-DATE- 19900315 -YEAR- 1990 -DOCUMENT_TYPE- -AUTHOR- -HEADLINE- Cuba's Castro Conducts Interview on National TV -PLACE- SOUTH AMERICA / Brazil -SOURCE- Rio de Janeiro Rede Globo Television -REPORT_NBR- FBIS-LAT-90-052 -REPORT_DATE- 19900316 -HEADER- BRS Assigned Document Number: 000004874 Report Type: Daily Report AFS Number: PY1603032090 Report Number: FBIS-LAT-90-052 Report Date: 16 Mar 90 Report Series: Daily Report Start Page: 66 Report Division: SOUTH AMERICA End Page: 68 Report Subdivision: Brazil AG File Flag: Classification: UNCLASSIFIED Language: Portuguese Document Date: 15 Mar 90 Report Volume: Friday Vol VI No 052 Dissemination: City/Source of Document: Rio de Janeiro Rede Globo Television Report Name: Latin America Headline: Cuba's Castro Conducts Interview on National TV Author(s): Enrique Amorim and Luis Garcia on 14 March; place unknown; questions in Portuguese with Castro answering in Spanish with superimposed Portuguese translation --recorded] Source Line: PY1603032090 Rio de Janeiro Rede Globo Television in Portuguese 0323 GMT 15 Mar 90 Subslug: [``Exclusive'' interview with Cuban President Fidel Castro by Enrique Amorim and Luis Garcia on 14 March; place unknown; questions in Portuguese with Castro answering in Spanish with superimposed Portuguese translation --recorded] -TEXT- FULL TEXT OF ARTICLE: 1. [``Exclusive'' interview with Cuban President Fidel Castro by Enrique Amorim and Luis Garcia on 14 March; place unknown; questions in Portuguese with Castro answering in Spanish with superimposed Portuguese translation --recorded] 2. [Text] [Amorim] After all that is happening in the East European countries and the Soviet Union, and recently in Lithuania, do you think that communism still has a future? 3. [Castro] It would not be quite correct to speak of communism as such because we have always considered communism to be an earlier stage [as heard]. It would be more correct to speak of socialism. I am deeply convinced--I have this certainty based on 30 years of working in our country--that there is no better solution, or a better path for Cuba than the one on which we now are: the path of socialism. Whether socialism will be the system of the future is something that will be decided by each person as departed from their own experience. 4. [Amorim] You have said that Cuba is not the Soviet Union and that Cuba does not need a perestroyka. But do you not think that the economic problems that moved the Soviet Union to launch a perestroyka might force Cuba to launch its own perestroyka? 5. [Castro] Cuba is not the Soviet Union. Ours are two very different countries, with different origins and idiosyncrasies. We have made mistakes during our process of establishing socialism in Cuba, but we have also accomplished a great many things. These mistakes were caused partly by our desire to copy some things from other socialist countries. 6. Perestroyka might be the answer to Soviet problems and the conclusion they might arrive at in their own particular situation. 7. Our rectification program stems from our convictions and our own analysis. You mentioned possible problems in the future. We will not solve any problems by applying other countries' prescriptions in Cuba. We have considered all the possible problems that might arise as a consequence of changes in East Europe and the Soviet Union. Our economic relations with the Soviet Union are quite good. We do not have any problems there. The Soviets, despite their own difficulties, are making every effort to fulfill their commitments to our country. 8. We have already planned what we will do in our country, with the economy, if the Soviets face real difficulties. Our planning is based essentially on the concept of resisting and overcoming any difficulty that might arise. 9. [Garcia] Independent of whether or not the Soviet Union is fulfilling its commitments to Cuba, it is certainly evident that there is some element of tension in your relations with the Soviet Union. Articles have appeared in the Soviet press attacking and criticizing Cuba, and this is something not seen before. Are you concerned about this? Do you feel that because of the ideological differences now apparent, you might face a cooling of relations, or something worse? 10. [Castro] I would not say there are any ideological differences since we share the same objectives. I would say we follow different paths and different procedures in response to different problems and different sitautions. 11. If a Soviet publication criticizes Cuba--something we did not have before --this criticism must be analyzed within the context of what is happening in the Soviet Union today. There are a great number of opinions. I would say there is much more criticism of the Soviet Union than of Cuba. 12. It is not strange if someone wants to change the history of his own country. They can also have a particular opinion of Cuba, but the relations between our two countries do not have to change. 