-DATE- 19911011 -YEAR- 1991 -DOCUMENT TYPE- -AUTHOR- -HEADLINE- Proceedings of Fourth PCC Congress Reported -PLACE- CARIBBEAN / Cuba -SOURCE- Havana Radio and Television Networks -REPORT NO.- FBIS-LAT-91-199-S -REPORT DATE- 19911015 -HEADER- ********************* Report Type: Daily Report AFS Number: FL1110163391 Report Number: FBIS-LAT-91-199-S Report Date: 15 Oct 91 Report Series: Latin America Start Page: 3 Report Division: CARIBBEAN End Page: 26 Report Subdivision: Cuba AG File Flag: Classification: UNCLASSIFIED Language: Spanish Document Date: 11 Oct 91 City/Source of Document: Havana Radio and Television Networks Report Name: SUPPLEMENT Headline: Proceedings of Fourth PCC Congress Reported Subheadline: Castro Speaks at Opening Author(s): President Fidel Castro at opening session of the Fourth Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba held at the Heredia Theater in Santiago de Cuba on 10 October-recorded] Source Line: FL1110163391 Havana Radio and Television Networks in Spanish 0032 GMT 11 Oct 91 Subslug: [Speech by President Fidel Castro at opening session of the Fourth Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba held at the Heredia Theater in Santiago de Cuba on 10 October-recorded] -TEXT- FULL TEXT OF ARTICLE: 1. [Speech by President Fidel Castro at opening session of the Fourth Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba held at the Heredia Theater in Santiago de Cuba on 10 October-recorded] 2. [Text] Dear comrades: I hope that after such a long trip you will have rested well so that you can begin to work at this congress. In my case, I will remove myself a bit from what is conventional and I am not going to present a written report. Instead of asking you to read a report, I will take the floor to inaugurate the congress. I chose to come here with up to date ideas and the latest information available. I chose to come here with fresh ideas removing myself from the traditional thus creating the best conditions for study and discussion. Usually when a report is presented we draft guidelines and policies but what we are going to do is study and discuss issues in an attempt to draft guidelines and policies. We are interested in hearing the delegates express themselves freely on the issues and resolutions that are going to be presented. Everyone's views on the matters broached will be heard. This is why I believe that perhaps the closing session will be more important than the opening session. 3. We want to encourage the broadest discussion. For these discussions we will use the resolutions as guidelines. We will follow the order in which these were discussed during the provincial assemblies. We will follow the order we have been following. Like Comrade Machadito [Jose Ramon Machado Ventura] said: We should not follow another order. We believe that the discussions must follow a certain order of importance. First we should discuss the statutes-as was scheduled, the plan, the People's Government, and lastly, the economic and social matters. 4. I do not want to express opinions or ideas on these matters. What we seek is for everyone to speak freely. I believe that our congress is very democratic and that it has been organized as democratically as any congress can be organized. We began by summoning everyone to assemblies. Millions of fellow countrymen participated in these assemblies. After the documents were drafted they were discussed by the organizing committee. I must add that we have not had much time to prepare for the congress. I must remind you that the summons was done during the first six months of 1990, however, the date had not been set. 5. During the first six months of 1990, the situation was still pretty normal, even though we could already predict difficulties and problems. The projects for the congress were under construction. A year earlier it had been decided that the congress would be held in Santiago de Cuba. It would take some time to complete the projects. So we shuffled several dates around. We thought about holding the congress more or less during the days that we commemorate the Baragua Protest, the anniversary of the Baragua Protest. We then realized that the schedule would be tight during those days, so we thought about 26 July as the opening day of the congress. But that also presented a problem. It coincided with the Pan-American Games. The projects needed for the congress were being built at the same time that the ones needed for the Pan-American Games were being completed. We realized that it was impossible to begin the congress on 26 July and the Pan-American Games in early August. It was impossible. So we reached the conclusion that the congress had to be held after the Pan-American Games. However, I must add that back then we could be sure of nothing. We did not know what our situation would be like. We did not even know if the Pan-American Games were going to be held in August. We did not know what kind of a congress we would have. We have lived through many days of uncertainty. 6. Unfortunately, the next few years will also be uncertain ones. We continued to work according to our plans and there were times when we had doubts [three-second break in reception] congress to be held during a critical special period. We are experiencing a special period, however, we have not yet entered what could be described as the most critical phase of a special period. We have fought and hoped that the critical phase will not come. We have done all we could, however, avoiding it is not in our hands. We had planned a congress and knew that it had to be held. However, we could not help but ask ourselves: How will we do it? If the situation in the USSR did not change, then: What would our transportation situation be like? What would our fuel situation be like? What would our power situation be like? We reached a conclusion which I believe was the most appropriate one. The congress had to be held despite the problems and under whatever circumstances, even if these were [three-second break in reception] special period. The congress was going to be held even if we had to reduce the number of delegates. We said that if the congress could be held under more or less normal circumstances-if you can call the current circumstances normal-then the congress would be held as scheduled in Santiago de Cuba at the installations built for the congress. 7. Even if this had not been possible, the congress would have been held. Had it not been held in Santiago de Cuba, it would have been held somewhere else. Had it not been held is such a magnificent building like this one, it would have been held under a circus tent had it been necessary. We would have gone by foot, by horseback, in a two-wheel carriage, or by bicycle. But the congress would be held. Holding the congress under any circumstances had become an issue of principle. 8. We have been studying the evolution of the situation in the USSR. We were doing this since before it started. No one could be sure of anything. Things continued to develop. They got worse and worse. However, it never reached the super critical level which would have kept us from holding the congress under the scheduled conditions, in Santiago de Cuba, and under the maximum possible austerity, with the least expenses in fuel, material, and so forth. On this occasion no one was provided with clothes to attend the congress. I have been told that for the first, second, and third congresses one or two suits, and some other things were issued. Not this time. Everyone came with what he or she had. From what I can tell, everyone did just fine. [laughter, applause] We can see a greater array of colors. Everyone is wearing his and her own blouse, shirt, coat, or guayabera, or whatever. That is much better than Machadito having six or seven suits designed for the congress. This is if we had the material. Then we would all look like, well, a uniformed corps. [laughter] 9. We saw that we had a chance of holding the congress if we mobilized the people on the train and using buses for those who lived closer by. The delegates are being housed in the same installations used by the athletes during the Pan-American Games. So we decided to go ahead with it, and that is the way it was done. We did not even have much time to prepare the material to be used. By the time the date was set and the summons made, we only had a few weeks left. The date for the congress was set in June. Fortunately, our country's history is full of dates. I believe we chose an excellent date. 10. Comrades, we had very little time to prepare the material, especially if we stop to think that all the cadres had much work to do everywhere and at all levels. We told ourselves: the party is involved in much work. The congress is going to take up lots of time, many, many hours. How are we going to carry out all the urgent, immediate tasks we have ahead and at the same time do all the work, studies, and discussions necessary prior to the congress? This was something that worried us. But we reached the conclusion that we had to confront both tasks. However, not everyone could give himself fully to the preparation of the documents. Specific groups worked in the drafting of the documents. They were supervised by certain comrades. Consultations were held and draft resolutions were sent to the organizing committee. The organizing committee took days to study these draft resolutions, however, a detailed study of every paragraph, line, word, or comma was not possible. We knew that those documents had been drafted with speed and editing such a document is not an easy task especially when dozens upon dozens of ideas are being expressed. Someone wants to add a paragraph. You must find where the paragraph goes; someone wants to add an idea, a concept, or a word. 11. The organizing committee worked long hours. A small group was created by the committee to review the work before it was presented to the organizing committee. This small group analyzed and reviewed the documents and added certain things. That material was printed with much speed and presented at the assemblies. Therefore, we are quite aware that the wording is far from being perfect. The documents are not perfect. But these draft resolutions were presented at all the assemblies. This does not mean that these will be the only draft resolutions to be presented. Other draft resolutions could and will be presented during the congress. These draft resolutions were analyzed in every province by all the delegates. 12. After this was done, they were returned to the organizing committee. You can just imagine what it was like to receive dozens of proposals and to have them analyzed and incorporated-those that could be incorporated. Gathering all the ideas and topics discussed. However, the committee gathered as much as it could, all it could, and quickly drafted, at full speed, and printed the booklets containing the resolutions. That is the material that was brought to this congress. The discussion of these ideas and issues began more than a year ago. The committee worked hard on this in this short period of time so that this armed congress could be held. I call it armed congress. Like I said: Even if it has to be an armed congress. Even though we are in this magnificent theater, the circumstances surrounding us are those of an armed congress. Fortunately we have been able to get our hands on some pieces of material; some bristol boards, some graphs. Had this not been possible we would have had to use mimeographed sheets and we would have done it. The congress had to be held and we are holding it. I believe that this is proof of the will and determination of the party to overcome obstacles and fulfill its purpose and ideas. 13. These are the conditions under which all this has been prepared and I believe it is my duty to explain this to you. You have surely been able to observe some of the things that are lacking in our document. 14. It is necessary for us to express our appreciation to the people of Santiago de Cuba and to the Santiago de Cuba workers for all that they have done. They have been able to do their work under very difficult conditions. I believe that this is a beautiful theater. All you have to do is look around. It was beautiful in the mind of the head architect and those architects that worked with him. The country can feel very proud of the design and the end result. This, undoubtedly, is the best theater the country has at this moment. This will not be a theater to be used for the congress alone; it will be an extraordinary bulwark of culture for Santiago de Cuba. Well deserved. 15. This theater will also help complement the tourist plan. This theater will not only provide welfare of a spiritual nature for Santiago de Cuba and the eastern provinces, but will also help gather funds for the country. It will be used for international events and many other things. This theater will pay for itself. 16. We also have the sports facilities that were built in record time. No one thought that the work would be completed before the Pan-American Games. The Urgelles Multipurpose Hall-I have never seen anything built that fast. I had seen things done before, but never as fast as this was built. They were behind, but they completed it and did it with quality. The monument is something impressive because of what it represents and how it was built, the square, the more than 1,000-bed hospital that must also bring in some foreign exchange. We must use 30 percent of that hospital for visiting foreigners, who are increasing. These are people who come to Cuba for medical treatment. We are not closing hospitals. We are keeping our hospitals open. We must be prepared to use these hospitals to get money for the country. 17. The hotel-I do not know if you have already seen it, perhaps some of you have not been able to see it yet-is one of the most marvelous works built in this country. It is the first five-star hotel in the country. It is a Cuban project in its design and concept. It has Cuban furniture and one can truly feel proud. I visited the hotel when it was being built. Yesterday I had a few minutes to visit. We went up to the top floor. The hotel has a beautiful lookout point on the roof. From there you can see Santiago, the new Santiago. You can see the Talima area where 80,000 people live. When the revolution triumphed there were approximately 80,000 people living in Santiago de Cuba. That hotel makes us proud and it must become an important source of income for the country. We are making contacts with some international enterprises to put the hotel to good use. 18. The facilities that were built at the university are just excellent. These will be used by the university students, to house university students in the future. Therefore, we should feel very pleased with the people of Santiago and the workers, particularly the Santiago de Cuba construction workers, even though not only construction workers were involved in this task. Furniture manufacturers and many others cooperated to complete a project of this nature. This is why on one occasion I said that in my opinion, the Santiago de Cuba contingents had become the most productive and efficient. This is noteworthy progress. 19. In the past, projects were never completed and the Santiago construction workers were not outstanding workers. However, as a result of the patriotic wave that came over them, they have multiplied, tripled, quadrupled. They built projects for the congress and for the Pan-American Games. They built for tourism. They are building many hotels. They have built a Tropicana [Cabaret] that they claim will be better than the one in Havana. They have built many dams, pig farms, poultry farms, etc. They have done a great job. The province that is hosting this congress has done a great job. It has contributed to giving this great event quality and enthusiasm. 20. Comrades, I believe that our most important duty at this congress, our first duty, is to analyze, with great realism, our country's current situation. We must clearly understand that we are living in exceptional times. Some people are already calling this congress a historic one. They are right in calling it that. It is a historic congress and it must be a historic congress because of the exceptional times in which it is being held. 21. I am recalling other times in Cuban history. I have just recalled that this 10 October marks another anniversary of the day our struggle for independence began. That 10 October 1868-when we were a colony and most of our people were slaves, when most of our fellow countrymen had no political rights-marked a special moment in our history. It was a day like today. At this very moment the bells would be ringing and the bugles blown; the forces would be organizing and the first actions would be carried out. That was 123 years ago. That day was a great moment in the history of our country. Ten years after a heroic and incomparable struggle, unprecedented in our history, we experienced the Baragua Protest. Sixty-eight years later, 42 plus 53, 95 years after that 10 October, and 82 years after the Baragua Protest, we saw a 26 July. 22. This is something constant in our history; the efforts of our people since they became a nation. Who would have thought back then that on a day like today, on this 10 October 1991, we would be gathered at this congress and in this same city of Santiago de Cuba-as Lazo said-the land of Baragua, the land of the struggles for our independence, the land where Marti's remains lie, the land where the Maceos were born, the home of so many heroes and and martyrs, the home of Moncada. 