircraft. They could operate a small number of tanks, which had recently arrived. But the entire infantry and the ground and antiaircraft artillery were formed by militias. When it was confirmed that the landing was taking place at Giron, after the Matanzas officers -- the officers training at the Matanzas officer's school, one of our first schools -- were sent to Giron, what left the capital was a river of militia battalions of militia members and artillery, both ground and antiaircraft. Of course, there were the tanks and some well-trained units of our FAR. There in Giron, for a second time, the capital's militia members covered themselves in glory. [applause] Dozens of them gave their lives at the side of numerous combatants of our then small FAR. There they fought together as a single army, the national militias and the Rebel Army, under the same command. Later on, there were other very important events that forced us to call continued mobilizations in the face of imperialist threats. Suffice it to mention the October crisis during which, once more, hundreds of thousands of militia members were mobilized throughout the country. Little by little, the national militias of those days were integrated into our regular FAR troops, and into the FAR reserves. We did not have the military service at that time. Many militia members became cadres, became officers and today many of them are outstanding FAR officers. With time the military service was instituted. That meant the incorporation of the youth into the FAR and the training of youths as members of the FAR. After some years, waves and waves of youths became members of the FAR and progressively became the FAR principal reserves. Because hundreds of youths have participated in the military service in this country, they constitute the fundamental reserves of the FAR. The militia concept weakened a little. Who would have thought then that the militia concept would be resurrected again? And that it would be resurrected again because of the need to defend the fatherland? And with the extraordinary force with which it has been resurrected? Why? Because, even though our regular units were at full strength, even though we had enough reserves for our armed forces through the young who served in them, this however was not sufficient and I could not talk about the total incorporation of the people into defense, a basic concept of the revolution. This was not due to a whim of any kind but to the real fact that the number of arms we had available was hardly sufficient for the regular troops and for the reserves; we were not able to organize a militia again if we had no arms. This was the situation when in 1980 new turmoil began to develop; the Yankee imperialists were no longer committed to the Vietnam war; the revolutionary movement was growing in Central America and imperialism was again beginning to cast its aggressive eyes on our country and to unleash threats of all kinds -- landings, maneuvers on our own national territory, at the Guantanamo base. We clearly saw new threats of imperialist aggression to our country, therefore we thought about how to increase our defense, to increase our force, based on our own experience and the experience of other revolutionary countries adapted to the conditions of our country; the idea of organizing the MTT emerged. This was a necessary answer to a new situation of danger but it was also an answer to the need of filling some gaps in the defense of our country which could not be covered by the regular troops and the reserves. Right here in this plaza on 1 May 1980, the idea of organizing the territorial militia was announced. But, I repeat, this was only an idea. [applause] There were no arms for them. However, the international situation continued to be complex. A new, very aggressive administration emerged in the United States, an administration -- as we have labeled it in the past -- with a fascist mentality, an administration which has even proclaimed that socialism is something anachronistic and that it must disappear from the face of the earth. They did not say anachronistic, I believe that this Mr Reagan said something aborrant, that it must disappear from the face of the earth, that the time will have to come when socialism will be something of the past. We have not heard such a phrase since the time of Adolf Hitler, the phrase that socialism must be erased from the face of the earth. This is very dangerous; this is the philosphy that accompanied the new administration which came to power during the electoral campaign; when the new administration came to power. It began to make threats of total blockage against the country, punishment of the country, aggressions against the country and even threats of invading the country. This put our party in a situation of having to take exceptional measures to strengthen our defense. In face of this real situation, we took the step of requesting arms for the territorial militia from the Soviet Union. [applause] Those were the days of the second congress of the party; in reality, considering that we were requesting arms for hundreds of thousands of men and women, it did not take more than 15 days to get a positive answer. [applause] The arms for the territorial militia began to arrive in ships full of arms. The imperialists were always watching, they were always spying, observing to see what was happening around Cuba as if that were their business and not ours. They began to raise a scandal because of the arrival of ship after ship. They were keeping the statistics; there were thousands of tons; there were more thousands. They have a habit of creating scandal. Also because of the arrival of the MIG-23's they created another great scandal. And on and on, when it suits their interests to create scandal they do so and when it does not they shut up. They utter not one word and many times nothing is published by anyone, a very strange thing. Although they cannot always control their press media, at least they are able to control the so-called sources of information -- mysterious sources that give out news information -- that also tell all kinds of lies. Like the time they insisted on calling the teachers, who were traveling to Nicaragua to teach children, a battalion of special troops going to El Salvador. Lies are their style. Then they began to create a great scandal and said these were weapons which the Soviets delivered to us and that we would get them into Central America and deliver them to El Salvador. Can you imagine that? Those weapons, the weapons meant for our territorial militia, were to go to Central America and to El Salvador. If those weapons were to get into El Salvador the government would not last 5 minutes! All of that is absurd! [applause] No one asked the Soviets for weapons for Central America. And it is well known that our agreement with the Soviets has clauses which state that our weapons cannot be re-exported. There have been very special circumstances throughout these 20 years when we have had to assist a specific country. At