-DATE- 19921102 -YEAR- 1992 -DOCUMENT TYPE- -AUTHOR- -HEADLINE- Castro Addresses 12th Regular ANPP Session -PLACE- CARIBBEAN / Cuba -SOURCE- Havana Television and Radio Networks -REPORT NO.- FBIS-LAT-92-212 -REPORT DATE- 19921102 -HEADER- ========================================================================== Report Type: Daily report AFS Number: FL0111205092 Report Number: FBIS-LAT-92-212 Report Date: 02 Nov 92 Report Series: Daily Report Start Page: 2 Report Division: CARIBBEAN End Page: 6 Report Subdivision: Cuba AG File Flag: Classification: UNCLASSIFIED Language: Spanish Report Volume: Monday Vol VI No 212 Dissemination: City/Source of Document: Havana Television and Radio Networks Report Name: Latin America Headline: Castro Addresses 12th Regular ANPP Session Author(s): President Fidel Castro at the 12th regular session of the National Assembly of the People's Government, ANPP, in the Havana Convention Center on 29 October-recorded Source Line: FL0111205092 Havana Television and Radio Networks in Spanish 0228 GMT 31 October 92 Subslug: [Speech by President Fidel Castro at the 12th regular session of the National Assembly of the People's Government, ANPP, in the Havana Convention Center on 29 October-recorded -TEXT- FULL TEXT OF ARTICLE: 1. [Speech by President Fidel Castro at the 12th regular session of the National Assembly of the People's Government, ANPP, in the Havana Convention Center on 29 October-recorded 2. [Text] I have thought a lot while you discussed things, and I have remembered a lot of things. First, I am happy, I am very happy, that this topic has been discussed. I think that Patricia [not further identified] did very well to clarify that you were discussing two things here, two different proposals. One is Torriente's [not further identified], and the other is Patricia's. They are different, but they were mixed together. Really, Torriente is not proposing that there should be more people so that there will be more choices, but simply so that we will avoid the later problem of how people would be elected in the event of vacancies. In short, he was proposing having alternates. That is what he was proposing, not something else. Patricia's proposal was different. However, I am happy Patricia has brought up this problem. I think she was sincere in bringing this up, since she might not be the only one concerned about this. Rather, there may be many people who have this concern, so it was appropriate for us to discuss this here, to bring up different arguments. 3. I have heard talk about democracy here. I think we are the most democratic in the world, but today we are also the ones who talk the most about democracy. How did all this start? I was also recalling a pleasant conversation, because I had the opportunity to give an opinion when we were discussing the 1976 Constitution, when we were discussing how people should be nominated. We had a million problems. In the socialist bloc the single candidate was being criticized a lot, the elections (?list), the single one. That is how they were elected; there was a whole mechanism for that. I rejected very much that idea of single candidates. That kind of voting seemed a little strange to me. There was the problem of who nominated the candidates. We had already come to the decision that it should be the base-level delegates who elected all the government bodies, that it should be the delegates. However, how should the delegates be chosen? In fact, I proposed, I had the idea, that the masses should be the ones to nominate the candidates to delegates at the base level. I proposed that it should be the masses, that they should meet here in committees or groups, and that it should be the people who nominated them. I think that was a great step forward, a procedure that was not implemented in any other socialist country, or any other country. 4. I said, well, we have a single party. This is not a multiparty system. How should the candidates be nominated? The key problem was the nominations. That is why we defended ourselves a lot with the argument.... [pauses] which is very strong and I do not know of any foreigner who has been able to refute it, when I compare the system they have with ours, the system of parties that I mentioned. I say: In your case the parties nominate the candidates-the parties, not the people-and the parties elect them, because it is the party that draws up the list of candidates, and depending on the proportion of votes they get, those who are nearest the top of the list are the ones who win. All the others are just filling. They cannot choose among them. (?If there are 25) legislators to be elected, they cannot choose among those 25. The party, in its assemblies and meetings, chooses Smith, Jones, and Miller. So it is the party that nominates the candidates, and it is the party that elects them by the place on he list it gives each of them. That is the system in many countries. That is how the legislators are elected. Then the legislators elect the government. See how different that is from our system. I say that we took a giant step on that occasion when we decided the people should nominate the candidates. Then the idea came up that there could be a maximum of eight and a minimum of two, that they had to get 51 percent of the vote. That is how all that arose in 1975, more or less, when we were discussing the foundations of the Constitution and our electoral system at that time. 5. This is a problem, I repeat, that has not been solved in any country; it has not been solved in any socialist country. It gives us a lot of strength when we are able to say that the party does not nominate the candidates, because one of the first problems that came up here was the issue of how to solve the problem of elections within the concept of a single party, outside the concept of a multiparty system. If you have a multiparty system, each of the parties does whatever they decide on. They put p their lists and things. 6. Now, one of the fundamental aims we had was not to break with the principle of a multiparty system.... [pauses] of the single party. Not to break with it, because that was what our enemies wanted, to destroy us. That is what they imposed on all the European countries. They destroyed them; they split them up into a thousand pieces. They have not been able to impose this on the Chinese. They have just held their congress, and they put quite a lot of emphasis on two concepts. It is no longer the dictatorship of the proletariat but rather, the revolutionary dictatorship of the people, the dictatorship of the majority over the minority. That was one concept. 