23. Yesterday afternoon while I was talking to Lazo and other comrades, I asked them: What would Marti do if he were present at this congress? What would the Maceos do if they were present at this moment? What would the Baragua combatants do at this moment? What would our heroes and martyrs of this century do here at this congress? What would Mella do? What would Frank Pais do? What would our internationalist heroes do if they were here at this moment? 24. I truly believe that we have many Maceos, many Martis, and many heroes and internationalists. I truly believe we have many combatants who today are called socialists, who today are called communists. [applause] 25. I look at you and say: These men and women cannot be much different from those men and women. I look at you and in your strength I see the strength of those men and women. So much strength? Yes, as much strength as those men and women had. So much spirit and so much courage? Yes, as much spirit and courage as those men and women had. I felt they had a difficult task to fulfill, but no, you have a much more difficult task ahead. [applause] Do you have a historic responsibility such as the one they had? No, you have a greater historic responsibility to fulfill. I do not mean to say that they would not have been capable of confronting these tasks. I am sure they would have done it just as well, or even better than we have. However, history assigned each of us a task; each generation was assigned its task. We were assigned a more difficult task, one of greater responsibilities. 26. In the past, the struggles were for the future of our peoples, even though partly it was also a struggle for the future of America-especially when Marti wrote in his last letter that all that he had done and was doing was to prevent, through Cuba's independence, the United States from expanding as another force over the Latin American peoples. Marti's ideas and views had a strong universal and internationalist content. At that time, the independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico were being proclaimed. Today, Puerto Rico remains in the hands of the Yankees. Puerto Rico does not even have the right to invite guests to its country. Back then Marti was concerned over all America. Marti was continuing Simon Bolivar's dream. He was already thinking about Latin American unity and Latin America's independence from the colossus of the north. He lived in the entrails of this monster. 27. Today the universal responsibility falls on us. We are the only socialist country in the Western world, in the whole Western world and part of the East. We are the only socialist country. Some really hate us. They hate us because our people's capability of accepting the challenge and maintaining their ideals and their willingness to defend those ideals. As we have said before, they are the most just and humane ideals that have existed in the history of man. We are not only fighting for ourselves, we are not only fighting for our ideals. We are also fighting for the ideals of all the exploited, looted, and subjugated peoples, for the hungry people of this world. Our responsibility is much greater. 28. If we think about this we understand that we have plenty of reasons to characterize our congress as historic. It is precisely a matter of understanding, analyzing, and deciding how to defend these ideals and how far we are willing to go to defend them. They are not mere ideas, they are our destiny, our independence, our revolution, our social justice, which do not exist in any other country of the world. We are forced to defend them under exceptionally difficult conditions, alone, alone, [repeats] here, in this ocean of capitalism that surrounds us. 29. As long as there was a socialist camp and the problems in the USSR had not occurred, we had solid bulwarks in which to find support and on which we have been able hold on to in the last 30 years. Nowadays, these solid bulwarks are nonexistent. The bulwarks are us and all those in the world who sympathize with our cause, admire our cause, and admire the heroism and determination of our people. That is why I think it is important that we understand these things not only in abstract but also in a concrete manner. Which are the problems of the special period? What should be done to overcome them? There are many who (?understand that we are in a special period) but there are some who say we are better off during the special period. Many products that were distributed through the parallel market are now distributed through ration cards. Some goods that previously were hard to come by, are now reaching many homes. These goods used to be obtained only by the people paid to be in lines. Many people still do not understand what the special period is and its problems. There are many who still dream with things we were engaged in, things we were solving, and that suddenly we were forced to halt. 30. We were carrying out a tremendous program in a number of fields within the framework of the rectification process. We were intensifying the construction of homes tremendously. We had, for example, reorganized the minibrigade movement. We were promoting very strongly the production of construction materials. We had made considerable and speedy investments to increase the capacity of cement production, in increasing the level of production of gravel, in the production of blocks, brick, cement, sand, tiles. There were numerous factories that had been in-waiting for 10 years and in a matter of months we built them. There was a stone grinding mill in Villa Clara which took I do not know how long before it was assembled and in record time a Villa Clara contingent built the famous Purio mill. There was cement for all the social facilities, for housing, for all economic facilities, for hotels, for everything. 31. In other words, a great number of problems were tackled during the rectification process to solve many problems we had with materials. The construction of waterworks projects was revived and reached levels that had never before been seen. Many of the construction workers were organized into contingents. Agricultural production plans were drafted. Sugar production assets were shifted to the produce sector. Programs were designed. During those years, teams were assembled to built, to organize more than 200 plot irrigation and drainage brigades, dozens and dozens of brigades for the construction of reservoirs, channels, irrigation systems, cattle farms, porcine centers, poultry facilities, and rice production engineering systems. There was no delay 32. We were building child care centers, special education schools, polyclinics, and finishing hospitals. In Havana City alone, 110 child care centers were built in two years. The usual pace was five every five years. Thousands and thousands of women were waiting for these centers in order to join the labor force. 33. This took place in an already difficult period when there were no loans from capitalist countries. For many years we were able to get them easily from many countries. These programs were boosted under very difficult circumstances. This was before the disaster took place in the socialist camp. I do not believe it is yet time to do what Karl Marx would call a conscientious study. You know that this was the term used by Marx. A conscientious study takes a long time to be completed. The study of ``Das Kapital'' took Marx his entire life. Some of the materials took him a long time because he wanted to do things the right way. The time has not arrived yet to do a conscientious and thorough study of all facts that led to that disaster. This is aside, of course, from the subjective factors, from the external factors, from the ideological struggle lost in the midst of those societies who were under the overwhelming influence of Western consumerism propaganda. 34. Consumer societies which escaped World War II unscathed and which hoarded the world's supply of gold, engaged in an economic, political, and ideological competition with the emerging socialist camp. More time is needed to conduct a profound study of all theses factors aside from the mistakes made and the responsibility of the men and leaders. We are aware of many things that they did and What we have not done. Maybe we, who face an enemy 90 miles away and only inches away at the Guantanamo base without the protection of any nuclear umbrella, have developed our ideas, thoughts, and spirit to face this serious situation right at the heart of the Western world and on the doorsteps of the world's most powerful empire. This has had to help us. The time has not arrived yet to do that study. 35. Now, we have now to face the facts. Simply put, the socialist field has collapsed, entire states were swallowed by other states, the working class lost the power, and the road back to capitalism was paved. The fact of the matter is that a virtual disaster has taken place in the USSR. The real fact is that in the USSR no one is talking about socialism, they talk about market economy. In two words, the prevailing voices are the ones of those who favor capitalism, the most classic type of capitalism. The real and extremely sad fact is that nowadays the Communist Party does not exist in the USSR. The Communist Party has become illegal. It was dissolved by decree. The fact is that the USSR has become extraordinarily weak and is in great danger of disintegrating. These are the real facts. 36. Can we pretend that these real facts do not affect our country? Or is it that we live on another planet? Or is it that we live on the moon? Don't we live on this earth? Is it maybe that the revolution has grown inside a glass case, away from the rest of the world and its problems? It is possible that we can forget this? This is why it is so important that we be aware of how these events have materially and directly affected us. This events have not only affected us in a unilateral manner, but in a direct and material manner. These events have had an ideological influence. Many people became confused at the beginning of this process. It was logical, because the first news was interesting, pretty, pleasant. It was a process of perfecting socialism. And who does not wish this? Who does not want it? Who does not want socialism to advance? No matter how big the accomplishments of a society might be, how widespread the justice it has brought might be, who does not desire to see the perfecting of socialism? In this manner, similar ideas gained the sympathy of many people. This had an ideological influence. Not only the good intentions or the beautiful initial words had an influence but also disasters had an ideological influence. The incredible development of the events, affected the trust, motivation, and conscience of many people. 37. These events have affected us most adversely in a material way inasmuch as from the beginning of the revolution, we received our first aid, the first acts of solidarity from the USSR and the socialist camp. We have expressed our deep appreciation for it and will forever continue to express our appreciation to the peoples, the historic events, the expressions of solidarity. They can never be forgotten. 38. When the United States, the owners of this hemisphere, imposed its strong blockade on us because they wanted to know nothing about anything that looked like revolution, much less a socialist revolution, and when it cut our oil supplies, the USSR guaranteed us that our country would receive the oil that it needed and that the sugar needed to purchase that oil would have a market in the USSR. We were offered solidarity in every field, from the field of defense to the field of economic development. When the blockade and isolation forced us to work in one direction, we had only one path to choose from, the path of friendship and cooperation with the socialist countries, especially the USSR. On this basis we drafted the plans of the revolution for 30 years. On this basis we resisted the blockade, the threats, the aggressions, and on this basis we have defended ourselves. Despite the ups and downs, the October crisis, etc., our solitary people surrounded by years of blockade, traced their goals and path supported on the solid pillars which were the socialist field and the USSR. 39. Today those pillars have collapsed while the blockade continues. Therefore, today we have to work over the remains and ruins of those pillars. The economic ties between the USSR and Cuba have not been destroyed. At this moment no one can tell if the USSR continues to exist as a great multinational state or whether it has disintegrated. Many Soviet states have declared their independence. There is talk about various forms of unity, of a new unity, of a common economic space; however, that great and powerful state, the multinational state we knew, no longer exists. Many adjustments have to be made, many agreements must be reworded. In the past, agreements were made with a government that represented that huge country. Today, we must develop relations with republics and enterprises, with tens, hundreds, thousands of enterprises as well as with the various republics. 40. We need to know this. As is commonly said, we must all internalize this. Every citizen must internalize this. How difficult it is to understand that famous word, to internalize problems. The cadres should not be the only ones to internalize it. We, the cadres have to internalize it. All citizens, or as many citizens as possible, need to internalize it. We know that, unfortunately, there are people who do not watch television, listen to the news, read the newspapers, or know what is going on. There are people like that around; you have met them, I have met them. 41. If we do not use this as a starting point we would not be focusing properly on our problems nor would we be drafting our strategy properly. We would not be viewing the situation properly in order to confront it, to overcome it. It is not easy to talk about these matters. It is much nicer to paint everything pretty, to dream, make things sweeter for everyone by providing super optimistic and nice news. Our first duty as revolutionaries and Communists at this congress is to analyze these truths. 42. Many times, for diplomatic reasons, for political reasons, or because they are issues that are being discussed, we do not publicly provide detailed information on the problems or difficulties encountered. 43. However, I believe that during this congress we must talk about our problems. We must talk about our situation and what our economic relations are with the USSR and the socialist countries in Europe at this moment. We must talk about what we receive and what we do not receive. We must talk about how trade between our two countries has developed; how those economic relations have developed, even though it is not a pleasant issue to bring up. I want to do that today as an initial contribution to these debates and to the congress. This is why I brought some material with me. Do not be frightened; all this will not be that lengthy. Here it is. 44. I told you that there was no time to draft a lengthy and traditional report, that there was no time to draft a report like the one each of the mass organizations throughout the country has done. That is no problem. The problem is what we must do, what we must do [repeats] to save the nation, the revolution, and socialism under these exceptional circumstances. 45. In reviewing all this material which I will not read to you-I will only select a few paragraphs, a few figures, and make some observations that I have written in small print. I have been taking notes to summarize and especially to try to make it comprehensible. Sometimes this material is difficult to understand. It is complex, and I said to myself: How will I explain this to the congress so that everyone will understand? 46. Up to 1989, things were going more or less normally in our economic relations with the USSR and the socialist countries, until the disaster began in 1989 with the Eastern European countries. But the USSR was still quite stable. That is why in the first part I am going to refer basically to economic relations with the USSR. 47. I have to give a few figures, if you will forgive me. Sometimes I speak about pesos or rubles. A ruble is more or less equivalent to a peso. Other times I have to talk about dollars, because starting in 1991 our trade is measured in dollars, not rubles. Calculations must be made in dollars by decision of the Soviet side. Put them more or less in rubles in international exchange so you can have a measure. 48. Most of our trade is with the USSR; 85 percent of our trade is with the socialist countries. Most of this is with the USSR. We had preferential prices with the USSR for sugar. What does this mean? That the Soviet Union did not pay the price based on the world dumping ground for sugar. The international price is set by the dumping ground of sugar. The sugar that is left over anywhere is sold on a dumping ground that is called the international market. All the countries that buy sugar buy it at other prices. Historically, the United States bought sugar from us at an agreed-on price. The United States was a major sugar importer. 