one time we gave help to Algeria. On another occasion we gave assistance to Angola. That is, there have been cases where Cuban personnel have gone [abroad] with their weapons. But there never has been a case of re-exportation of Soviet weapons. Nor has Cuba ever donated weapons to another country. Soviet weapons have never been delivered to the revolutionary movement. We comply with our agreements. But the imperialists fabricated the story that these were weapons destined for distribution in Central America. They have talked so much about these things. They have talked about so many tons and so many thousands of weapons that, if it were true, there would be an army of hundreds of thousands of armed revolutionaries in Central America. They converted this into another of their big lies. But yes, it is true that throughout 1981 the weapons for the territorial militia did arrive. These were not the only weapons that arrived. Later I will refer to other weapons which also arrived, not for our militia but for our FAR, that is, for our regular and reserve troops. [applause] These imperialist threats forced us into a feverish effort in the organization and training of our MTT. It was to constitute a considerable force amounting to over 500,000 combatants. This required the efforts of all our country, the party, the People's Government, the state's central administration, the mass organizations. And it required an extraordinary effort from our FAR to organize the militia, train it, form cadres and so forth -- an extra effort along with its yearly effort that is to ensure the combat readiness of the regular and reserve troops. And on top of this came the task of organizing and training the territorial militia. The idea was received with great enthusiasm by the people. Millions of people volunteered. And as you know, the essential principles of the militia are willingness, selectivity, mass orientation and territoriality. We began to select the first hundreds of thousands of militiamen. But there were millions of volunteers. Truly, we did not have weapons for more. We were to meet again with the problem that there were millions of people willing to fight. We used say, well we will give them something to do. Because although we do not have weapons factories, at least we can make mines, grenades, so that at least each citizen in this country has at hand a grenade, or two or three, if the country is attacked. [applause] And that is not an easy task. This must be well understood. It is not easy to organize and train more than half a million combatants. It was necessary to ask for a special effort from the military training centers. This had to be done to train cadres. It was necessary to work intensely in the creation of conditions, handling of weapons, maintenance of weapons, warehousing of weapons. This required the construction of hundreds of warehouses, in which the People's Government agencies had an outstanding participation. The creation of hundreds of firing ranges was necessary. It was also necessary to create tens of gunsmith shops for the repair and maintenance of those weapons. Under great pressure and with a great effort, this miracle was realized: the miracle of organization within a very brief period of time, between 1981 and 1982, less than 2 years. That is why today our people have a mighty force which can be added to, which is incorporated into our FAR for the defense of the country. [applause] Through the donations of workers, workers' volunteer work, collections organized by mass organizations, including the pioneers, tens of millions of pesos were collected to pay for the cost of the territorial militias. With this a new principle has been established and that is: Territorial militias are paid for directly by the people. [applause] It was necessary to train more than 40,000 cadres, more that 40,000 officers. We now have those cadres. We now have 40,000 officers in the territorial militias. They were trained by our FAR. There are 10,000, half of them taking 6-month courses of study, another group taking the 1-year course of study. Summing up, this year of military training will see 10,000 cadres taking 6-month courses of study as well as 1-year courses. They will be qualifying in certain areas, improving their skills. It is a continuous project of training and improvement of those officers. We have more than 200 regiments, approximately 1,000 battalions of territorial militias integrated into more than 200 regiments, several divisions and this 163d army corps, which today received its combat flag. [applause] In a matter of months our defense has been enriched with more than half a million combatants from the people. One very important thing is that approximately 25 percent of the territorial militia combatants are women. [applause] Because the military service did not draft women, there was an enormous number of women in their prime, physically and mentally able, aside from their extraordinary revolutionary orientation [applause] waiting. They are the frontline trenches of the women. Even though there are already women in our FAR, perhaps their numbers will grow in future years, especially as the women demonstrate their excellent combat skills. [applause] As you all know, a great number of youths are members of the FAR, others are FAR reserves, others do other tasks. In the militias there are youths 16 years of age and older who, because they are studying or for other reasons, cannot be members of the reserves. There are men who, for one reason or another, are not members of the reserves, perhaps because of their age, or the work they do; it is not possible for them to be members of the regular forces. There are students, peasants, housewives. In this way, I repeat, the revolution incorporates a tremendous force into the defense, and these are the women. Because the rest are women in their prime for military activities. [applause] Certainly there is something that must be said here. Something that experience has demonstrated. It is a fact that women observe a very strict discipline, are punctual, more so than men, [applause] both in the classrooms and in combat training. In addition, in the territorial militias there are large contingents of students. I believe there is a full regiment of students somewhere out there. They have joined the territorial militias with great enthusiasm. What has been done in this field is amazing. It is a great victory for the party, state, mass organizations and our FAR. But it must be understood that we cannot be satisfied and that we must follow a path of continuous training for the officers and troops. This demands dedication, discipline. There is a program of 40 hours per year of training for the troops, in addition to 10 days in mass training at the battalion level every 5 years. These training plans must be strictly observed. Once more, this demands enthusiasm and our people's spirit. We presume that the territorial militias will continue to grow. There are at least 1 million citizens in this country requesting to join