7. There was also the concept of a single party. They have some other party, but they say that the whole process of building socialism is under the leadership of the Communist Party, which coordinates all the forces. They traditionally have some other party, the peasants or something, but they have no chance at power. One assumes that socialism is being built there under the leadership of the Communist Party. They have made a bunch of reforms of all kinds, but in these political aspects they were extremely careful, and they did not abandon the concept of the party's role, the Communist Party, the guiding party, the coordinating party, the party for building socialism. 8. All the other countries had it [a multiparty system] imposed on them, as in Africa where there are tribal problems. Africans by instinct are unitary. They had established the principle of a single party in almost all those countries, but the reactionary offensive of recent times, the Western offensive, has been extremely strong. Its influence is very great, and it has split the countries, which have not yet come out of the tribal stage. We said that it is a fundamental principle never to fall into the error of conceding to a multiparty system. That would mean spliting into a thousand pieces a society that can only resist with the degree of unity it has. 9. It would have been.... [pauses] With a multiparty system, we could not even dream of resisting what the Cuban Revolution has resisted, if we do what some countries have done, such as Angola. That is an example of a friendly country upon which all these international circumstances ended up imposing this system, with 15 parties. You can see all the problems, because in addition, when the progressive party-the truly democratic party, the revolutionary party-wins the elections, the others do not accept it. There are threats of war, civil war, and all kinds of things, when the progressive party, the democratic party, wins. We are seeing this in Angola, with a situation of enormous uncertainty, because the UNITA [National Union for the Total Independence of Angola] opposition, UNITA refuses to accept the verdict. They have mobilized forces, forces that they were supposed to have demobilized. They did not demobilize them. They hid them. They did not turn in the weapons they were supposed to turn in. They hid them, and now that they have lost the elections, and lost them quite conclusively, they do not comply. So they are not pressured, it is not demanded of them; but rather, the government is pressured to make concessions. 10. We said the principle of the multiparty system is a concession we can never make. On the other hand, how did we practice a truly and broadly democratic conception, the most democratic of all, within the concept of the single party? We were using the principle of 1976, the principle that the people, not the party, nominate and elect. The party does not draw up electoral lists. The party does not elect. Fortunately we have developed mechanisms that.... [pauses] Of course, every time one explains this to foreigners, they say: Why is this not known? Why have you not publicized this? As if we were to blame for the enormous monopoly existing in the mass media of the world. However, they say: But people do not know about your system. Why do they not know? lot of people have said this. 11. That was the concession we could not make. We cannot make any concessions, but that one least of all, renouncing the leadership role of our party, and a single party. It is an idea that comes from Marti. It is not new; it is not simply Marxist-Leninist in our case. It is from Marti. Marti conceived of the idea of the party to lead the Revolution. That is, the idea of a single party has very deep historical roots in our country. How do we reconcile the idea of a single party with a mechanism that is the most broadly democratic that one can imagine? That is what we have tried, what we are trying, to do. I also remembered that there was a lot of discussion about the mechanism and issue of the elections and reforms to the Constitution before the party congress, in the preparatory commission. I aaked: Why do we not accept the challenge of the direct election of the deputies? Why not accept it? So I defended the idea and proposed the idea of direct election of the deputies to the National Assembly [ANPP]. Then I thought a lot about all that and reflected a lot about all that before and after [the congress]. The basic problem is that we must find a mechanism.... [pauses] We can have the direct vote now. It is more democratic. It is an improvement. We are talking about improving the people's government bodies. Using the direct vote improves them, without a doubt. 12. It is not that our procedure was not democratic, because our procedure was unimpeachably democratic when we elected the delegates as we did, and the delegates elected the ANPP the way they did, and the ANPP elected the other state bodies. We have nothing to be ashamed about with the system we have had up to now. It is really the most democratic that has been implemented in modern times. However, we could at least improve its image. Our work would have to be even more rigorous and efficient in the area of the selection and election of the ANPP by establishing the direct vote for electing the deputies. We have had to reconcile all these concepts-of a single party, the people nominating the candidates, the people electing them-and I said that the important thing is not the principle but rather, what the electoral mechanisms are going to be like to prevent us from falling into cheap politicking. That really terrified us, because if we establish direct voting for the ANPP deputies and this starts up ars, fights, individualism, personalism, and cheap politicking in the heart of our political process, we will have made a truly burdensome concession, a truly burdensome change. This was one of the things I reflected on the most. Believe me, we have thought a lot about both the constitutional reforms and the electoral law. 13. In fact, this concept is the most democratic but the Western world will not acknowledge this. Whether our law adds two more, three more, five more, or one more, they are going to try to take it apart any way they can and to impugn it any way they can. In this whole concept, adding.... [pauses] and there may be more than one person who has had the same idea as Patricia. I can see serious drawbacks to that procedure, the procedure of adding two. You were talking about the assemblies, and that is right. The congress of the small farmers, the congress of the Cuban Women's Federation, are assemblies; there are assemblies in the unions; and in general they are made up of revolutionary people. 