49. Today, they import 20 percent of what they imported before the Cuban Revolution. First they divided our quota up around the world, and they then reduced it and developed their production of sugarcane, sugar beets, high-fructose corn syrup which is used to sweeten drinks. So out of the 5 million tons they imported, they currently import about 1 million tons. They took the market away from us and divided it out among many people in order to win over their support against Cuba, and then they took back that market and are practically self-sufficient in sugar. 50. We received a preferential price from the USSR. This was not just by chance. It was a result of historical experience. We had five-year agreements with the Soviet Union. We calculated five years in advance the merchandise we were to receive from the USSR each year during the five-year period. Then we discussed year by year how much sugar Cuba would send, how much nickel and citrus. We observed that as the years went by, the prices of the Soviet goods increased and the price of sugar remained the same. That was when we thought of and proposed the formula of sliding prices. In the initial years the USSR bought our sugar at the world market price. But because of this phenomenon called unequal terms of trade, those industrial products produced by the developed countries have become more and more expensive, while the products of the developing countries, the Third World countries, have remained the same or tended to fall. 51. Sugar rose and fell. There was a time when it had a high price. The Soviets gave us a price for sugar that varied several times in the initial years of the revolution, until we arrived at the concept of sliding prices. When the prices of the products they exported to us rose, the price of the products we exported to them rose proportionately. That is why sugar had a high price at one time, 600, 700, 800, up to 900. In the eighties these prices dropped at times, but these were not major drops. The Soviets would say to us: We are reducing the price of sugar and compensating for any trade imbalance with loans. That is why our sugar had a price of 800 rubles or more than 800 rubles. 52. But oil was also a very cheap product at the time of the triumph of the revolution. It was $2 a barrel, or $14 to $15 a ton. The boom in oil prices because of the war in the Middle East had not occurred. The war gave rise to a trade embargo. When they came to an agreement, the OPEC saw all the advantages of that situation and cut oil production and raised the prices considerably. Starting with that little war and the actions that took place afterwards, the real fact is that the price of oil rose in an extraordinary way, and very much above its production cost. At one time it reached $200 a ton, or $28, $29, $30 a barrel. So in 1975, for the price of one ton of oil, which is seven barrels of oil, in 1959 you could buy two tons, which is about seven plus barrels. [figures as heard] You can see what an enormous rise there was in the price of oil. 53. Because oil was the main product the USSR exported to Cuba, because of the sliding prices agreement, the price of our sugar also rose. Then the prices of nickel and other products rose, and we sought compensation. These are the famous subsidies the West talked about so much, when it was no more than a fair agreement. It has been the aspiration of all Third World countries that the looting should stop, that the unequal terms of trade should stop, that reasonable prices should be paid for the goods Third World countries export. This is the origin of the high prices for Cuban sugar in the USSR. 54. I want you to know that when we delivered sugar to the USSR at 800 rubles, it cost 1,000 rubles or more to produce a ton of sugar in the USSR. They were paying us a high price, but it was a price below what it cost the USSR to produce a ton of sugar from beets. Is that clear? If that was not enough, we had the credits, trade credits, to balance out imports and exports. In addition, there were economic cooperation credits to build electricity plants, factories, metalworking industries, various projects we have built with the USSR. Right here in Santiago de Cuba, electricity generators, mechanical plants, from the Soviet Union have been installed. We have seen that in Santiago de Cuba the oil refinery has been modernized and expanded with Soviet equipment. The railroad development program was carried out with economic cooperation from the Soviet Union. I am explaining this to you people so that you understand the figures a little better. 55. I said that in 1989 the situation was more or less normal. Problems began in 1990, but we still had a good agreement with the USSR. We agreed on Soviet exports amounting to 5.131 billion rubles, 5.131 billion [repeats]. Of these, 3.828 billion rubles were delivered as of 31 December 1990, or 75 percent of what had been agreed on. The volume of products still to be shipped totalled 1.3 billion rubles. [numbers as heard] That is, of the 5.131 agreed on, about 1.3 were not shipped. That was in 1990. Some comrades know some of these figures, from meetings with the party and mass organizations. These things, some of them, were explained. 56. At meetings that took place in June, we reported on the situation up to May 1991, but now I am talking about 1990. Now, of these 1.3 billion that were pending, about 300 million rubles had been shipped by May 1991 and charged to the deliveries pending from 1990. I repeat, of the 1.3 billion that were not delivered in 1990, 300 million arrived in the first part of 1991. By that date, about 1 billion rubles had still not been shipped, of which about 559 million corresponded to the 3.3 million tons of fuel that we had not received. In the second half of 1990 there was a deficit in the deliveries of fuel, a reduction during the year of 3.3 million out of the fuel we were supposed to receive, and this forced us to drastically reduce our fuel consumption at the end of 1990. 57. This was the first time this had happened in the history of our economic relations with the USSR. Fuel fell short for the first time. It was one of the things they had always fulfilled most religiously and most rigorously. We had 3 million less, 3.3 million less. So it was necessary to make serious adjustments to the economy at the end of 1990. But 1991 was still pending. What was going to happen in 1991? 58. Traditionally from the previous year, we had always discussed five-year plans. In 1990 we were to discuss what our economic relations and agreements would be from 1991 to 1995, because they were agreements we made for five years. But the year went by and we did not discuss the problem. This naturally gave rise to many messages and exchanges, letters from me to the head of state, letters from me to Comrade Gorbachev, the president of the USSR, an exchange of messages, all kinds of negotiations, because the situation in 1991 was uncertain, about what agreements we were going to have, what goods we were going to receive. 59. As a result of all these exchanges and talks, we reached an agreement for 1991, not for five years but for one year. That is, everything had changed: the method, date of agreements, etc. A number of changes have been introduced into these agreements. We had explained very clearly and sincerely, with frankness, the consequences both the nonfulfillment of agreements in 1990 and the 1991 agreements would have on our economy. At the end of 1990 we really reached an agreement we could call a reasonable agreement for 1991. It was not like the previous agreements. They were not like the agreements reached in 1990. The price for sugar was reduced considerably. It began to be measured in dollars rather than in rubles. From more than $800 for sugar, it was reduced to $500, a little more than $500. The price of sugar was reduced by more than $300. But a trade agreement was reached. 60. It was a reasonable agreement given the conditions that existed in the Soviet Union. It was the best that could be achieved. For the reasons I have explained, this agreement meant a loss of more than $1 billion in Cuba's purchasing power because of the reduction in the prices for our products, as I have explained. Because nickel and other products were included along with sugar, we lost more than $1 billion. If in 1990 we had agreed on exports to Cuba for 5.131 billion rubles, in this case, for 1991 we agreed on exports for 3.940 billion. So it is more than 1 billion less. Of the 13 million [tons] of oil we had traditionally received, we agreed on 10 million as the maximum the USSR could deliver to Cuba. 61. Under these conditions, what decision did our country make? Well, with a considerable reduction in prices and exports, the reasonable thing is to devote this to essential things. What are the essential things? Fuel, food, essential raw materials, and spare parts. Luxury goods were no longer purchased. Since the end of 1990 we have had to limit the sale of televisions, radios, and refrigerators, because if we had to ration electricity, it made no sense to continue to distribute household electrical appliances. What we had we kept for the camps for people mobilized for things that were very significant for production. No fans, radios, televisions, nor cars. Every year we sold about 8,000 or 10,000 cars. They were used for tourism, services ...[corrects himself] not for tourism but for taxis, sometimes tourism, different kinds of services. 62. A large number of them were distributed to factories and they were sold at low prices. People were given loans. You could not put cars out on the streets in unrestricted sales to collect money or the illegal sellers would buy them, because they would give 20,000, 25,000, or 30,000 pesos for any of those cars. They were sold almost at cost, and at low interest for the deferred part of the payments. A worker at a factory could take up to seven years to pay for a car. Naturally, with this situation with fuel and the available resources, imports of cars were reduced to zero. Imports of many items for household use were reduced to zero. Purchases of many products that were not essential were reduced to zero. Our purchases were limited to essential things. Do you understand? I know you understand. 63. Agricultural equipment was reduced to almost zero- some hundreds of pieces of equipment. We used to buy thousands of tractors. This was reduced to a few hundred for some equipment that must be built in this country- excavators for drainage, the irrigation systems-a minimum number of tractors. Transportation equipment was reduced to a minimum, the absolute minimum number of trucks, because if we were not going to have enough gasoline, why buy tractors and transportation equipment? If we were going to have to begin to train oxen because of the lack of fuel, why invest in a lot of that equipment? So equipment for agriculture, transportation, construction was reduced to the minimum essential for some brigades working on irrigation and drainage, the engineering system for rice, building dams, for the food plans. So the first thing that was done was to drastically reduce all imports under the 1991 trade agreement. 64. Now, what was the behavior of Soviet imports corresponding to the 1991 agreement, as of 31 May 1991? I have to divide this into two parts: when we did the first study, an analysis that was explained to a number of comrades; and the second time, 30 September, a few days before the congress. What was the behavior of Soviet deliveries? For fuel, which was what worked the best, for 1991 we agreed on 10 million tons of oil and petroleum derivatives. The oil alone was part oil, part diesel, part gas oil, part fuel oil, since our refineries do not produce each of these derivatives, which are necessary. This happens in all countries. Sometimes they exchange one product for another. Of these, proportionately 4.16 billion tons ...[corrects himself] no, 4.16 million tons of fuel should have been shipped by 31 May. This was almost 100 percent fulfilled by 31 May. 65. Of the rest of the essential products, nothing or insignificant amounts were shipped. So we had oil, the lights went on, transportation was running, and everything seemed very normal. 66. In contrast, what was the behavior of deliveries agreed on for some of the most important products besides oil? I am going to cite some that are important. 67. Grain for human and animal consumption: We import grain for human consumption and another amount for producing animal feed for eggs, poultry, etc. Wheat flour is imported exclusively for human consumption since our mills do not produce 100 percent of the wheat we consume. For 1991, the agreement was for 1.5 million tons of grain, and 170,000 tons of wheat flour. Do you understand? Do the comrades understand the explanation I am giving you? [audience answers: ``Yes.''] 68. Only at the end of May 1991 did the first shipments of wheat that had been agreed on begin to arrive. Only in May, the end of May, the end of the fifth month of the year. Rice and peas are two products that are very familiar to our people, to the point that some children who become used to peas in the secondary and pre-university schools will not eat anything but peas because they have become used to peas. If they are served lentils they do not want anything to do with them, even though it is said that lentils are such a good food that in the Bible, according to the Bible, someone sold their rights for a plate of lentils. They are said to be very rich in protein. Are you not going to discuss the topic of religion? [chuckles] Well, I am getting a little ahead of myself. 69. For 1991 it was agreed that 90,000 tons of rice would be delivered. That is what we traditionally received from the USSR. We received rice. Most was domestically produced, some came from the USSR, and some from China. We agreed on 90,000 tons of rice and 60,000 tons of peas. As of 31 May we had not received any of this. We reached the middle of the year with nothing. 70. Edible oils: For 1991 we agreed on 70,000 tons of unrefined vegetable oil and 49,000 tons of lard. These were traditional figures. As I already explained, we did not reduce at all the amounts of food we were going to buy. But by that date, we had not received any shipments. We are talking about as of 31 May 1991. As of 31 May, we had not received a single ton of other foods such as condensed milk, butter, canned meat, and powdered milk, some of which traditionally came from the USSR. These amounts were not very large, but they were important. For more than 20 years we had received about 16,000 tons of butter which was partly used to reconstitute powdered milk, which comes without butterfat. It is sold on the international market, and you have to add the butterfat. Some of it was distributed to the people and to industry. By that date, none of these food products had been received. 71. Regarding fertilizers, which are so important for agriculture and the food program, we had agreed on 1.1 million tons, of which only 41,000 tons had been shipped by that date, less than 5 percent. That is a time when we have to fertilize sugarcane fields and many things. We received 5 percent of the fertilizer. Zero fertilizer. 72. Sulfur: sulfur is very important in various industries but especially in the nickel industry. In the first half of the year we received 25,000 tons pending from 1990. Of the 170,000 agreed on for 1991, we had not received a single ton by 31 May. 73. Cut lumber: We traditionally received 500,000 to 550,000 cubic meters of lumber from the USSR. We agreed on 400,000 cubic meters for 1991. By 31 May we had received 15,000 cubic meters of the 400,000 that had been agreed on. 74. Caustic soda: This is a raw material that is very important. This product is essential for the production of predigested sugarcane pulp for livestock feed, and for cleaning in many industries, including the sugar industry. They use caustic soda for cleaning. It is used to produce paper, cardboard, soap-which has been so scarce-detergents, etc. Last year it did not come. Of the 35,000 tons agreed on, only 6,000 tons were received in 1990. It was one of those products that I mentioned earlier and which was not fulfilled. In 1991-a year in which, I repeat, we chose only the essential things-we agreed on 35,000 tons. By 31 May we had not received a single ton. 75. Sodium carbonate: This is another important raw product that is essential for glass production, sheet glass, and especially glass containers for food and medicine. Although glass containers are not consumed, they are necessary to store food and medicine. A total of 17,000 tons was included in the agreement for 1990. However, only 3,000 tons were supplied. The agreement for 1991 was also for 17,000 tons. However, by 31 December we still had not received a single ton. December! [delegates laugh] Are we wishing it were 31 December already? By 31 May, not a single ton had been received. 76. Pulpwood for paper and cardboard: We mix pulpwood with the pulp of bagasse. We must do a little mixing, right? We agreed on 15,000 tons, and by that date-31 May-not a single ton had been received. 77. Paper and cardboard: These are very important for many things, such as books, the press, and boxes for national products and exports. A total of 110,000 tons were agreed upon. However, only 400 out of 110,000 tons of newsprint had been shipped as of 31 May. That is why GRANMA, JUVENTUD REBELDE, TRABAJADORES, and the national press have had to reduce their circulation to a minimum. We are glad that schools are still functioning. Text books were also reduced. 