-DATE- 19861201 -YEAR- 1986 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- INTERVIEW -AUTHOR- F. CASTRO -HEADLINE- CASTRO DISCUSSES WORKERS VIEWS OF BENEFITS -PLACE- PALACE OF CONVENTIONS -SOURCE- HAVANA TV SERVICE -REPORT_NBR- FBIS -REPORT_DATE- 19861204 -TEXT- CASTRO DISCUSSES WORKERS VIEWS OF BENEFITS F1032000 Havana Television Service in Spanish 0005 GMT 1 Dec 86 [Exchange between Fidel Castro, first secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba, and a delegate to the deferred final session of the party's third congress at Havana's Palace of Conventions on 30 November] [Text] [Suarez] My name is Reynaldo Suarez, first party secretary in Union de Reyes. Commander, the topic I would like to discuss is party work which in a way is linked to all that we have been talking about. We cannot leave out the party's deficient work in all this. Before taking up this topic, I would like to bring up something that you mentioned earlier. Also, in your most recent speeches you have spoken about services in our country. In all this rectification process in which the party has moved away from the bureaucracy of meetings and the [word indistinct] to the administration, we have not had to come into contact [vincular] further with the workers or take part in assemblies of production with our groups. What has not been mentioned yet? As we were explaining some days ago to the comrades at the municipal plenum of the Central Organization of Cuban Trade Unions -- and were we to ask the delegates here -- very few would know what the real wages of a worker are. This is because our workers have a false concept, no appreciation when it comes to realize, to evaluate the benefits they receive from our revolution along with the nominal salary they get each month. We had to go talk to three workers because their norm in iron cutting [partidur de hierro] was raised from 9 to 13 tons. We spent 2 hours talking to them because when we checked we found out that they were earning 350 pesos. This was a management error, first of all, because the norm was not changed when technical conditions were. It was also deficient work by the party because it did not demalid that management do it. When we began to talk to them, they were unable to understand why they had to go from 9 to 13 tons. In addition, when we started talking with them and got the information out of them, they were overfulfilling in 16 and 18 hours [corrects himself] 16 and 18 tons. They began to understand what the problem was. We kept talking and found out that we had come from the same place and grown up barefooted under capitalism. We had to remind them of the hunger we experienced under capitalism. I want you to know that if the party has had deficiencies in anything, it is that a percentage of our working class has lost sight of the hunger it suffered under capitalism in this rectification process. We have to undertake a hard ideological battle. We asked the comrades: Tell me how much you pay pay to go to the polyclinic. How much do you pay to send your son to school? How much do you pay at the child care center? We pay 200 pesos for a funeral service in our municipality. Under capitalism, we used to say that the death of a relative was sad but the funeral bill was sadder. we had to go into hock. I was a kid but I have not forgotten the misery of capitalism. We have talked a great deal about labor discipline, but capitalism at least taught men to work out of need. I feel that if there was anything that we lost in this battle over these past years, it has been the open discussion with the men about what their role and obligation are in the socialist society. Our society has given them benefits. Today, the living standard of our people is unquestionably superior to that under capitalism. [Castro] You have raised some very interesting issues. I believe that some of your arguments in speaking to the workers, when you asked what society gave them aside from their wages, could be supported with a lot more cases. For instance, the food subsidies. The cost of transportation, which was discussed here because people feel it is time to reform the system. After all, people take the bus to go three or four blocks. The defense of the country takes a high, very high percentage of the overall social product. Defense and security. But what are we going to do? You cannot wage a revolution for free. Free was what we had before. But if you wage a revolution and then you have to defend it against a powerful empire, does not that cost a great deal? Iron, wood, steel, manpower. Military construction, fortifications, all that kind of thing. There are many things. Actually, you probably have used these arguments in your conversations with workers. There are many arguments that can be used. [Suarez] Allow me. In the special meeting of the provincial committee, I said that if our press needed to play a bigger role in any element, it was precisely this: it has to serve as the vehicle to teach and inform our workers what the revolution is giving them for free that they used to have to pay for. Commander, there is a great percentage of our workers who have forgotten this. [Castro] They are young. They were born in the revolution. How can they? They did not suffer the hunger that you yourself say you had to when you were young. [Suarez] Some of those who lived under capitalism have also forgotten. [Castro] That is possible, yes, and you said that they,did not consult the party, it was passed over. It's only logical that the party is an obstacle for anyone who wants to do bad things. There is no doubt about it. It is an obstacle. Without the party, people would feel free to do whatever