14. However, general elections are not a simple assembly. Everyone who is with the Revolution and everyone who is against the Revolution participates. It has a different nature. It is not the same thing. I think it is an illusion for us to imagine that we will be a little more democratic by adding two or three more; that is, a higher number. If it is a matter of people having more people to vote for, as Patricia says, it would be enough to say: Let us increase the number of deputies by 50 percent. Then there would be at least three or four in the smallest municipality and about 20 in others, and people would have more people to vote for. Here we are not taking anything away from people. We are not taking away any rights. We are giving them more rights. We are not taking away their right to vote for everyone. We are giving them the right to vote for everyone, or to vote for no one. Now, the first drawback that is going to arise is competition. That is inevitable. I know revolutionaries, very good ones, and inside each of the best of them there is a sense of honor which cannot be underestimated. If you put up 10 candidates, once they have felt that great honor, even the most honest revolutionaries will want to be elected. 15. Relatives, friends, those who have contacts, those who have influence in one way or another, or those who appear in the press or the mass media more often than others will begin to be favored directly or subtly. I think it would be very unhealthy within our reasoning and the foundations of what we are doing. This has a reasoning process, because I said we could accept direct voting for ANPP deputies although it would not be essential. We can accept it if we keep within the principle that the people nominate and elect, and cheap politicking and division do not creep into our elections. 16. A system that I like a lot, that I have liked a lot.... [pauses] What I like the most about the system of electing of the delegates is that it is the background of the people that determines it. We have asked ourselves how we can make sure it is the ackground and record of the people that determine whether they are elected or not. Because we seem to forget that the candidates must get more than 50 percent of the votes. They have to get half the votes cast plus one to be elected. If we make a mistake we should in some way be held accountable for our mistake by how the people vote. This must force us to make a selection so that we can obtain 50 percent.... [pauses] half the votes plus one. We must elect them, and if they do not get half plus one they are not elected. 17. I think this is a very important democratic element. Based on this principle that they must obtain half the votes plus one, and the citizens have the free choice of voting or not for the candidates, and in many cases they may all be people of great merit, I think that under these conditions we should prevent divisions and competition from occurring among us. We must give the voters the right to elect from among candidates who have already undergone a tremendous purification process. They should elect from among those people and avoid the element of division. I am absolutely convinced that if we do that, we are going to introduce that element, competition among the candidates. 18. Second, not all of the candidates are going to be from the municipality. Not everyone is going to know them personally. That is why we are trying to find some way for them to have some contact with them, to get to know them. This is a new task. Often hey will not be from that province, because we have the phenomenon of concentration. Sometimes, within a single municipality of the city, there are universities and a number scientific research centers, to give one example. They provide a tremendous number of talented people. Or in other places there are factories with a large number of workers, heroes, vanguard workers, innovators, and people that provide extraordinary services. In other places there are concentrations of hospitals. 19. We have to go to the factories to find candidates. We have to go to the hospitals and educational centers to find candidates. We have to go to the research centers to find candidates, but mainly to the work centers. There are many anonymous heroes in his country that no one knows about. There may even be people talented enough to be members of this assembly, but they are not well known. You know that in historical, traditional elections, even the physical appearance of the candidates has an influence. That is a factor. Those candidates in the United States have make-up put on before they appear on television. That is horrible. Their physical appearance or popularity because of one thing or another, or because they appear in the newspapers every day because of what they do [are factors], but there are others who never appear but nevertheless have tremendous records and talents. 20. If we want merit to be taken into account.... [pauses] What would happen if we established a higher percentage is that the people of the place or municipality would naturally vote for those they know the best, because they are the nearest and have more direct contact with them. When they have to choose, and they know the president of the people's council there who is very active, who gets around a lot and has great prestige, they will vote for him. If they know a party cadre who is a candidate there, they will vote for him. If they know people who are from the municipality and have certain merits, they will probably vote for them if they have more or less the same background, the same merits, because these are subjective factors. 