78. Rolled steel: It is used to build combines, plows, and much equipment. We agreed on 550,000 tons, of which we had not received a single ton by 31 May. 79. Tin: It is important for tomato sauce as well as for condensed or evaporated milk. Some of these figures had already been reduced. We agreed upon 40,000 tons, of which we had not received a single shipment by 31 May. 80. Tallow, detergents, and soaps: We traditionally received raw materials and a certain amount of manufactured products as we expanded our capabilities and invested in Soviet equipment. We agreed upon 28,000 tons of tallow, primarily for the production of soap; 6,000 tons of manufactured soap; and 12,000 tons of detergent. We had received only 1,400 tons of tallow by 31 May. 81. Tires, rubber, and lampblack [negro de humo]: We had agreed on 270,000 tires for 1991, part of which we would import and part of which we would produce in Cuba. We were involved in the process of enlarging our tire factory. Some of the tires were to come from socialist countries and the USSR. Rubber and lampblack are for use in domestic production. We had still not received a single tire, a single ton of synthetic rubber, or a single ton of lampblack as of 31 May. 82. Cotton and other textile products: The delivery of 30,000 tons of cotton was agreed upon for 1991. By 31 May not a single ton had been received. No agreements were made for this year on the supply of traditional exports from the USSR, such as jute sacks and (kena) fibers. Ammonia, which is used in the nickel industry and in the production of fertilizers... [pauses] ammonia, as well as sugar and hard coal, is mainly used in the nickel industry, and therefore, the supply of nickel to the USSR depends on it. Of the 100,000 tons agreed upon, the first shipment was not received until May. 83. Nonferrous metals and sheet metal: The supply of 28,630 tons of bars and sheets of copper, aluminum, lead, and zinc were agreed upon for 1991. This, as you know, is very important for doors, construction materials, packaging equipment, household articles, and all types of maintenance and plumbing jobs. As of 31 May absolutely nothing had been received. 84. Equipment and replacement parts: Although the amount of equipment was reduced to a minimum, as I mentioned, nothing had been shipped by that date. Of the total amount of replacement parts, only $3.3 million of an agreed upon $101.7 million had been shipped. 85. Replacement parts for consumer goods: As part of the 1991 package, we agreed upon shipments worth $17.4 million in parts for television sets, refrigerators, watches, sewing machines, fans, washing machines, bicycles, and other goods. Not a single part had been received as of the end of May. Similar situations occurred with the replacement parts for the nickel and other industries and Soviet equipment. 86. This is how the plan was followed as of 31 May. With due respect, I think this information should be reported to the entire population, do you not think so? You can imagine our headaches, troubles, search for formulas, miracle-like actions, and rush to get some sodium carbonate somewhere, with the little foreign exchange available in the country, so that we could manufacture at least a certain number of bottles for babies' milk. 87. You can imagine the problems in manufacturing bottles for beer, rum, and a number of other products. 88. Let us now discuss the month of September. As has been said already, Soviet exports totalling $3.940 billion were agreed on for 1991. This figure was readjusted in midyear through an agreement that was made because of debts that could not be renegotiated and also because of adjustments in the price of fuel. The adjustment amounted to $3.363 billion in products that Cuba was to receive. 89. Explaining these figures can often get complicated. We signed an agreement at the beginning of the year that totalled $3.940 billion but we closed up the year as of 31 May with another figure. Then there were the changes during the course of the year. So you can understand, when I talk of debts I mean that-as part of our policy to strictly keep our commitment with the USSR-we had bought sugar in recent years when our sugar was not sufficient to keep our commitment with the USSR. This policy was drawn some years ago as a matter of principle and honor. 90. Whenever our production was not enough-even with sugar harvests totalling 8 million [no measurement specified]- because we had to deliver 4 million or a little over that to the USSR, in addition to our other commitments, we would purchase sugar. We would purchase it to keep our commitment. That situation created debts for sugar that had to be paid. Owing to our debts for sugar-which the Soviets had guaranteed, since we could not renegotiate the debts to delay payments-we had to deliver certain amounts of sugar to pay those debts. So our purchasing strength dropped again. 91. Then we had oil readjustments, because of the nature of oil on the international market; there were some readjustments and reductions. That did not mean more oil but a value that was smaller than the value of the 10 million tons to be exported. That is why the figures that at the start of the year totalled $3.940 billion were reduced by midyear for the two reasons mentioned earlier. These are balances of previous debts that could not be renegotiated. Therefore, we had less sugar to deliver to pay that debt. There was also a drop in the price of fuel. That is why from the $3.940 billion in exports that we were to receive, the figure dropped to $3.363 billion. These phenomena are not always clearly understood in the papers, unless they are explained as I have tried to explain them to you. 92. By 31 May, we received products worth $710 million. By the end of September, four months later, this figure reached $1.305 billion. This is equal to 38 percent of the value of the products that we are supposed to receive during the year. In other words, after three quarters of the year have elapsed, we have received 38 percent of the products. 93. Of the $1.305 billion, in the first place... [pauses] as of May, of the $710 million received, $650 million was fuel and only $60 million was everything else. By 30 September, of the $1.305 billion received, $985 million was fuel, or 76 percent of the total value of the goods that we received. The percentage of all other essential goods that we have spoken here is minimal. 94. I am going to briefly refer to each of them one by one. Having passed 75 percent of the year by 30 September, in fuel, we complied with 95 percent of what had been agreed upon. In other words, by 30 September, we failed to meet five percent of our fuel consumption requirements, which amounts to hundreds of tons of fuel. 95. By the end of September, there was a deficit of 400,000 tons of fuel. Well, I forgot to mention another report. An estimated 95 percent of fuel consumption requirements and 71 percent of the year's total has been fulfilled. There was a difference of 400,000 tons. This will have an impact on us starting in October, particularly if we take into consideration that consumption has already been reduced this year by 3 million tons. So, the 3 million tons of fuel must be added to the reductions made in September... [pauses] October, November, and December. This total remains to be known. However, the plan [words indistinct] has become very difficult. This deficit makes the situation with fuel more difficult. 96. Regarding animal and human consumption of grains and wheat flour, we have received 45 percent of what we had estimated for the current year. That is, after 75 percent of the year has passed, we have received 45 percent of the estimates according to the agreements that were signed. This is a little better. 97. By 30 September, we received zero percent of expected rice deliveries and 50 percent of expected pea deliveries. Regarding raw vegetable oil, by September, we received 16 percent of expected deliveries, while we received seven percent of expected deliveries of cooking lard. 98. As for condensed milk, we have received 11 percent; butter, 47 percent; canned meat, 18 percent; powdered milk, 22 percent; fresh and canned fish, 6 percent; fertilizers, 16 percent; sulfite, 0 percent. As for cut lumber-after adjusting the figure from 400,000 cubic meters to 200,000-we have received 47 percent. I told you before that in the past we received over 500,000 [cubic meters]. In this adjustment, I must explain... [pause] I already said that the adjustment had been made due to sugar debts, fuel prices, and previously agreed upon amounts that we reduced. With lumber there was also a deficit, so we decided to cut the amount by half and the difference would be used to pay off debts that we were unable to renegotiate. This is why we reduced the amount of lumber from 400,000 [cubic meters] to 200,000; of the 200,000 we have received 47 percent. As for caustic soda, we have received nothing. 99. We have received 0 percent of our sodium carbonate purchase order, 0 percent of our order for pulpwood for paper, and 2 percent of our order for paper and cardboard. We have received only 1.9 percent of our purchase order for rolled steel; this percentage applies to a revised order, which represents a reduction from the original order, from 550,000 tons to 350,000 tons. We have received 15 percent of our request for tin-plate, 13.5 percent of tallow, 0 percent of detergents, and 5 percent of soap. Only 1.6 percent of our order for tires has been shipped. This means we will receive less than two tires for each 100 tires we ordered. We have received 11 percent of our synthetic rubber order; 0 percent of our order for lampblack; 0 percent of our order for cotton and other textiles. We have been working with some cotton reserves. 100. We have received 54 percent of our revised ammonia order, which is for 75,000 tons. The original order was for 100,000 tons. We have received 26 percent of our order for nonferrous metals and laminates; 10 percent of glazed bricks-I had not mentioned this before. These bricks are used in iron and steel mills and in cement factories, as well as for many other purposes. 101. Regarding our purchase order for agricultural, construction, and transportation equipment, which was considerably reduced from the original amount, 38 percent of the requested supplies have been shipped; only 10 percent of the parts for that equipment has been shipped. The same situation exists regarding parts for trains, industrial machinery, and other production equipment. We have received 1.1 percent for our orders for spare parts for consumer goods-television sets, refrigerators, and so forth. For every $100 worth of materials, we have received $1.10 worth. 102. I do not want to extend myself so I will not refer to the negative effect this situation has had on our economic cooperation and the projects that were being built: a total of 84. We are working on 84 projects, some of which are significant for the nation's development, such as a nickel factory in Camarioca, thermoelectric plants, machine shop industry plants, electro-nuclear plants, oil refinery, etc. Some of these are quite large, others medium-sized, and others still smaller. There are 84 altogether. This current situation has affected the supply for the economic cooperation projects. 103. I am not telling you all of this, comrades, as a reproach or a criticism. I only do this to explain to the delegates the true situation honestly and clearly. I can vouch for the Soviets' efforts to fulfill these commitments and for the efforts of the Soviet administration and government. Nevertheless, in the wake of the chaos and the disorganization in that country, the task is very difficult. It grieves me to have to explain all of this, but we cannot pretend that the people are ignoring this. 104. I am going to leave all of this out. [sound of papers being shuffled] Let me refer to other details. In addition to all the above, one must add numerous negative effects experienced simultaneously with the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe, with which trade has practically disappeared. These nations used to give us preferential sugar prices while they supplied us with important products for the nation's economy and for local consumption. I will mention only some of these negative effects. We have here 22,000 tons of powdered milk from the GDR with which 220 million liters of milk were produced, equal to almost five months of direct consumption by the population in liquid milk form. That is, the milk that is sold in liquid form, not as condensed or evaporated milk, or as cheese or yogurt. That powdered milk, in light of agreements and investments which we made in the GDR, was exchanged for torula yeast that we produced in our country. The Germans in general and those of the GDR eat a great deal of butter; that is why they have high cholesterol levels and suffer from heart disease. But, traditionally it is not milk as much as butter. To be able to produce butter they were left with an oversupply of milk. They did not know what to do with it and used it for animal feed. We proposed to transform their oversupply into powdered milk and to exchange the milk for torula that we produced from molasses. As animal feed, torula is better: it has more vitamins and minerals. We produced torula at a very low cost. We used several tons of syrup in our 11 factories. We made investments in convertible currency in the GDR to install those factories and we signed a trade agreement for 10 years; one ton of torula for one ton of powdered milk. 105. When the collapse occurred and the two Germanies were united-rather, the FRG absorbed the GDR-all of these arrangements were left unfulfilled. Consequently, we failed to receive the 22,000 tons of powdered milk, although this was one of the most reasonable and beneficial operations for our economy. We received 14,700 tons of frozen chicken, 60,000 of wheat, and 2,500 of Bulgarian cheese. Much of the cheese used in pizzas came from Bulgaria. We also received 17,000 tons of lard from the GDR and Bulgaria, the equivalent of more than three months in terms of food rations. I am speaking of rations, not industrial or social uses. We received 51,400 tons of malt from the GDR and Czechoslovakia for our beer plants. However, we have managed to scrounge some malt here and there. Our problem, however, is not malt, but bottles, for which we require potassium carbonate, I mean, sodium carbonate. We have received medical equipment, X-ray film and medicine, all worth 35.3 million pesos, from the GDR, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Hungary, and Poland. For 30 years, our commerce, supplies, and everything related were gradually adapted to our commercial agreements with these countries. The GDR, Poland, and Romania supplied agricultural equipment worth 19.9 million pesos. The GDR, Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Romania supplied equipment and spare parts for the sugar and cement industries. Hungary supplied 285 passenger buses. In 1989, 570 buses were supplied. We also received from these countries, in addition to the Soviet Union, spare parts for transportation, construction, agriculture, and the generation of electricity for 85.9 million pesos. 106. When the FRG became one with the old GDR territory... [pauses]. Oh, well, to what I have said should be added important raw material for industry and fertilizer, which we received from one country or another. We received much of the potassium we used for agriculture from the GDR. We received fertilizers from Bulgaria and other countries. When the FRG and the GDR united, the German Government unilaterally decided to cancel all the intergovernmental agreements in effect between Cuba and the GDR, a decision that harmed our economy. Some of those agreement involved, for example: 107. The integral development of the sugar industry. We had an agreement on this. Each party supplied equipment to the other. 108. A multilateral agreement for the construction of a nickel plant. The GDR was an important factor of the nickel plant under construction in Camarioca. 109. The industrial development of agricultural production, the industrial processing of citrus fruits, and the production of plantain pulp. 110. The reconstruction of Cuba's alcohol production plant. 111. The supply of Class A alcohol by the GDR. 112. The integral development of geological works in Camaguey, Ciego de Avilas, and Las Tunas. 113. The accelerated development of science and technology. 114. Intergovernment credits for industrial projects. 115. Bilateral agreements on science and technology between analogous institutions. 116. Since the Yankee blockade remains as strong as ever, we are in this special period at a time of peace. 117. As you know, the country had been getting ready for a special period in time of war, having as a premise that a naval blockade would be established, with nothing getting in. We have analyzed what to do, how to resist, how to defend ourselves, and how to handle that kind of situation. No one could have imagined that some day we would be facing a special period in time of peace, which is what this is all about. 