13. We were criticized everyday in the past because they said we imitated the Soviet Union. They also said we were a satellite. Today we are criticized because we do not do things as the Soviets do. And I ask: When will we have the right to do things exactly as we believe they should be done? 14. [Amorim] How do you evaluate Secretary Gorbachev's role in the recent political crisis that provoked the collapse of communist regimes in East Europe? What about the Soviet pressure on Nicaragua to hold elections? 15. [Castro] What happened in the Soviet Union has obviously influenced events in East Europe. I believe they knew exactly what was going to happen in East Europe when they worked out the programs of change in the Soviet Union. There was an influence, but each country followed its own path, according to its own process, its force, its relations with the people. They were also other factors showing they made great mistakes in these countries. 16. Regarding Nicaragua I can testify--because I maintain very good relations with Nicaraguans, and always had very good contacts and exchange with the Soviets--that the Soviets played absolutely no role in the Nicaraguan elections. They never exerted any pressure whatsoever. You can ask [Venezuelan President] Carlos Andres Perez or other Latin American leaders, with whom I spoke in Ecuador, Mexico and Caracas. The Sandinists discussed this issues in a meeting with various Central American leaders including Carlos Andres and others. Daniel Ortega was there, of course, but the Sandinists already had an election in 1983 or 1984. They were planning future elections and exchanging opinions with other Latin American leaders. When Carlos Andres took over in Venezuela, Daniel was discussing the holding of municipal and other elections at the end of the year. He decided to hold a single election because of the expense. I witnessed all this. The Soviets did not influence the process at all. 17. [Garcia] Talking about the future, what chances do you see for rapprochement between Havana and the United States, and the OAS member countries? What do you think about an integration proposal, something similar to the Alliance for Progress, that may include Cuba or a new type of rapprochement at a hemispheric level? 18. [Castro] People talk about Cuba's isolation. We were much more isolated in 1965. Nowadays we have strong relations with the Third World, with Africa and Asia, which we did not have 20 years ago. I do not see why we should talk about isolation due to problems affecting East European countries, and the Soviet Union. As for a new Alliance for Progress, if the United States were bright enough, they would have thought about it. The Alliance for Progress was created after the Cuban Revolution. They created a policy for Latin America. Right now their mind is focused on Europe and they have forgotten about Latin America. The chances of a new Alliance for Progress are very slim and even slimmer that they may include Cuba at a time when, they believe, Cuba will not be able to handle the difficulties that may surface in this time of excitement and prepotency when they talk about settling accounts with Cuba. Should such an initiative arise, we are willing to continue working, as we have done so far, and to strengthen our ties with Latin America. 19. [Amorim] Brazil and Cuba have been victims of the manipulation of the international sugar market by rich industrialized countries. Many times these rich industrialized countries have pitted Brazil and Cuba against each other. Why do Brazil and Cuba not establish a sugar alliance? 20. [Castro] We are willing, and would do so with pleasure. Our countries need not compete in this field because there is a large enough sugar market in the world, and not only in the socialist world which will continue to consume sugar. The PRC is a huge market; its population grows at a rate of 100 million per year. We would be pleased to cooperate with Brazil in that field. 21. [Amorim] Is there any chance of another political party governing Cuba? Is there any chance of elections, such as those in Nicaragua, in Cuba? 22. [Castro] I am going to answer the entire question. In the first place, we would have to assess Latin America's situation as a whole. We have to face the truth. Latin America's economic and social situation is terrible, and nobody can say how bad it will get if our countries' problems or not solved soon. Therefore, we cannot talk about theories because no theory is certain. Pinochet, himself, held every, or almost every, power in Chile. There is no need for any type of elections in Cuba because we have our own sort of elections. Our elections are not similar to those in East Europe or the Soviet Union. They are quite different because they were designed by us. I think it would take too long to explain our process but I think we could hold a debate to see whether our system, or any other, is more democratic. 23. [Amorim] Mr. President, we have to end our interview but I would like to ask you a last question. Why can we not buy Cuban cigars in Brazil. Is your bureaucracy or our bureaucracy to blame for this? 24. [Castro] No, no. Both may be blamed for it. -END-