they wanted. You also spoke about some party members who fail to understand some of these things, some of the needs. We would have to see whether we might have grown too fast. If we have lost quality in growing. This is always painful. [applause] This is what we all were saying in earnest. Nothing makes us happier than a new school, a new hospital, a new residential area. Anything. What has never crossed my mind is to use the standard of living as motivation for the masses. I believe that it is not what motivates men, what motivates revolutionaries. That is one of the fundamental objectives, to always appeal to man's conscience. If we spoke only of living standards -- and I have never even liked the term -- we could unleash a terrible national selfishness. Marxism-Leninism is internationalism. If we, for instance, thought only about ourselves, there would never be anything left for the practice of internationalism. We have 1,500 doctors. We would love to have those doctors on the mountains, do as we did in Guantanamo, a mountainous province, where we have 150. But we have 1,500 overseas. We fulfill internationalist duties. We have many students here, we have many people abroad, tens of thousands of people, because we have fostered an internationalist awareness. If the masses are taught only in terms of living standards, then they will never have an internationalist awareness, because everything that you do to give to another you are taking away from yourself. Imagine, if we were not internationalists, we would be the most ungrateful people in the world. Yes, we would be the most ungrateful people in the world, because no one has received so much from internationalism as we have. That is why I said once that we were paying our debt to mankind, our own debt to mankind. That is so. We have to educate people in solidarity. That is what we have to educate them in. In the spirit of struggle, in the spirit of sacrifice. Living standards will be a by-product of the revolution itself, of development, of all that. I must speak with absolute sincerity. I believe that if we have been able to allow ourselves the luxury of many of these blunders, and at the same time we have been able to enjoy defense, education, health, development, real standards of living, it is in large part due not to our work but to what we have received from internationalism. When there is a fair exchange -- which is what we have been seeking for all Third World countries -- when we get 20 odd cents for a pound of sugar when prices are 7 or 8, do you truly believe that this country is in a position to afford the luxury to consume 10 million tons of fuel? If someone were to buy all the sugar on the world market -- and I am not talking of now that prices are down, but over a 10-year period -- all the sugar that the country exports would not be sufficient to buy the fuel that the country consumes. Thanks to that we have been able to have resources. We have allowed ourselves the luxury of being wasteful ad infinitum. If we have been able to do it, it is really because of the way we conduct our exchanges. That is the truth. We could engage in very harsh self-criticism. All the things we have done wrong, incorrectly. All these vices, all these tendencies. We, our revolution have allowed ourselves the luxury. Yes, because this was not the Bolshevik Revolution. The Bolshevik Revolution has no one to help. They had to go barefoot, export wheat, furs, hides, everything. No, our revolution is nothing like the sacrifices the Bolshevik Revolution had to endure. I feel that our revolution is special in positive ways. In many ways. It has certain historical merits. But we have not experienced...[changes thought] the people under capitalism have forgotten. If the revolution had had to start out toward development without outside assistance, without credit, without the prices our products have, we would not have been able to manage. Well, we have to educate people and they cannot be educated by appealing every day to the material rewards of the standard of living. Otherwise, you would not have internationalists, teachers going to Nicaragua for 2 years; those people would be thinking only of money. You would not have tens of thousands of men abroad fulfilling military and civilian missions. A man who thought only of the standard of living would be incapable of solidarity, internationalism. Hence the role of the party -- and what is the role of the party after all? How is it going to deal with this problem? How is it going to wage the struggle? This is very important. We could say that like the mass organization, the party has lived in great part for itself. To organize [words indistinct] large party, a party with a lot of members who are a force. I feel that the party has to tackle this reality; as it is doing now. Who else is going to take over the job if not the party? Who can wage this battle and who can win this battle if not the party? Of course, this means the party with the masses. That is why I have been glad to see the number of times that reference has been made here to discussions with workers, meetings with workers, discussions with workers [as heard], and, what the comrade here said, the fact that they even went to the ships to meet with fishermen out to sea to discuss the problems. After all, the party has to work with the masses, the mass organizations, the youth. What emerges from all this, all that has been discussed here, is the fact that the party is truly engaged in the struggle. It is growing aware of the difficulties. You have said that there has been an answer to this, to that. But there are still many things unanswered. [applause] -END-