118. One of our most vulnerable points is fuel. As I have said, fuel prices have increased extraordinarily. There has been talk of preferential prices for sugar, but no product in the world has prices as preferential as those of fuel. Fuel prices have nothing to do with fuel production costs. These are monopoly prices. 119. At a given moment fuel prices jumped from $14 or $15 the ton, to more than $200. Right now these prices are a bit lower, but still very high. 120. When the revolution came to power, our country was consuming 4 million tons of oil. At that time 1 ton of oil could be purchased with 15 percent of the value of a ton of sugar. This means that with 1 ton of sugar, Cuba could buy 7 tons of oil: Seven tons! 121. Now, with sugar at dump prices, the world market price, one ton of sugar will buy 1.4 tons of oil. When the revolution came to power a ton of sugar could buy almost 7 tons of oil. 122. In the agreements with the Soviets I referred to, after taking current oil prices into consideration, we have requested five tons of oil per ton of sugar; five or six tons of oil. This is not as much as we requested from the so-called international markets at the beginning of the revolution, but it is a reasonable amount of oil per ton of sugar. 123. Due to prices and the monopoly on oil, which is the most expensive product in the world, we required 4 million tons of oil at the beginning of the revolution. Our population was much smaller then. Fifty percent of all households did not have electricity, and the 50 percent that did consumed half of what they consume today. 124. At the beginning of our economic relationship with the socialist bloc, which was based on five-year agreements and plans for 20 years of coordinated development, we gradually prepared our economic and social development plans. The plans helped us withstand the imperialist blockade. 125. Thus our population grew from 6.5 to 11 million. The number of households equipped with electricity increased to over 90 percent, and power consumption per household doubled. All of our economic and social development plans rested on pillars of excellent economic relations with socialist countries. Oil consumption rose to 13 million tons, but it was necessary to make a drastic reduction to 10 million tons. Yet the lights have not gone out. 126. The reductions continue. No one knows how much fuel will be available next year, what the price of sugar will be, or if the USSR will even be in a position to export oil. We know that the USSR needs our sugar, but will it be able to export oil? Who will export it? The USSR? The republics? 127. What price will they pay for sugar? They will want to pay low, low prices. With whom will it be necessary to negotiate? All of these things represent difficult problems. This is why I say our weakest point is fuel. Not a single day has passed that we have not prospected for oil in our country. Thousands and thousands of wells have been drilled. Not in the sea, because we lacked the technology, equipment, and money. The Soviets did not possess them either. We have worked intensely where the ground's seismic characteristics were favorable. We have met with some success but are far from meeting the country's needs. We do not have large hydraulic or coal resources, so energy is our most complex problem. In view of all these problems, we started two years ago to plan and work intensely in anticipation of these problems. I said on 26 July that we would continue to defend socialism even if it disappeared in the Soviet Union. We would continue to defend it even if civil war erupted or the Soviet Union broke apart, something we did not expect or desire. 128. Two years and three months have passed since then. Maybe some have wondered: How can we speak of the disintegration of the sun? To speak of the Soviet Union's collapse is to speak of the possibility of the sun not rising. A country so stable, powerful, and mighty that has survived trials so harsh? Some might have thought we were hallucinating, living in a fantasy. Yet we are living in a time when all this has happened. We are experiencing these exceptional circumstances. Where did I get the idea that something like this might happen? From the events we observed and the Soviet Union's tendency to break apart. As a matter of principle and respect, no one interferes in the domestic affairs of another country. This is why we have applied a strict policy of respect for other people's affairs, just as we demand respect for our affairs. We have not meddled in the Soviet Union's domestic affairs. Although we have our own opinion about them, we have been extremely respectful. 129. In addition, the first proposal to perfect socialism was unobjectionable. Who can oppose the idea of perfecting socialism? 130. We struggle in that direction every day. We face that challenge every day. Long before people began speaking of perestroyka, we were speaking of rectification. We spoke of it at the Third Congress and, more specifically, 3 months later. The famous perestroyka had not been mentioned yet. We already were aware of the fact that errors had been committed and had to be rectified, that we had to find solutions to those problems, and that we had to rectify negative tendencies and find solutions to old and new problems. We realized some of our problems resulted from copying the experiences of socialist countries, something we did because they were the first socialist countries and had secured much prestige. 131. Not everything was bad. It would be unfair to say that. Many experiences were useful and could be used in many fields. Unfortunately, our country began copying those countries mechanically. Whatever came from there was seen as sacred and unquestionable. Whatever we found in a book was immediately viewed as indisputable. That tendency, to the dissatisfaction of some of us, developed with notable force. I say this sincerely. But that is how tendencies function. There was this friendly country, a country of solidarity, a country that did so much for us, a country to which we were grateful, a country of so many merits in the face of an enemy that harasses us and that has a blockade against us; a country that faced the imperialist ideology, its dirty propaganda, its sickening social and ideological system. So our country developed a tendency that went to the opposite extreme: we idolized whatever came from the socialist countries. We rectified some errors but copied the experiences of socialist countries. It took some time but we became aware that many things had to be rectified to improve socialism without disavowing it. Improving socialism can by no means be done by negating the many things that socialism has contributed to our country, other countries, and the world. 132. We are the ones who first became aware of the need for rectification. At that time there was talk of improving socialism and implementing new scientific and technological findings in an accelerated fashion. The need for doing this is unquestionable. It is essential, especially when confronting imperialism and its economic resources and technology. Following World War II, imperialism stockpiled all the gold of the world; its industry had remained intact, while that of the Soviet Union had been completely destroyed. Socialism was implemented in the most backward countries of Europe, in agricultural countries, not in more industrialized countries. There was talk in that country of fighting the acquisition of wealth that does not result from work. That was fine. We also had to fight speculation, stealing, illegal enrichment. That was fine. We viewed their struggle against alcoholism as something wonderful, especially in a country where people used to drink three times the normal amount, where the weather is cold, and where sometimes the people were drunk on the streets. We saw what they were doing as a great moral effort. We have learned from some of the ideas that were the forces of that first phase. They are excellent. 133. When the 70th anniversary [of the October Revolution] was commemorated, the CEMA held a meeting. There was a roundtable. It was a very frank meeting. We discussed various CEMA issues. We even discussed the Olympic Games. I brought up that we could not abandon the DPRK and that if we had not gone to the games in Los Angeles, much less could we go to South Korea, a Yankee base and a country where there was daily brutal repression. It had been alleged for security reasons that [the socialist countries] should not go to Los Angeles. I was not asking for a suspension of the Olympic Games or for nonparticipation in the Olympic Games, but for an honorable way for the DPRK to participate in the games. This is when I presented the formula of the two countries sharing the Olympic Games. This was received with interest and attention. 134. I also had the opportunity to speak about our rectification process and the bitter experience we had in implementing the system in the direction and planning of our economy, which was copied to a great extent from socialist countries. There was a word of caution against those trends. We spoke of experiences we had; I do not want to mention them because it would take too much time. I was frank about this. I said: Try to avoid that road and avoid aggravating the people and harvesting negative fruits. They listened to me with much interest. Later many of them said to me: The same thing has happened to us. I told them that works were not being finished and that emphasis was placed on the amount of items being produced, not on the diversity of items; that if a mechanical plant had to manufacture 50 parts, it would manufacture the 50 that best suited the plant and not the others that were needed. When I told them this and other similar things, several of them told me: That is just what has happened to us. I fulfilled my historic duty to caution them. At least they did not decide to copy from capitalism. They listened very well to what I said. The documents on this, the various reports on this- these are more than reports, they are stenographic reproductions of what was said-are available. There are authorized recordings available. The documents had to be reconstructed because of translations and language barriers. Later I was able to see the documents on the issues discussed during the 1987 CEMA meeting. No one spoke of capitalism. No one mentioned the idea of rebuilding capitalism, returning to capitalism, or destroying socialism. Not a word was said about that. It was unthinkable. However, now we must face the events that have taken place. 135. I tell you that two years and three months ago this is what I said, even at the risk of not being understood, even at the risk of being misinterpreted in those countries or in the USSR. Anyone could say: What kind of madness is this, to say that there might be civilian unrest here or that the USSR might someday disintegrate? 136. However, when I saw the trends that were developing, when I saw that the authority of the party was being demolished, when I saw that the authority of the state was being demolished, when I saw that the history of the USSR was being pulverized.... [pause] And it had nothing to do with the historical criticism of any period of time-such criticism is necessary and man will always have to give it-on the mistakes that had been made, whether they were inevitable or not, and that undoubtedly took place. 137. However, criticizing history is one thing and destroying the history of a country is another. A country cannot exist without a history. It is as if we destroyed the history of this country from the time we rebelled against the Spaniards. The rebellion against the Czar and feudalism was the equivalent in our history to the rebellion against slavery and Spanish colonial power. 138. When I saw the strength of those trends-the destruction of the authority of the party and of the state and the demolition of the country's history-I immediately understood that this would have fatal consequences in that great country for which we all have felt and now feel deep admiration and gratitude. 139. Ever since I became politically aware, I saw on several occasions that there were errors in the Soviet Union's policy. However, I believe that no state has ever done more in less time and no state has ever done so much for mankind for which it has to be so thankful as the Soviet Union. It was the first socialist state formed at a time when it seemed impossible, in theory, for a socialist state to be formed. This should have resulted in a simultaneous revolution in the other developed states of Europe. Such a revolution did not take place until after World War II. The reactionaries were skillfull, intelligent, and strong and the imperialist countries supported them. Therefore, the USSR saw the need to build the first socialist state as an isolated nation, which became the target of a blockade. 140. The achievements of the people of the USSR are unparalleled in history: Their struggle to give power to the workers and peasants and their struggle against intervention-that huge country was reduced to practically nothing; their capacity to generate force, to fight and defeat intervention; their determination to build socialism in a single country under conditions of total isolation and blockade and in the midst of hunger; their industrialization of that country-one of the greatest feats of history; and their resistance to a fascist invasion. It was the only state that truly resisted. The others collapsed like a house of cards in just a matter of weeks. That country resisted and resisted, even though it was absurdly caught by surprise. 141. One had to be daydreaming to fall for dogmatic criteria, rigid and inflexible schemes, and absurd logic and think that the Nazis were not going to attack the Soviet Union. The Soviets could have launched their own surprise attack but the troops were resting, they were on leave, and all the planes were lined up on the ground. It was one of the greatest mistakes ever made to allow themselves to be caught by surprise by the Nazi attack and not be on maximum alert with units concentrated at their designated places of deployment. No, no, no. 142. The Germans would not have gotten to Moscow, not even to Smolensk, if this had happened. The war would have ended much sooner, and who knows in what way? 143. I say this because I know big mistakes were made. They made military, political, and social mistakes. They forced collectivization when it was obvious that small-scale agriculture was not the solution; they took hasty, traumatic steps; they exercised repression and abused power. These things happened and they can be criticized. But these people also showed heroism; rendered services to the world; struggled against intervention; developed the country's industry; struggled against fascism; rebuilt the country; and, amid all this struggle, transferred their industry to the rear guard in a matter of weeks. 144. In just a few months lathes were taken to deserted, barren plains and installed in the snow. Soon after factories that did not even have roofs started to produce. All their efforts produced more aircraft, tanks, and cannons than their enemies were manufacturing. I believe that this has never been seen in history and and it was spearheaded by the Communist Party. This accomplishment was inspired by Lenin's ideas and showed what a social revolution could achieve. It was spearheaded by a party that does not exist today, that does not exist today. [repeats himself] It has already been dissolved. Despite the errors, the accomplishments of the Soviet Union are among the most extraordinary in history and the sacrifices made by the Soviet Union are among the most extraordinary in history. Its accomplishments were really impressive. The Soviet Union was destroyed twice in less than 20 years and was rebuilt in a very short time. 145. Between 1965 and 1985 the USSR became the largest oil-producing country in the world by generating more than 630 million tons from barren plains. It became the largest producer of cement, steel, and fertilizers in the world-or one of the largest. It became the largest gas-producing country in the world by generating 700 billion cubic meters. The USSR produced large amounts of wood, coal, and all kinds of... [changes thought] It is a country with immense resources. 146. During the 20-year period, between 1965, immediately following the post-war, the USSR rebuilt its economy and in the following years reached the levels reached until 1985. [sentence as heard] It used to build more oil and gas pipelines than any country in the world. The USSR raised its output to more than 200 million tons of grain and cereals, although it did not fully implement scientific techniques and had organizational problems storing and using most seeds, as well as using pesticides and fertilizers. 