the militias. They have not joined because there are no weapons for them. Perhaps some day there will be, but we do not foresee it in the immediate future. Some people will ask: How can they recruit so many people? We could respond: Our problem is not recruiting such a large number of people, but to recruit the people who want to join the militias. That is our problem: [applause] the large mass of citizens who feel sad, who suffer because they are not participating in the territorial militias. That is why we have been able to observe with great pride the fruit of this effort and to see assembled here the militia forces which, as part of our FAR, will defend the capital of the republic in case of aggression. [applause] This means that they will defend their neighborhoods, blocks, homes and every stone of the capital city as long as they have a breath of life left in them. They know their factories, buildings and homes better than anyone else. They know them better than anyone else and are better motivated to defend them. Furthermore, on a day like today -- an anniversary such as this one -- it is not enough to speak only of the efforts made by the MTT -- the highlight of today's events, with members representing all the militias in our country -- but we must add to this the enormous efforts made by the armed forces, with their regular troops and reserves. [applause] For them, and in view of the situation of danger, we once again addressed the Soviets asking them to advance the weapons that we were scheduled to receive in the next 5 years. To tell you the truth, in only 2 years our FAR have received and have put to use the great majority of the weapons scheduled to be received over a period of 5 years, [applause] But let it be clear, and let this serve as a warning to the imperialists who have been counting ship after ship and estimating tons and more tons: The fact that we have received most of the arms of the 5-year program does not mean that we have renounced receiving more arms during the 5-year period if they are necessary. [applause] It's up to them if they want to continue losing sleep calculating the tons of weapons and the number of ships. Anyway, they can reach the conclusion that we are speaking seriously, and that we are a people who are seriously committed to defending ourselves and who do not underestimate the imperialists. We are not afraid of them, but we do not underestimate them. We don't dismiss the imperialist threats because we know that they are capable of many crimes and many misdeeds. We know this because of all the crimes committed here and the ones they are committing in other areas of the world, and we take the necessary measures to strengthen our defense, at any cost. Our armed forces have worked on perfecting the training courses for the regular troops as well as the reserves. The firepower of the ground forces, air force, antiaircraft defenses and the navy has increased considerably. This effort made by the officers and cadres of the armed forces, along with their work in organizing the militia, has meant a tremendous effort as well as hard, tireless work. Preparing more cadres for the regular troops, assimilating a technology that is progressively more sophisticated and complex -- no one can imagine how much effort, how much sweat and how much sacrifice this job requires; how much work. Moreover, in addition to successfully completing this job, our armed forces have not neglected, have not ignored for one single instant and have paid special interest, special attention, to the Cuban internationalist contingents in Angola and Ethiopia [applause] and to the different military missions that are cooperating in different countries of the world. This attention has not decreased one bit. On the contrary, it has been increased and since the imperialists were at the same time threatening in other places, it was necessary to pay more attention. Perhaps they thought that if they threatened us we would become nervous, that we would immediately recall our internationalist fighters. But no one became nervous here. That did not cause the return of one single internationalist fighter. On the contrary, if the circumstances had required it, we were prepared to reinforce them. A news dispatch was published yesterday by the CIA, which said that Cuba had reinforced its troops in Angola. I am not going to say whether this is true or false; but if we have done it, we have simply fulfilled our duty in view of the imperialist threats. In the face of imperialist threats there can be no retreat. [applause] In the face of imperialist threats one cannot retreat one bit, because then they are encouraged, stimulated; they get bold because they have the mentality of bullies. Their aggressive spirit is stimulated. That is why it has been the philosophy of the revolution never to retreat one bit in the face of pressure and aggression from the imperialists. Our internationalist contingents are not fulfilling missions for our pleasure or for the country's prestige. They are fulfilling a duty at the request of the countries where they are carrying out their missions, and without any material interest, unlike the imperialist soldiers who are spread around the world defending their monopolies and their economic interests; defending their exploitive interests. We are not defending any economic interest or any national interest. They entrench themselves in the countries for vulgar reasons of economic and material interests. We dig in behind our ideas and principles. Marti said that it is better to have trenches of ideas than trenches of stone. We would say that it is a thousand times better and motivates man more to dig in behind a principle than behind a vulgar material interest. [applause] Our forces will not stay in any country a minute longer than it is necessary for that country, and only as long as the country asks for it. Our men would not delay a minute in leaving, the moment that the country where they were on a mission asked them to leave. This is why our troops will never represent a problem for any country and will not be a threat to any foreign country. Our forces have gone on support missions to some countries; but I repeat, they will never stay a minute longer in any country that asks them to return home. We are not defending strategic positions or national interests; therefore, it would be easy for us to leave. And this principle will always be respected, just like the principle of respect -- the most absolute respect -- for the domestic and foreign policies of the countries that have asked us for help. In the midst of this huge task, I repeat, we have not disregarded our internationalist contingents for one second. The armed forces, it is proper to acknowledge on a day like today, have never neglected their support of productive activities either. For example there is the Youth Labor Army [applause], which will soon celebrate its 10th anniversary and which constitutes the most productive force in the country, which in the past 2 sugar harvests cut 1,322,000 arrobas. [applause] It has cleared 15,000 caballerias and planted another 4,000. And in the past 2 years more than 600 of its platoons have earned the title of millionaire sugarcane cutters. It is fair to acknowledge and express our gratitude and to point out the benefits that this force has brought to the country's economy, not only in the sugarcane sector -- although it works fundamentally with sugarcane -- but also in other activities. Yesterday we estimated that within 10 years the Youth Army will have cut the equivalent of a complete sugar harvest. [applause] And the armed forces have not neglected political work with the troops, the ideological and patriotic motivation of the fighters, since our main strength is not in arms but in our morale, in our patriotism and in our revolutionary awareness. It lies in the men who carry the weapons. [applause] Neither the country nor the armed forces have neglected our men. We know the housing problems that many of our officers have. With efforts and sacrifices we have been implementing, and we will continue implementing, plans to modestly, with modest homes, solve the housing problem of the officers and permanent cadres of the armed forces. I don't know to what extent our people are aware of the type of life that officers lead, the sacrifices they make, the time they are separated from their families, the existence of officers who have served several internationalist missions and the readiness of our officers to leave immediately to fulfill any task they are assigned in any part of the world. [applause] This justifies the people making an effort to improve their material life, or better yet, the material life of their relatives, who often go weeks, months and years without seeing them. This is why, together with our efforts -- and with our limited resources -- toward solving the housing problems of our manual and intellectual workers and our peasants, we should make firm efforts to solve also the housing problem of our military cadres. We know that all the people understand this, and that all the people support this. [applause] We have talked of big efforts and big achievements. it is fair to point them out on a day like today. This does not mean that there is no critical or self-critical spirit. This does not mean at all that we don't realize our difficulties or our deficiencies. I think that revolutionaries have a certain disposition, the disposition of always being unsatisfied with what they have done, thinking that they can always do better and that man's work can be more perfect. This has to be the attitude of our workers, students, people and armed forces. We are aware of our weaknesses and deficiencies, but we will constantly struggle to overcome them. There is a point that has currently motivated a campaign by the party. This may sound insignificant, but it is very important. This is the matter of the military registry and the corresponding documents. The fighters know what this means. Many of the people surely know this, but we have to point out the importance of a continuous updating of the military registry. I know that the comrades in the armed forces are very interested in promoting this matter. If anyone moves, this fact must be registered immediately; it must be brought up to date. If anyone acquires a new skill, this has to be recorded. If a militiaman or a worker becomes an engineer, if a student graduates, all those changes must be recorded. This applies not only to changes in a man's condition, but also technological changes. Technology must be recorded; changes in technology must be recorded, as well as problems in technology or the transfer of technology. This is very important: We need a continuous updating of the military registry documents because they are indispensable for the organization, control and mobilization of the people for defense purposes. Be aware of the fact that defense is something that is not in the hands of an institution. It is something that is in the hands of the entire people. And who of us is not connected to defense one way or another? He who is not in the regular troops is a reservist of the regular forces or is a member of the MTT or wants to be a member of the MTT or is a member of the civil defense or is indispensable for production. Those who are indispensable for production are also soldiers. They are men who can't move from their post, not even during peacetime, and some of them not even during wartime. There are some who must not move during peacetime but must move during wartime, and there are some who won't be able to move during wartime because they must ensure services and production indispensable for the people. Therefore, the entire people participate one way or another in defense, and this is why it is necessary -- especially for those who are members of the regular and reserve units, and the MTT, etc. -- to have their registries up to date. It would be good if the mass organizations would set for themselves in the near future goals to update military registry documents. This goes for students, workers, the federation. We take advantage of this occasion to make an appeal in this regard. There have been great advancements in preparing the people, the state and all the institutions for defense. The president of the People's Government, the secretaries of the party and the party have prepared. The People's Government and the state central organizations have prepared. They have worked, they have prepared joint plans for the defense of the country, for any possible aggression, whether a total blockade, what should be done, surprise attacks -- which are common with the imperialists -- a war of attrition, an invasion of the country, etc; so that our country is ever more prepared to defend itself. Intensive work has been done in this regard in the past 2 years. As you know we have also worked intensively on preparing the ground. It would not be right to forget on a day like today the huge effort made this year for an extended period of time by the construction workers. [applause] For several weeks, with their material, human and technical resources, they did engineer work to prepare the grounds. They moved dozens of millions of cubic meters of earth to improve our fighting capabilities and to protect technology and man. It is only right, on a day like today, to pay them tribute. The defense effort has been huge. It undoubtedly represents expenditures; millions and tens of millions of hours that the workers of the country invest in defense matters, with the MTT, in the 6-month courses, in the 1-year courses, in the courses for the reserves. A continuous mobilization of workers is necessary. For this reason it is necessary to know who is really indispensable, and necessary that their registry is up to date. This demands energy and material expenditure from the country, but we cannot hesitate. Defense is costly, but it is even more costly to be unarmed and defenseless in the face of imperialism. Defense is developed not only to repel an aggression but also to avoid an