147. We cannot underestimate the great accomplishments of the Soviet people. It is true that there were some delays and carelessness in applying the results of scientific and technological research. The state and party have contributed to several research projects, the results of which cannot be immediately ascertained. This is what they are doing with science and technology. They neglected... [pauses] and then they produced an engine, which could be efficient but was constructed of three times more steel than a well-designed, more advanced engine should have. Their engines used two or three times as much fuel as a [words indistinct] engine should consume. We know this because the (Sil-130) trucks run 7 to 8 km [per unspecified unit of measurement]. Their engines were made to consume the available fuel. 148. The decision to convert from an extensive economy to an intensive economy was an excellent one. This way the USSR economy would not grow by padding the labor force because it was already based on opening new factories and expanding the work force. The goal was to increase labor productivity with much more efficient machines and industrial procedures. All of these points conform to socialism, and they were perfectly attainable and applicable. It would be impossible to implement them if the authority of a state's party and the history of a country is destroyed. It is the surest way to bring disorganization and chaos to any country. 149. Many of the aforementioned ideas were irrefutable. Unfortunately, we have seen events that have resulted in great euphoria among imperialists and capitalists. At this moment, they practically believe that they own the world. 150. As I was saying. We began to work early, as soon as we saw the tendency, to accelerate our plans. We restructured priority plans and the rectification process using our ideas and with our concepts this time. That is how, based principally on the development of food production, we drafted plans for scientific research and development and the application of scientific research findings; for the development of biotechnology, and the pharmaceutical and medical equipment industries; and for the development of tourism, an industry in which we have worked with all our might, as with all these programs. Of course, we did not calculate, or even imagine, how quickly the situation in the socialist countries and the USSR was deteriorating. 151. All of this is what obliges us to fulfill the duty I mentioned this morning-facing the colossal challenge that these circumstances entail. More than just a few things have been done in such a short period of time. Hydraulic power sources have been recovered and are being intensely worked on. The application of new techniques is expanding quickly. During this brief period, 201 land drainage and irrigation brigades have been formed capable of preparing 100,000 acres per year, just to mention a few examples. The minibrigades resurfaced, along with contingents capable of achieving feats in the shortest possible time. A complete accelerated food production program was assembled; land was transferred; irrigated areas expanded; the materials industry was extraordinarily renewed and boosted, because it is one of the basic industries of any development; programs were initiated and a great number of hotels were built; scientific research was boosted and research centers and production plants were quickly built for use in biotechnology, the medical industry, the pharmaceutical industry, and medical equipment industry. 152. All these programs-which were given an impressive boost and still receive that impressive boost- unfortunately are not well understood, despite being explained on radio and television. Many people do not even understand the concept of a nutrition plan. I can tell you about the efforts in the capital to establish a self-supply program for the city, so that the provinces will not have to supply Havana. Gentlemen, yucca was brought to Havana from Banes. That is the name of that region near Guardia: Banes, in Holguin Province. 153. Yucca was obtained in this area. Can you imagine, they got the yucca from the dry land of Banes and took it all the way to Havana in trucks, and yucca cannot be left out in the open for more than 24 to 48 hours. They had forgotten how to plant yucca and sweet potatoes. 154. The use of the microjet irrigation system with plantain crops has had impressive results. Already we have caballerias planted by the contingents that are expected to produce more than 30,000 quintals each. In Havana Province, 750 caballerias of sugarcane was converted to the production of roots and vegetables so that other provinces would not have to send these products. Can you imagine? Plantains were sent from Holguin to Havana. We could justify taking plantains and other foods to Havana from anywhere in the country if a hurricane razed Havana, but not on a regular basis. So, 500 caballerias of plantains are growing using the mircrojet system in Havana. Only bananas were previously planted in this area. In addition, there is land for square-shaped plantains, vianda plantains, and all the rest. These crops have a truly excellent future, but it takes a year for the plantain plant to yield its fruit, although we now have some plants that start to produce after 10 months. 155. We did not have enough yucca seeds. In the spring, we had to bring seeds to the Havana yucca fields from the provinces. Now we have yucca to plant 350 caballerias between September and February. We did not have sweet potato seeds. We really did not have anything. Many things had to be corrected during this rectification process. It takes time. Things like this are not done in a day. 156. Now, almost all enterprises in the Havana Province... [pauses] Approximately 60 camps have been built in a matter of weeks in Havana Province. The construction of the camps was still incomplete at the beginning of this year, but we now have more than 60 camps built. More than 200,000 Havana residents have passed through these camps to work the land. These were Havana City residents and are not part of the contingents. There are 30 contingents working and working strenuously. We have not stopped working for a minute in any province. I believe the Santiago residents are testament to the effort, as they themselves have testified. Lazo's interview in GRANMA two days ago tells about all that they have done. How much did they produce in roots? Six hundred thousand [unit not specified]. How much will they produce this year? Almost a million [unit not specified]. How much do they plan to produce in the future? Four million [unit not specified]. How many caballerias will be used for this? One thousand irrigated caballerias. They have found land for plantains in Laguna Blanca, San Luis, and other places. There are almost 100 caballerias that have already been planted using the microjet system. They have obtained 200 caballerias in Ciego de Avila to plant potatoes and sweet potatoes. They are sending people there because Oriente Province is very mountainous and it does not have enough... [corrects himself] Not Oriente, I mean Santiago. Santiago intends to accomplish the feat of self-sufficiency in roots and vegetables. It is advancing in this objective. It is really advancing. The work they have done in only two years is truly noteworthy-the use of hydroponics, the good results of hydroponics, the new techniques in hydroponics. We are implementing and doing what we have to do-implementing the most advanced techniques to solve these problems. 157. Now then, what kind of miracle is asked of us? What miracle is demanded of us, from the party, from communists, from the state, from the people, from the peasants, from cooperative workers, from agricultural workers? A true miracle, and we have no choice but to do it. 158. We are asked to produce more milk and more beef without having any fodder or fertilizers, but we must do it. We simply must do it. We are asked to produce more rice, more sugarcane, more tubers, and more vegetables, without fertilizers and many times without herbicides. And we have to figure out how. 159. That is why, above all, we are resorting to science. We are resorting to rational grazing method, for example. We had already established this in our country with wire fences. Now, we are developing this with electric fences to implement the Voisain method of rational grazing that was perfected by a Brazilian scientist who studied it for many years. It is a system that practically duplicates the pasture. The cattle become the fertilizers of the soil, with manure and urine; but most of all, it increases the production of pastures. 160. We are carrying out a program of converting over 4,000 pastures to ration grazing, not only at dairy farms but also for breeding calves, heifers, and so forth. It is serious work. We had to find $10 million for all the necessary equipment: wire for the electric fence, for galvanizing the electric fence, for the mills that must turn the sugarcane into fodder by using sacharina [a high protein sugarcane by-product used as livestock feed], which is the result of the efforts of one of our scientific research centers. 161. Sugarcane can be turned into fodder in a short period of time by a simple process of fermentation by adding some mineral salts and some urea. In 24 hours, one can prepare fodder for livestock with 13 percent, 14 percent, and 15 percent protein. Therefore, sugarcane can be turned into fodder similar to corn, wheat, and sorghum. Unfortunately, chickens cannot be fed sacharina. They can eat only a small amount of it, because the chickens do not have a digestive system similar to that of cattle. 162. We also needed the equipment to make the electric fences, the equipment that has to be added to the electric fences; the components required for producing electricity by air or by hand for the electric fence if we are without electricity; banks of protein from the legumes (glicinia) or (leucaena); and to buy seeds, multiplying them as fast as possible so that our dairy farms can have banks of protein that can replace the protein missing from the fodder we receive and that we have no way of purchasing. In the first place, we must assign what little feed we have available for egg production. Production has increased this year. In the second place, we must assign it to poultry production. Molasses, sugarcane and its by-products, must be used to feed the hogs. Then, there is protein honey made in the country's 11 plants that produce liquid yeast. 163. There are means to solve these problems. Naturally, this cannot be done overnight. It takes time, even of we are working at top speed, and we are working desperately. 164. Approximately 100,000 oxen have been domesticated, with 100,000 left to be domesticated. We cannot eat them, because they have been turned into our fuel, tractors, and working instruments. They have been used, not only to cultivate new ground where a tractor-whose use would result in fuel costs-cannot go, but also to produce and conduct duties that tractors cannot perform during the rainy season. 165. The use of oxen for farming activities is more than a substitute for fuel. It is a multiplier of labor productivity permitting one man to do the work of eight or ten by cultivating between furrows, where tractors cannot operate. 166. We have to anticipate the lack of fuel and what to do under such circumstances. We have to anticipate ways to use the little fuel that we may have. It is necessary that the harvesting of sugarcane remain mechanized, because it would require 350,000 men as in the seventies. The sugarcane harvest today employs 50,000 workers. The cost of housing, clothing, shoes, machetes, and food supplies for 300,000 workers would be an impressive figure. We would have to try to combine the little amount of fuel from labor to operate harvest centers. 167. The supply centers are designed to operate with some degree of mechanization, which we cannot do without. We no longer have the crane of the oxen cart, which carried the sugarcane. Today, we have the supply centers and the distances between them are longer. 168. Subsequently, we are basically trying to use science and technology to keep our food program moving. It is true that, given the enormous lack of fertilizers, we have been unable to fertilize all sugarcane fields. There are hundreds of thousands of caballerias of sugarcane which have not been fertilized. We had to use the fertilizers that we had for rice, tubers and vegetables. We had to use fertilizers to resolve the problems with the rational grazing and the electric fence. 169. The objective to get the food program moving, even without or with very little fodder and fertilizers, continues to be a tremendous challenge. This is where our imagination and intelligence, as well as our capacity to implement the advancements of science and technology, has been implemented. Thanks to scientific research, sugarcane is being used as a raw material for making fodder, which can provide nearly all the food for cattle, and some of the fodder for pigs and poultry. I do not want to be lengthy, and that is why I try not to go into any details on each of the measures that we are adopting. 170. We even manufacture twice the needed amount of hoses in case a hurricane ravages the fields. This will enable us to renew production because plantations have a duration of 10, 15, or 20 years. A hurricane can destroy hoses and topple plants, but it cannot destroy the plantation or the underground ducts. We are also using the localized irrigation system with our citrus trees to increase [word indistinct]. 171. We are applying technical or scientific advancements wherever we can. It is the only road we can take under the current circumstances and during this special period in which we do not know how much oil we will have next year. For the reasons I have previously explained, we do not know if we will have nine, eight, seven, six, five, or four [not further identified]. The sugar problem is not only a problem of markets that we expounded earlier. It is also a problem of prices. What prices will we get for our sugar? It is a problem of how many tons of petroleum can be bought today with a ton of sugar. We would have to invest all the sugar of the country to buy 10 million tons of oil at world prices. Furthermore, we need other things besides oil. We also have to buy food that cannot be produced in the country, medicine, and raw materials with our sugar, nickel, citrus, and export products. We used to have a guaranteed supply of these items in virtue of our 30-year relation with the socialist area. Except for us, this socialist area has crumbled shamefully, crumbled to the delight, happiness, and joy of the imperialists. 172. We have made extraordinary advances in the scientific and biotechnological fields and in the pharmaceutical industry. We do not talk a great deal about this topic because we do not want to show all our cards. As an example, I can tell you that as soon as it was known that we had the antimeningococcus type B vaccine, the Yankees started an all out war against it. They exerted tremendous pressures and made many promises so that we would not be able to sell our antimeningococcus vaccine. Here, before the members of the congress and the commission, we have Comrade Conchita Concepcion Campa, who was the one that headed the team that developed this vaccine, which is the only one in the world. It is a vaccine for a sickness that affects many countries in the world and is an important source of resource for the country. The team has had to struggle very tenaciously at world markets, at international meetings, at the WHO, and at congresses. It has fought hard and won many battles. Campa and the other comrades of the Finlay Center, which is what the center for the investigation and production of the antimeningococcus and other vaccines is called today, have already obtained many resources for the country and new ways to obtain resources. We have developed products such as the streptokinase, which interrupts a heart attack within the first six hours. It does not only interrupt a heart attack, it prevents further damage to the heart muscle, and renews blood circulation in the heart area. 173. We are already producing it for our population. The first batch is ready. We are producing for the thousands who need it in our country. Unfortunately, it cannot solve all heart attacks, if, for instance if the person dies instantaneously. We are studying to see if it is effective eight to 10 hours, and up to 24 hours, later. What is medically tested and proven are its effect within the first six hours. You can see a video cassette showing how the white part affected by the heart attack begins to function and you begin to see the arteries and the circulation in the arteries. 174. That product... [pauses] We are the only country in the world to produce that product today, using recombinant genetic engineering [ingenieria genetica recombinante], while the other products are natural and do not have the same efficiency. Other similar products cost five times more that what this one costs. 175. Then there is the vaccination against hepatitis-B, and we are one of the few countries in the world to have it. We are now at the stage where we are ready to begin production. We control the technology of the epidermic growth factor-used for burns, skin graphs, and many other applications and is also a highly expensive product-and it came from our research centers. We are not the only ones, however, there is another company in the world producing it. 176. We are completing all the medical procedures, protocols, and so on, for one of the most recent and outstanding products that we have developed. This product is about to be distributed this month among the population and to all the hospitals. Distribution has already begun in the capital and it is being sold at hotels and tourist centers. It is really a very promising product. It is a product whose consumption is required by hundreds of thousands of people, according to our calculations, and we are the only country to have it. It has to do with cholesterol, blood pressure, and everything related to the circulation, such as varicosis and all other circulatory problems in general. I do not really want to give it too much publicity, but as we have had to mention a few strong things, I would like to say that, not only have we developed the product, but we have created the production capability to satisfy any demand. 177. The medical, pharmaceutical, and biotechnical industries have over 20 objectives. We are modernizing the whole industry, which has been a colossal and impressive project in the field of biotechnical, pharmaceutical, and medical equipment industries. All these products are in use-the growth factor is being used on burns. I remember when we had very little, we sent it to those children in the USSR suffering from burns from a train accident. 178. We produce interferon. We are exporting several million dollars of interferon. A wide field is opening which requires minimum time and maximum effort. This we are now doing in a very quiet way, because we do not wish to warn the enemy beforehand, thus making his blockade and obstruction plans against all of our commercial activity in this field useless. I can assure you that in biotechnology, pharmaceutical, and medical equipment industries we have high expectations. One day it may come to produce more than sugar. 179. This says it all. We are developing projects at the aforementioned rate, and we are building thousands of hotel rooms every year for international tourism. It would be enough to say that this year approximately $400 million will be received from tourism-between direct income received from tourism institutions and indirect revenues from other institutions. We hope that in 1992, we will receive approximately $600 million. 180. The growth of tourism-related revenues is noteworthy. It is important to understand that the country needs to promote tourism, although it may entail some sacrifices. We would like to enjoy all the hotels, but this is a matter of saving the fatherland, the revolution, and socialism. We need these resources during the situation that I have been explaining to you. 181. We will continue to promote tourism, however, this is not the only area in which we are working. We are working on many areas to increase exports and generate the revenues that the country needs. 182. Not only are the scientists working, but also the engineers, thousands of engineers, midlevel technicians [words indistinct]. By the end of the year, we will have the annual national forum and more than 30,000 reports will be presented. We are amazed to see the intelligence of people working to find solutions. This is one of our resources. 183. The country has things that it did not have before. We are no longer the uneducated people of 1959, but a people with hundreds of thousands of college graduates and midlevel technicians, with a high level of education. You should see the kind of people who work at our hotels. No country in the Third World has the personnel-with their level of education and training-that we have working at the hotels. I have seen this. Yesterday, I visited this hotel [no name given] and you should see the level of education of its 300 workers. 184. To accomplish all that, a great deal of understanding is needed. As I was saying in the case of tourism, for instance [words indistinct] hotels intended for foreign tourism, there are people who think that something has been taken from them. Nothing has been taken from them, but we are collecting something to resolve their problems. Whenever possible, we try... [pauses] we have two kinds of hotels, those which we own 100 percent and those which are co-owned with foreign enterprises. Regarding our hotels, we can be more flexible on the use of their facilities by Cuban nationals during certain months. Regarding mixed enterprises, the situation is more complex, because we would be forced to pay in foreign currency some of the expenses incurred by Cuban citizens in those hotels. 185. We are formulating new ideas, like leaving 20 or 30 rooms vacant for some kind of directed tourism. 186. For example, if we have some hotels and there is no international tourism, there is a surplus. We cannot say: This hotel is open for any peddler, for any thief, for speculators and those who have thousands of pesos. As much as possible, we must control the available capacity at the hotels. 187. That is how we have (Las Yagrumas) in Havana and the Biocaribe. The Biocaribe is a hotel that used to be the Center of Genetic Engineering. It was believed that it would be used as quarters for foreign experts. The Cubans have basically solved the problems of that center and its (?achievements). We said: We will turn this building into a hotel for tourists in order to collect foreign currency. Some changes were made, and the hotel is going to collect $1 million. That is enough to maintain the Center of Genetic Engineering. Not only foreign tourists stay there, but also many persons who attend medical and technical congresses. There are also people from the Scientific and Workers Complex who stay there, they are directed there. They spend a weekend, or a week at (Las Yagrumas). 188. We are preparing ideas so the development of tourism will benefit other people, however, we need the understanding of the people. They must understand that this is not a matter of liking something or of pleasure; that it is not a lack of consideration toward our fellow countrymen. 189. If we only had the petroleum of Venezuela or Kuwait, we would not have to worry about international tourism and we would be able to build 1,000 hotels and perhaps ...[pauses] Naturally, perhaps there are other things that must be built before hotels are built, and we must solve housing and maintenance problems and many others before that. I want to say that what the revolution is doing concerning tourism is simply to solve essential problems of the people and to seek needed resources. 190. We have to figure out things by ourselves, so that the people will also receive something. We would like it very much if 15 or 20 rooms of Hotel Santiago, that marvelous hotel, could be used by the people of Santiago, naturally by the people of Santiago who are good workers, vanguard people, who are contributing to the country. We do not have enough for all, but I believe Lazo has plans to open it with at least 150 outstanding families, who are outstanding workers. [applause] 191. These issues related to tourism and society lead me to explain that we are working on practical things, working on as many things as necessary to comply with that principle. Thus, we are forming associations with foreign enterprises and capital. Where would we get the capital? Who would lend it to us? OIEC [Organization for International Economic Cooperation]? The socialist field? Who are we resorting to? Foreign capital. 192. If we decided to build these hotels by ourselves, it would take 50 years. But we cannot do this. If we had 10 million [currency not specified], we could build a good hotel. I am referring to foreign currency. I am not referring to cement, steel bars, gravel, sand, labor force. No, no. I am referring to convertible currency; elevators, and the various equipment, materials. It could be a hotel with 300 or 250 beds. 193. We have to purchase the materials needed for rational grazing with electric fences, including the machinery for grinding sugarcane and the equipment for producing electricity, if needed. Therefore, we must invest the money in that. If you have 20 million [currency not specified] and can invest it in one of these hotels, then you can invest in any of these products of biotechnology so we can produce medications and obtain a superior profit. In what would you invest? In the hotel or in biotechnology? 194. We must know how to invest the little money we can get from here and there. Hotels produce good profits, but these profits can be received in different ways. Our 50 percent partners recover their capital in three years. When they recover their capital in three years, we recover our capital too but in the money we spend on gravel, sand, cement, and construction material. 195. If they increase their capital three times in 10 years, we do the same. If they invest the capital to build the hotel and we invest the construction workers; if they bring experience-in other words technology, because we do not know how to manage hotels; we never knew in the past, and 30 years later we know even less-and if they bring the market, it is absolutely correct to establish that partnership. We will both win. Either that, or we leave the beaches as they are, without hotels. 196. This is not contrary to any Marxist-Leninist, socialist, or revolutionary principle. It could be against sentimentalism. We would like the hotel to be all ours, and receive the whole profit. That belongs to a world of dreams, not reality. 197. Whenever we can, we build the hotel, if we have the money or if someone gives us credit to build the hotel. It is not always a mixed enterprise. If we can get the credit, we build the hotel, and pay back the credit. 198. We are reviewing all the forms of cooperation with foreign capital, in many fields. A principle must prevail. If we have factories, manpower, and no raw material, we must make that factory produce. It is unsatisfactory to have a factory that will not produce. 199. If a partner says: Listen, I will invest the raw materials and we will market the product together; I will charge for the raw materials and earn a profit. We will immediately state our willingness to reach the necessary agreements. 200. If the partner says: You need such and such insecticides, pesticides, chemical products, this and that, the containers, and whatever else to market an export crop abroad-and we are prepared to invest what is needed. You will receive this much and we will be partners when we market the product. They know how to market the product more than we do; and they have market networks that we do not have, so we will certainly reach an agreement. We will then begin to work in an export partnership. 201. If the tourism situation becomes complicated due to the lack of fuel, we will simply say: Fuel for tourism is a different issue. Used automobiles are sometimes used for tourism. The automobile may cost a given amount of dollars, but it will be cheaper if purchased used. The automobile can yield $100 a day. An automobile that can be paid off in three, four, or five months is a good deal. We can propose: You can have lubricants, fuel- whatever else is needed for tourism activities-on consignment here. We can participate in that kind of trade operation. 202. Those who deal with raw materials can say: Listen, I am willing to establish a factory to process the raw material right there. Those companies would like more than a 50 percent share of the investment-including transnationals which do not participate in this type of operation. They must purchase raw materials that we produce. Let them install their factory. We will build it. We have the work force and we have a market guaranteed for the raw materials we produce. This could be citrus-in case they want to make juices or something like that. There are all kinds of variations. I have simply mentioned a few examples. 203. I can mention other examples: There is no way we can drill for oil in the ocean. We can do it on land, but things are very limited even on land because all the pipes, equipment, motors, and bits... [pauses] what do you call that part? [unidentified speaker says: drill bits] We no longer get the drill bits that came from the USSR yet there are areas where oil might be found, meaning maritime areas. The Soviets did not know-and neither did we- how to drill for oil. An enterprise could very well say: I will take the risk. I will drill for oil. I will get paid with what we find. We will be partners. 204. Consequently, we have to choose between two things- either the oil stays there forever or we establish an association with foreign capital to drill for oil. This would be done at their own risk-without compromising a single cent. They would be paid with whatever is found and we would be owners of at least half of the oil production. Is this correct, or is it not? Is it logical, or is it not? Is it necessary, or is it not? 205. I have talked about some variants. Keep in mind that we would contribute the work force in the tourism hotel enterprise, and that work force earns a salary-the country receives their salary in dollars. Keep in mind that we supply a lot of products and a lot of services for which facilities would have to be supplied. They will not pay income tax for 10 years, but we are partners in the profits. Like I said, we both recover our investment in three years. More than 100 operations of this kind are currently being negotiated-either for hotels or other operations. 206. They have said: We are willing to invest so that you may render such and such a service. I said: Invest and we will render that service. For example, a pier may be built to handle containers-to give you an example-and the pier will be built to handle containers. 207. We know very well what we should keep for ourselves. It is not a matter of planting rice-we know how to do it well by using flat ground for a maximum yield. We know about sugarcane; we know how to build sugar mills; how to exploit sugar. Someone may come and say we want to build a sugar refinery worth 100 million [currency not specified]. We say fine, go ahead and build the refinery. That person already has guaranteed the market, the construction work, the labor force, and the land. There can be many operations and each is studied individually considering the best interests of the country. This is especially true for exports-not for domestic consumption, but for exports. There could be certain industries for domestic consumption. Let us imagine for example a pesticide that is too difficult to manufacture. Someone may reason that it is cheaper for the factory to manufacture it locally, rather than to import it from Europe. Pesticides are something we cannot produce, something we do not have the capital or the knowledge to produce, so we start a business. There are operations that involve a 50 percent foreign investment, other operations that have a 40 percent foreign investment, and there are even some operations that may surpass 50 percent in foreign investment. Each one is specifically studied individually. 208. We are willing to go even further with Latin America, in view of our ideas on Latin American integration. We want to give certain preferential treatment to Latin American capital, in accordance with what was said during the Guadalajara Summit on the need for Latin America integration. We have always said that Latin America has to be the natural venue for our economic integration, even though OIEC existed. We have said that OIEC was provisional and had its time and place. We encourage integration with Latin America and that is why we are even prepared to make preferential agreements for Latin American investments. We are fully open to foreign investment. This is not in the slightest at odds with socialism, Marxist-Leninism, or the revolution-much less so under the exceptional conditions we are living. Even Lenin, during the Bolshevik Revolution, did not intend to build socialism immediately in the USSR-it was a backward and feudal country and the great majority of its people were peasants. I believe the USSR had three million workers when socialism began. Lenin even worked on the theory of capitalist building and development under proletariat leadership. This is something Lenin never really was able to do, due to the problems that ensued, such as intervention and war, which made some of those ideas obsolete. 209. The revolutionary Marxist-Leninist beliefs even included the possibility of building capitalism under proletariat leadership. Our situation is completely different. Our idea calls for executing certain developments with foreign capital participation under the administration of the revolution, under the people's administration, [applause] under proletarian administration, and under party leadership. [applause] These are not desperate and improvised measures. We have a complete team to study each and every proposal. Allow me to say that proposals pour in, despite the campaigns against Cuba, the imperialist threats, the imperialist predictions-offers pour in. I give you this information because I feel you need to have an idea how we are working and in what direction we are heading. 