aggression. Defense is tested not only during wartime, but also in peacetime; and maintaining peace is a victory. Peace, when faced with an aggressive and treacherous enemy like Yankee imperialism, will be maintained when that enemy realizes that an aggression could be very costly; and imperialism cannot even imagine what the cost of an aggression against our country would be. It could cost it many things. [applause] So defense is developed not only for war but to prevent, to avoid, a war; to defend peace; to defend the lives of our citizens. We don't hesitate to assign to public health whatever is necessary because we cannot allow a child or any person to die for lack of medicine, because of something material. This is a priority. We don't haggle about the resources that we devote to education, either. The revolution has been supporting education since the very beginning so that there are no children without schools and no illiterates in the country. And we cannot haggle about efforts and sacrifices to defend the national territory, the fatherland, the lives of our citizens -- to defend peace. [applause] Imperialism, which is aggressive throughout the world, is particularly aggressive in this hemisphere, because it considers Latin America its exclusive property, its common backyard. And in this backyard there has been much misery. There is much misery here; there is much hunger, and this generates the struggle of the peoples. It generates revolutions, above all, when all the paths are closed; when the people do not have any democratic way to carry out their struggle, as has occurred for dozens and dozens of years in Central America. Ah, but the imperialists do not understand that this struggle is the result of exploitation, that it is the fruit of a historical situation maintained by colonialism, neocolonialism and imperialism. Each time, they have to find someone to blame for the revolution. It is like in the case of Cuba. To whom do we attribute our revolution? Everyone knows how the revolution came about in Cuba, and it happens more or less in the same way in the other countries. The imperialists, and specially the current administration, view every revolution as an act of Soviet expansionism. If it is in Latin America, they say it is Soviet or Cuban expansionism. Every time it is in Latin America, we are blamed. This makes the imperialists threatening, aggressive. And recently Mr Reagan made a tour of Latin America, through some countries of Latin America. This tour had two objectives: One was to resolve the crisis in relations between the United States and Latin America following the Malvinas war. As is known, following the Malvinas conflict, Latin America united, as a general rule, with very few exceptions, to support Argentina. Despite the great ideological differences between the Argentine and Cuban Governments, Cuba did not hesitate to give Argentina its diplomatic and political support in the wake of the Malvinas war because this was a just cause of the Argentine people, and it was a vindication of the Argentine people. [applause] It was our basic duty to support Argentina, and we supported it in the international forums and everywhere else. And truly Argentina found a very broad international support, especially in the group of nonaligned countries. The U.S. Government in a demagogic manner first tried to pose as a mediator, but it later barefacedly -- tearing the OAS to shreds, tearing the famous Inter-American Reciprocal Assistance Treaty, TIAR, to shreds -- supported an extracontinental power against the Argentine people. The United States speaks often about extracontinental interventions and considers every revolution that occurs in Latin America an extracontinental intervention, but when a real extracontinental intervention occurred, a European intervention, when a war broke out between a NATO country and a country of Latin America, the U.S. Government took off its mask and openly supported Great Britain in its conflict with Argentina, which was in a way also a conflict with Latin America. This produced disastrous results for U.S. policy. And consequently, with a disdain for the peoples and a disdain for historical reality, they announced a post-Malvinas plan to restore their relations with Latin America. Their relations with Latin America are not affected by the Malvinas issue alone, but also by an infinite number of other factors. They proposed a plan to sweetly invite a great number of Latin American presidents to Washington, to stroke them, to flatter them, and at the same ( time they proposed to make a trip through South America, to Brazil and Colombia. Obviously, his fundamental interest in going there w,,is to repair their battered political relations. But at the same time he included Central America in his tour. Obviously, the purpose there was to promote the plans to isolate Nicaragua, the plans of destabilization and aggression against Nicaragua, and the plans of control and domination in Central America. And it was interesting to watch his tour, because no one k-new what Reagan imagined Latin America to be. He really encountered new things and found things that no other U.S. President had found in Latin America, because both in Brazil and in Colombia, one must say so honestly and justly, he found statesmen who were capable of responding to him nobly and with independence. [applause] The Yankee imperialists had never before encountered such language as he did on his tour. And they dotted the i's on economic topics, on political subjects and on the Central American topic, both in Brazil and Colombia. The same did not occur in Central America. There the U.S. disdain for the peoples and governments exceeds all limits. They arrived in Central America to give orders. In Brazil Mr Reagan tried to pose as one of the magi and made certain loan offers. But despite that, the responses he received in that country were responses that we can term correct and honorable. Brazil is undoubtedly a strong country, with a certain level of economic development, and was able to face up to him. Columbia also faced up to him. Unfortunately, the Central American countries are too weak, they have a terrible economic crisis and a total dependence on the United States. That is why they arrived there giving orders. It was the strangest tour in the world, a tour in a steel case, an armored tour, surrounded by thousands of bodyguards and security guards, having no contact with the people anywhere. He was surrounded by thousands of escorts and security guards. He had no contact with the people anywhere. He spent only a matter of hours in Central America. Naturally, Nicaragua was deliberately excluded from the tour. He toured Costa Rica and Honduras, and there he met with different leaders. Naturally, he offered nothing specific, no specific aid, no offers. There the presidents of Honduras and Costa Rica were left with their hands outstretched because the emperor refused to give them the alms that they begged for. Apparently he thought that his divine presence was more than enough to compensate those governments that were worthy of little respect. In Costa Rica he embraced Magana. I do not know if you know who Magana is, but you must have read about him in the papers. He is a president who was set up with rigged and unilateral elections in El Salvador, from which the opposition was excluded, the revolutionary opposition, the leftist opposition. Well, this is extraordinary, but at the same time it is customary for the imperialists. Reagan said there that he was impressed with the improvements that had been made in human rights in El Salvador, that a considerable improvement had taken place, and that consequently the shipment of arms was still justified. What he does is bring this before Congress, which has demanded that human rights be improved. He has to certify this, and it is no problem at all for him to certify this. He said that he was impressed with the improvement in human rights in El Salvador, where massacres are committed continually and tens and hundreds of persons are murdered. This is the objective reality. However, the imperialist philosophy includes things such as this: Instead of killing 100 every week, they are now killing 99. This is extraordinary progress and justifies the sending of more arms to El Salvador for repression. This is the imperialist morality, their philosophy, in spite of all their propaganda. He certified right then that everything was improving in El Salvador. In Honduras he embraced Rios Montt. This is another unique personality who has appeared in the Central American scene as a result of Yankee maneuvers. This is another astonishing matter: After strongly embracing Mr Rios Montt, a man who in only a few months has been responsible for the murder of thousands of Guatemalan Indians, including whole communities, Reagan said that he was impressed with the great personal integrity of Rios Montt, and that therefore military aid to Guatemala would unquestionably be resumed soon. This is the imperialist morality, the imperialist philosophy. It reaches such extremes in its attempts to invert the truth and history that it attributes the economic difficulties of these countries to the revolutionaries. That is, everything is inverted, everything is backward. The revolutionaries exist precisely due to historical social and economic problems: the poverty, misery and exploitation caused for centuries by the colonialists, the neocolonialists and imperialism. Imperialism and necolonialism are responsible for the frightening misery that exists in these countries. Imperialism is responsible for the bloody repression that has existed in these countries for dozens of years, for the crimes that have been committed in these countries, for the interventions in Central America, for the support of genocidal governments, for the overthrow of the democratic and progressive government of [Jacobo] Arbenz in Guatemala. These are the causes, these are the roots of the struggles of these peoples, who grew tired of enduring and decided to take up the struggle. Once in a while, even the imperialists concede that economic difficulties exist. What they do not have is the basic integrity to concede that they are responsible for the economic difficulties of the Central American people. They look for someone to blame for these revolutions. One of the great lies made up by the imperialists about Central America is the attempt to blame the Soviet Union for the revolutions in Central America. This is related to the imperialist idea of viewing the conflicts in Central America as part of the East-West conflict. And there are some fools in the world, some ignorant persons in the world, who play into the hands of this imperialist propaganda and claim that the conflict in Central America is part of the East-West conflict. The fact is that the East has had absolutely nothing to do with Central America and the problems of Central America. This is the historic truth. The Soviets did not even know any of the present Nicaraguan leaders. During the Nicaraguan revolutionary period the Soviets did not know them. The same is true for El Salvador. The Communist Party is one of five leftist organizations in El Salvador, which are united in the Farabundo Marti Front. The communist parties have contacts with each other, but if we exclude the Salvadoran Communist Party, as an exception -- a small but militant party that does not have a large membership -- the Soviet Union did not know the leaders of the FMLN; it did not have contacts with them. The same can be said for Guatemala. This is the most ridiculous, absurd and incredible lie. The imperialists say it every day and repeat it in the style of [word indistinct], and it is repeated by the idiots who follow the imperialist game and propaganda by presenting the Central American problem as an East-West problem and as the result of Soviet-Cuban intervention. We are in this hemisphere, we have relations with the revolutionary movements and we know the revolutionary leaders; this I will not deny. We know them. But what I am trying to say here is that it is a big lie when they try to involve the Soviet Union, when one cannot say the same of the Soviet Union in relation to the Central American revolutionary leaders. [applause] This is a deliberate lie, and it has a goal. This goal is to justify imperialist intervention in Central America. Take Cuba, for example. When we were waging the revolutionary war, who could blame the Soviets for our revolutionary struggle in the Sierra Maestra, Moncada and Granma, and what extracontinental country ever told us to attack Moncada or to land with the "Gramma". What participation and responsibility did they have? Yes, we did have ideological influence from Europe; the whole world has this influence. For example, Christianity was not the religion practiced by the Indians who lived in this hemisphere, but after the time of Columbus they were made Christians. One way or another they were made Christians, and today they are Christians. We could say that those who speak of alien ideologies are not Christians because this was an alien ideology that was born in the Middle East. And the U.S. bourgeois and liberal ideas, as well as its constitution, came from European philosophers. Of course, it had to come from the Europeans because they had greater material, technical and cultural development. It could be said that the U.S. Constitution is an alien and exotic ideology that came from another continent. Such are the ridiculous arguments that are used to fight Marxism-Leninism. Alien ideologies -- what is an alien ideology? And the imperialists use this lie, this alleged Soviet participation. It is the same as with Cuba. Exactly the same as with Cuba, and everyone knows it. The revolutionary movements have been developing in other Central American countries in the same manner. I repeat, the relations between the Soviet Union and Cuba came after the triumph of the revolution. The relations between the Soviets and Nicaragua came after the triumph of the revolution. In line with all