210. When I spoke about science, I did not mention that we are using science to resolve problems that cannot even be imagined. For example, biofertilizers. We are developing specific bacteria, which when applied to certain plants, capture nitrogen from the air and transfers it to the plant. This happens with (sotobagfre), not so in the case of (risobium). (Risobium) is a bacteria linked to legumes and is produced naturally. Sometimes (risobium) is produced in laboratories to accelerate the process and produce even more bacteria. We are working on this. We are working on bacteria that can fertilize sugarcane, vegetables, grass, and even rice. These bacteria are produced by fermentation-they are good bacteria, such as the ones in yogurt, which help mankind. This bacteria is often produced in many plants, such as in torula. This bacteria is produced in fermentation vats. We are even encouraging the production of fermentation vats. These are biofertilizers. We have biopesticides-products that use bacteria to control plagues, fungus, and insects. Many of these plagues can be destroyed and we are working on this too. Our goal is to attain industrial level production of these biopesticide products. These are much healthier than the others. Of course, we cannot fully replace the others just yet. The others are toxic and can poison people. Who knows how much poison man ingests, no matter how much he washes the fruit. 211. We are also trying to apply these formulas in the food program: the use of zeolite, the use of organic material, and the use of tissue culture [cultivo de tejido] to grow plants and new varieties of seeds. Almost all our plantain is being produced in biofactories. We would not have the production we have today if we used the regular system. Today we use biofactories which only require a very small amount [not further identified] to grow a plant that is without disease and is of excellent quality. We have also developed tissue culture with which we are trying to find new varieties [not further identified] and trying to reproduce the seeds in a much more economic and efficient manner. 212. Our country has tremendous intellectual potential. Our intellect is one of our greatest resources. We must unite, manage, and direct all our minds in order to accomplish our objectives. Life has given us Cuban revolutionaries a difficult task and we must face our challenge. We have possibilities. That is what is important. There are possibilities. However, possibilities are for the people who struggle, who are firm, who are tenacious, and who fight. Possibilities exist for people like us. [applause] 213. I have mentioned only some ideas. We must have a clear answer for those who say our struggle has no chance under the present circumstances or in the face of our crisis. The only thing that would make us lose our chances would be if we were to lose our fatherland, the revolution, and socialism. [applause] 214. It is as if we had told ourselves that we had no future after the assault on Moncada Barracks. We only had some small shotguns that would have served for the assault on the Moncada Barracks but not for open combat against soldiers armed with Springfield rifles and automatic weapons. Our M-21 rifles and our shotguns would be useful, but firing at a distance of 100 or 200 meters... [pauses] It is as if someone told us we had no future when we were being tried here in Santiago de Cuba or at the Hospital Hall [as heard]. It is as if someone had told us we had no chance when we landed in those swamps with the Granma. How often were we told that? We were going to fight an army of 80,000, and we were told we were crazy. It is as if we were told we had no future after the rejoicing at Pio, and there were only a few men left. Just six or seven of us regrouped a few weeks later. We were asked: You are six or seven and all you have are six or seven rifles. What are your chances? 215. Eutimio Guerra once asked me: What is your future? For those of you who do not remember, he was the biggest traitor in the Sierra Maestra. He nearly wiped us out. One morning he asked me that; he told me he wanted to see me alone in a coffee field. We did not know what he wanted. He had orders to kill me. He had those orders but could not carry them out. He preferred that the guards did the job. He was leading the guards to our exact spot. There he asked me that question, at a time when we were a small group. There must have been a moment of doubt in his mind. He went down to the plains and saw armored vehicles, trucks, complete battalions, food, clothing, knapsacks, and bullets. Then he saw us with our little cloth knapsacks; we were just a handful. He asked me: What are your chances of surviving? I said: Our chances? We have every chance! He not only asked me about our chances, but also about what I hoped to achieve. I realized his personal interests were intermingled with his expectations and I had to be cunning. I answered: I have every chance. He believed me. I added: And for you, whatever you wish. [crowd laughs] He did not believe it. [crowd laughs] 216. In each one of the difficult moments that the Yankees broke with us, imposed the blockade, and organized their mercenary operations, they asked what our chances were. When the socialist nature of the revolution was declared, they asked what our chances were. They may be those who are asking now what their chances are. 217. We are now a stronger and better trained group: millions of revolutionaries, hundreds of thousands of party militants, hundreds of thousands of youth militants. Many people are organized in the mass organizations, in the CTC [Central Organization of Cuban Trade Unions, in the CDR [Committees for the Defense of the Revolution], in the Women' s Federation. Peasants, students, and even Pioneers are organized. There is a political awareness and a sense that our duty and honor have been fulfilled from defending the revolution under difficult circumstances for such a long time. We always had this independence, which is greater than ever today. 218. I do not know if anyone [pauses]...Our dear friend Leal was kidding with someone and said: We are more independent than ever because today we are independent of the United States and the USSR. Leal was joking because we were always independent of both countries. Historic documents and the October crisis attest to that. To make his joke even better Leal said: What we do not know is until when. Undoubtedly, Leal was mistaken there. Leal was joking, because he knew that it is forever. [applause] There is something that is very real to which I have given a lot of thought. I want you to think about it also. The revolution has no alternative. There is no alternative to the revolution. To whomever thinks that the sacrifices we made were made to save the revolution, that there would be no problems, and that there would be no sacrifices unless we needed to save the revolution, we must remove such thoughts from any madman who has it deep-rooted, even if it is in his hair and not in his brain. The problems of our country, as happened throughout its history, can only be resolved by our country. 219. Only the revolution can solve the problems of our country, no matter how difficult they may be. Nobody should think someone is going to give us the 13 million tons of oil we need to return to normal conditions. We used to get those 13 million tons of oil from the USSR for a fair price with our sugar. Our sugar allowed us to purchase those 13 million tons as well as considerable amounts of other products, independent of the commercial credits and credits for development. Nobody will give us that. We must look for that. We must see how we will obtain and purchase products. 220. Who gives things away? Who is going to give away what we obtained through our struggles, our principles, our policies, and our fight so we could have a just relationship with the new world that had been created? Who is going to give us anything? Those who have all kinds of illusions forget that we must never expect anything from that brutal, troublemaking northern neighbor. That is an empire that invades countries like Panama, yet it does not give that country anything. It wages a dirty war on Nicaragua and complicates the Nicaraguans' lives. It has led them to a terrible point where they do not know today what will be the fate of the contras, recontras, compas [comrades], recompas [former Sandinist servicemen who have grouped together to face the recontras], and so on that we read about in the newspapers. The empire does not give them anything. It invaded Grenada; the the only thing Grenada has now is the airport built by Cuba. Did it provide any protection for the country, anything? No, the only thing the Yankees did was dedicate the airport. They left nothing for no one. It is a country that does not export petroleum; it imports millions of tons of petroleum and gas. It does not even import sugar. In the beginning of the revolution, it used to import 5 million tons. Now, it imports approximately 1 million to 1.5 million tons of sugar. That is nothing, that is not even a market for our sugar production. 221. Only the revolution can definitely solve this country's problems in the medium or long term; there is no alternative. We are the only ones, and there is no alternative. We are the ones with our work, our struggle, our efforts, and our [word indistinct]. We must fight against everything that needs to be fought. We know there are many things to be fought. These are included in the draft resolutions to be discussed. That is why I do not have [words indistinct] to the social discipline, complying with one' s duty, to crime, to that kind of thing. We are the only ones who can find solutions to our problems, 123 years after 10 October, when we began our struggle for independence. Only we can-and we must be capable of doing so-solve our problems and maintain our unity, order, and fighting spirit. 222. I have mentioned economic matters, but I must add that we are here because of our courage, our determination to fight till death, and our determination to make any aggressor pay a very dear price. Imperialism will try to divide us in an attempt to find any pretext to justify its interventionist actions in our country. Our tight and solid unity will not let them have that pretext. Nevertheless, in any event, we will always be ready for war, which will be waged by all the people, and we will defend... [applause] we will defend up to the last corner of our country, as long as there is one revolutionary and one weapon to defend it. As I once told students, each man, each revolutionary must say: I am the army, I am the fatherland, I am the revolution. I wonder if people with that spirit could ever be subjugated or enslaved again. 223. When we talk of 10 October, we must take into consideration that if at that time we lived under slavery and colonialism, the achievements of our revolution were more than independence and more than the goals established by our first patriots, who could not aspire for more: total independence, man's total dignity, human beings who are brothers to their fellow men, human beings who are considered human beings. Back in those days, society did not see man that way. What was a slave? What was a Creole compared to a Spanish soldier, a merchant, a citizen, an official, or a property owner? What was he? At that time there were property rights over things and over men. Property over men formally disappeared later. However, I must say that when I was a teenager, I saw what capitalist exploitation was. I saw that a slave owner took better care of his slaves than capitalist enterprises-national or foreign-took care of their workers. Businessmen and Yankee landowners, for example, did not care if a worker died, or if he did not have a job, food, or medicine. A slave owner gave him food and medicine, because he did not want his property-the slave-to die. The capitalist system exploits man and does not care if man dies or if he does not have food or medicine. It is another form of slavery, as humiliating and brutal as the other kind, aside from all the moral humiliation that man must suffer in that society. 224. The revolution, born 126 years ago, achieved socialism more than 30 years ago. What a historical advancement! What an advancement ahead of the rest of Latin American countries! What an advancement ahead of the other Third World countries! That is what we are defending. If imperialism could put Cuba on its knees and if imperialism could again install capitalism in our country, what would be left of all we have done in 123 years? [applause] 225. To turn us into a Puerto Rico? [Crowd shouts: No!] It still has not even been able to hoist its flag, so similar to ours, which (?Marti) had wished would accompany us in our heroic struggle for liberty. To turn us into a Miami? [Crowd shouts: No!] With all the repugnant rottenness of that society? What would be left of all that has been accomplished by our people during these 123 years? What would be left of the housing that the revolution turned over to the people? What would remain of the buildings and everything, if its owners were to come back to demand them? What would happen to the lands that we gave to the peasants, the cooperatives, or the farm workers, the lands on which they acquired their manly status as human beings, where all their rights were protected, and where all opportunities were made available to them, and above all, to their children. What would be left of our schools in the countryside-colleges, secondary schools, technological schools, sports schools, vocational schools, arts schools, agricultural and industrial technological schools. What would be left of all that? What would be left of all our 300,000 professors and teachers? Our country has the highest world percentage of professors and teachers per capita. What would be left of our family doctors in the mountains, the countryside, the communities, the factories, and the schools? What would be left of our child day care centers? What would be left of our universities created by the revolution? What would be left of the hundreds of scientists, many vanguard scientists, who have placed us today in a privileged position in the world. To what company's hands would they pass? For who would they work, all of those who today work with their sweat and talent to help their people? What would happen to social security, to the help for all the unsheltered people in this country, to the limited vices, to our special schools where there are almost 60,000 students in schools for deaf, mute, and blind persons? What would happen to all this? What would happen to the dignity and decorum of each person in this country? 226. I always remember that the first thing that Marti talked about was man's decorum. He even said that for all those men without decorum there were men with enough decorum for everybody. [applause] Today we are not only a group, but a group with decorum. We are an immense majority of people with decorum. [applause] 227. Today we are an independent, sovereign, and free nation, which will reject until the end the obsolete theories that independence must be limited. Astonishingly, in a recent meeting, the Soviet and German delegations proclaimed that the right of inspection should be established, even without the authorization of the countries. Alas the things I shall see that will make stones speak. We will agree to forceful inspections when there is not a single Cuban willing to defend the independence of this country. [applause] [crowd shouts: With the support of the people and your leadership of the party, we shall overcome!] 228. What would be left of the peoples' sovereignty? What would be in store for the people as part of that new and much talked about world order, if the idea of independence and sovereignty of the people is destroyed? 229. I remember how much the West spoke about the so-called limited sovereignty theory endorsed by (?Brezhnev). Nowadays, the concept of limited sovereignty is in vogue among the large superpowers at the United Nations and everywhere else. One would have to see what people it would apply to. What people would resign themselves to live in a (?civilized) world? Otherwise, they must give up their sovereignty and allow us to inspect the United States. They must give up their nuclear weapons and all their sophisticated weapons. 230. Well, if they want to establish a world government, that is fine with us. But it would have to be a government of the world, for the world and by the world, and not a government of the world for Yankee imperialism. Never! This is what they want and are trying to impose on us, but they will fail. This world is so full of misery, poverty, and suffering by millions of people that no one can govern it. We would be the first ungovernable people. [applause] 231. What would be left of our beautiful history? What would be left of the memory of our martyrs? What would be left of the names that many of our schools and factories have? What would be left of our literature? What would be left of all that we have built with our sweat and blood? What would be left of our flag? What would be left of our dignity? That is why we and only we can and must solve our problems. We must face this challenge. 232. Certainly, if imperialism could put our fatherland on its knees, and install capitalism here again, not even the dust would be left from the bones of our heroes, martyrs, internationalist combatants, all those who preceded us in this struggle, and those before whom we bow respectfully to pay homage each day of our lives. That is the meaning of our struggle; that is what saving the fatherland, revolution, and socialism means! [applause] 233. As Maceo said in Baragua, or rather after Baragua, although circumstances were different: Whoever shall try to take control of Cuba will pick up the dust of its soil covered with blood, if he does not die in the quest! [applause] 234. Socialism or death! Fatherland or Death! We will win! -END-