these theories, imperialism has made plans to destabilize Nicaragua and attack Nicaragua. The whole world is aware of the fact that they have invested a large amount of money to arm the Honduran Army. They are carrying out joint maneuvers with Honduras near the border with Nicaragua. The whole world is aware of the fact that months ago the U.S. Government made a decision to destabilize and overthrow the Nicaraguan Government. The CIA was given $19 million for this purpose, using Somozist guards who withdrew into Honduras after the triumph of the Sandinist revolution and using reactionary elements inside Nicaraguan. But the main force is the Somozists. Thousands of former Samozist guards have been gathered, organized, trained and armed to attack Nicaragua. The United States recently increased the arming of Hondurans; however, they want the Nicaraguans to remain unarmed, just as they wanted Cuba to remain unarmed. Those plans are known now. You would have to be cynical to deny this. Even Reagan, when he is asked about this problem, evades answering it and speaks of something else. He never gives a real answer. He is always evasive when he is asked about the CIA plans to destabilize and attack Nicaragua. He gives no answer, but the U.S. press has made charges regarding this. What is happening now is not the same thing that happened at Giron. At that time, some U.S. newspapers were aware of the fact that there was going to be an aggression, and the government exerted great pressure -- and among these newspapers was THE NEW YORK TIMES -- for them not to expose these plans. Under the pretext of patriotism, they forced the press to keep quiet. Under the pretext of U.S. security, they asked the press to remain quiet, because this would affect the sacrosanct rights of U.S. security. And this caused some newspapers to lose prestige, and they were also criticized. But this time it has not been like this. NEWSWEEK has given details of the aggression plans against Nicaragua. THE NEW YORK TIMES has also exposed these plans, and so have other news media. They are therefore making plans to overthrow the Nicaraguan Government openly and shamelessly. You either get on your knees or we destroy you. This is practically the language that the United States is using in regard to Nicaragua, and after Reagan's visit, the military actions by the counterrevolutionary bands operating from the Honduran border have increased considerably, almost on a daily basis. Just 48-hours ago a monstrous incident occurred. A helicopter transporting 75 children from an area being attacked by the counterrevolutionaries crashed as a result or because of counterrevolutionary actions. Directly or indirectly, the blame rests with the counterrevolutionary bands because of their aggressions against Nicaragua from Honduras. This helicopter crash and caught fire, and 75 innocent Nicaraguan children lost their lives. This occurred after Reagan's visit, a trip that he said he would use to speak of peace and to seek peace in Central America. This is imperialist policy. There is no peace in El Salvador because the U.S. Government does not want peace in El Salvador. The revolutionaries have expressed their willingness to find political formulas and to seek political solutions. They have made these proposals at a time when they are stronger than ever. This is the merit they have, their contribution to try and solve the Central American crisis. But the U.S. Administration does not want it. They want the military victory of the reactionary, fascist and repressive forces; they want the annihilation of the revolutionaries. This is U.S. policy. They reject all dialogue, any possibility of political solution. I repeat, there could be peace in El Salvador. There could be peace between Nicaragua and Honduras, but if there is no peace between Nicaragua and Honduras it is because of the imperialist plans, the destabilizing plans and the plans of aggression. There is no peace between Honduras and Nicaragua because the United States does not want it. There is no peace in Namibia because the United States does not want it. There is no peace in Angola because the United States does not want it. There is no peace in Mozambique because the United States does not want it and supports South Africa in the destabilization of Mozambique and Angola. There is no peace in the Middle East because the United States does not want it and supports the demands, the blackmail and the aggression of Zionism against the Palestinian and Arab peoples. Imperialism responds to the people's demands and claims for independence and liberty with massacres: massacres in Angola, in Namibia, in South Africa -- against the patriots -- in Lesotho, as happened 3 days ago as a result of actions by South African commandos; in Mozambique, in Lebanon -- where entire neighborhoods such as those of Shatila and Sabra were put to the sword simply because a people from whom their fatherland, their soil, was taken away, a people who were dispersed throughout the world, were demanding their right to have a fatherland -- in El Salvador, the massacre of Indians in Guatemala, and the massacre of children in Nicaragua. This is imperialism's answer. This is the philosophy of imperialism toward the struggle of the people. This aggressive, fascist, bloody and repressive attitude that tries to oppose the development of history, that tries to stop the march of the people, goes together with the imperialist egoism that is being manifested in all its forms, the egoism that has worsened the economic crisis afflicting the world, especially the capitalist countries. U.S. egoism has much to do with this crisis: its monetary policies; its protectionist policies; its policy restricting world commerce, credit and finances -- a situation that is increasingly involving mankind in an ever worse and more dangerous crisis. This egoism goes to extremes. Recently, they imposed a 30 to 40 percent tax increase on handcrafts from Peru, a country with economic difficulties, a Third World country that had been exporting $80 million worth of handicrafts to the United States. In order to cut these imports for good, the United States increased taxes on them by 30 to 40 percent. This is the type of egoistic policy they maintain toward all countries, especially toward the Third World countries, which are facing an extremely serious economic situation with a debt of approximately $600 million. This egoistic policy was also evident at the Law of the Sea Conference. Almost 120 countries have signed an agreement that was discussed for many years, but the United States did not sign the convention and urged other industrialized and developed allies not to sign the convention, simply because this convention establishes that all the sea areas and soil beyond the 200-mile exclusive economic zone of the countries are the patrimony of mankind. They are openly telling the majority of mankind that they are not prepared to sign the convention, and they thus implicitly confess their intention and purpose -- based on their economic resources and technology -- to take possession of international waters and soil. This is the imperialist fact: an aggressive policy, an exploiting policy, an egoistic policy, cynicism, lies, bloody answers to the struggles of the peoples and the economic strangling of the peoples. This is what imperialism is, regardless of its propaganda, regardless of its deceit, regardless of its lies. These facts can't be hidden from the world, and even less from the Latin American peoples, and especially not from our people. [applause] I think that these thoughts on a day like today help us understand the need for being well prepared in all fields -- in the political, ideological and defense fields -- in view of these dangers and these risks. I have mentioned several countries where there is no peace because of the imperialists. And there is neither tranquillity nor security in Europe because of the imperialists, because of their efforts to install hundreds of medium-range nuclear missiles near the Soviet Union's borders, because of their arms buildup policy, because of their policy of terror. it is not only in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Namibia, Angola, Mozambique and the Middle East that there is no peace. It can be said that there is no peace in the world. The least that could be said is that there is no tranquillity, that there is no security, that we are on the threshold of an uncontrollable arms race and that the danger of a world war is growing; the danger is growing and it is real. No one wants war. We don't want war. No aware man wants war. No aware man can think that today's problems can be solved by means of a world war. And peace and peaceful coexistence are principles of Marxism-Leninism. We are not removed from these principles. They are our principles, too. The claim that this whole situation results from an alleged Soviet arms buildup is a huge lie. The Soviets lived for many years under very difficult conditions, surrounded by Yankee nuclear bases everywhere, and they were capable of maintaining their equanimity, their calm. As a result of their development, they secured nuclear equilibrium, which is what exists in the world right now. However, imperialism elaborates theories and more theories to justify its arms race based on an alleged Soviet nuclear superiority. And this is truly a theory to worry about, truly dangerous, and its forces everyone to think. What can we do for peace? How can we contribute to decreasing international tensions? It is everyone's duty, the socialist countries, the progressive countries, our country. And we will do so. But peace is also defended with firmness. Peace is defended with determination. Peace is defended with courage. As we said previously, we cannot give an inch to imperialist blackmail, pressures, threats and aggression because they become very brave, and we are not a world power. We are a small country, and we are willing to make our contribution toward peace, but we will never give up our independence. We are not to blame for imperialist threats against our country. We are not to blame for imperialist aggression against our country. We are not to blame for their criminal economic blockade, their constant harassment. But we will always know how to worthy and courageous response to those risks, to those threats. We love life, but more than life we love the principles of honor and dignity and the independence of our country. More than life we love the most sacred values of man. [applause] Without honor, liberty, justice and independence, life is not worth living. That is why we have always said, and why we have repeatedly demonstrated that we are willing to die before renouncing our principles. [applause] We continue hoping that the imperialists will think, will reconsider. We continue hoping that a world war can be prevented. A world war would mean the end of mankind. We continue hoping that with the constant struggle of the peoples, and with the opinion of the peoples of the world, and with the struggle of the peoples, we will be able to tie the hands of the imperialists. And we hope that many of the problems of Central America, South Africa and the Middle East -- problems that could be considered regional problems -- will find just and worthy solutions. Meanwhile we will continue struggling in our country. We will continue struggling toward our economic and social development, despite the difficulties. And I can't understand why the imperialists are not ashamed by all the slander they use against Cuba. I can't understand why they don't compare the situation of those oppressed and unfortunate countries in Latin America with the situation in Cuba. A long time ago illiteracy disappeared from our country. Today there are more illiterates in the United States than in Cuba. They have a greater percentage of illiteracy. We have decreased ours to practically zero, and they have millions of illiterates and semi-illiterates. How can we compare what we have here with what they have in Central America? How can we compare the levels of education, health, employment and morals, the disappearance of gambling, drugs, prostitution and begging? How can we compare the security of our citizens and the dignity of our citizens, the respect of every human being in this country, the equality and the prospects for legal and true equality of our citizens, the disappearance of all traces of discrimination and the disappearance of all traces of exploitation and social injustice? Aren't the imperialists ashamed of comparing what we have in Cuba and Cuba's success with what colonialism, neocolonialism have left in Central America? And we have achieved this with our struggle, determination, courage, decision, effort, work and international cooperation in which our unwavering and close friend the USSR plays an important role. [applause] Recently, when the Colombian president hinted that Cuba should be integrated into the Latin American system, Mr Reagan said that this could happen only if it broke its ties with the Soviet Union. Is the logical capacity of the President of the United States weak? We are willing to live in peace with mutual respect, but we will never break our ties with the Soviet Union. [applause] Understand well, imperialists, that we are not the kind of people who break their tie with friends to become allies of their enemies. [applause] Understand, imperialists, that we cannot be hired, bought or intimidated. This country and this revolution have followed a clean, straight and shining path, and on this path we will walk at whatever cost. This is our path and the path of the future Cuban generations. [applause] Fellow countrymen, for all these reasons let us dedicate ourselves as never before to our work, production and struggle against economic difficulties; and let us dedicate ourselves as never before to the defense of the country in every area -- political, ideological and military. In this manner we will be able to comply with our beautiful slogan: Fatherland or death, we will win. [applause] -END-