21. The people of that great mass of talents are going to be at a disadvantage, but we need them to be members of the ANPP, because you have seen how many problems we have to discuss, of a legal, economic, and political nature, and all kinds of problems. e often do not have enough people in the ANPP to see to all these issues. We should give more tasks to the ANPP, the ANPP commissions. This is our aim. We need people who have certain kinds of knowledge and certain kinds of experience. If we do that kind of thing by setting a percentage or margin, many of these people may be left out. If they are left out, it would be the responsibility of the candidacy commissions, which decided whether to include them or not in the lists. 22. However, the voters have the right to vote for any of those people, for all of them or for none of them, for one or for several. No one would have an advantage, because I do not think we should put people in as candidates who are just filling. That is why we have to do almost perfect work in the matter of selection. Now, this does not mean that they will be elected. To be elected, they must get half the votes plus one. That is confidence in the Revolution; that is confidence in the people under such remendously difficult conditions. We will establish the principle that they must get half plus one or they will not be elected. 23. Lastly, I am going to use an argument.... [pauses] and really, I can tell Comrade Patricia that we are going to give the counterrevolutionaries a little chance, because I can ask a question: For whom have the revolutionaries voted the most? For whom? or the revolutionaries. Who is not going to vote for the most revolutionary ones? The counterrevolutionaries. 24. It may be that our candidates will be very revolutionary and very good people, those the counterrevolutionaries hate the most. So an insignificant minority, or a minority of any size, would have a veto right against the most revolutionary ones, and say: I am going to make my selection. This is the counterrevolutionary worm [gusano] making his selection, picking his candidate. They kill him, his arm falls off, he is left paralyzed, but he does not vote for the most revolutionary one. They will do a reverse selection, and they may take it out especially on the most revolutionary cadres, because the people do not forgive them. We may give them a chance, through this reverse selection, of blocking the most revolutionary cadres. I would like you to reflect on this opportunity we would be offering. In that case we would not be playing the role of democrats, but really the role of idiots, if we did that. 25. This is an argument I would also like you to reflect on. They have a chance, if they [words indistinct] the majority. They could destroy the Revolution. We have the sacred duty, however difficult the conditions may be, to keep a majority; to mobilize all the people; and to appeal to their deepest feelings, best values, and best feelings of dignity, patriotism, awareness, courage, and heroism. Someone here recalled the argument.... [pauses] because I said to the Central Committee there were comrades-it is not that I was a proponent or doubted about holding these elections-but there were comrades who had asked me why we should hold elections under these conditions. Why, when we have so many priorities and such immense work in so many fields, should we undertake this battle? Is it wise to do this? Is it a priority? Is it essential? 26. We said: This is a commitment we cannot get out of. We have made it to the people and to international opinion. It cannot be avoided. It cannot be undone, even though it is not a priority right now. There are things that have a higher priority in order to save the Revolution from our tremendous current difficulties, against the intensification of the embargo. They said: Has any country held elections in the midst of a war? What is this against Cuba if not a war, a tremendous war? We said: We must accept this test. We must accept this challenge. We must increase our work and manage not only to hold these elections but to hold them well, in the best way possible, along with all the other tasks. 27. Some comrades have questioned this, but this cannot be undone. This is irreversible. This is a commitment. When we talked about this electoral (?law), we were not in a special period. We were close to it. However, events brought it nearer. We held elections in 1989, 1991.... [pauses] 1990. In 1991 there were no elections. At the end of 1992, in the worst time of the special period, when we are suffering the consequences of this, in these conditions we really need courage, determination, and a sense of responsibility to take on a responsibility like this to hold the elections. However, we have to do things perfectly, I would say, and we cannot make mistakes, because we could pay very dearly for those mistakes. 28. This whole project is coherent. It is coherent. It is logical. It has its bases. It has its foundations. I would say that no other nation in the world, no other party in the world, no other revolution in the world, would do what we are going to do under the conditions in which we are going to do it. This is why we should not forget for a single minute that we are not under normal conditions. The conditions are in fact abnormal, totally abnormal. We cannot imagine for a single second that the circumstances are normal. I think this is a good mechanism, and I am very pleased with the general reaction of the assembly, with the views and opinions that have been expressed here, because they show strength, awareness, clear thinking, and that is decisive. That is the key. Armando [not further identified] spoke about unity, but we need unity to wage the battle. We have to be convinced, persuaded that what we are doing is best. 29. Fortunately, we have arrived at a project which perfects our system, a project that is also going to perfect the whole people's government. It is going to perfect and raise the quality of the ANPP, its experience, its knowledge. We have no idea of the knowledge that we can accumulate here through the approximately 300 comrades who are not going to be base-level delegates, plus the enormous knowledge that base-level delegates are accumulating. 30. I believe that this, with the creation of the people's councils, is another of the key things, of the two great reforms that we have made in the political field. We cannot forget the people's councils: what they have meant, their potential, what they re doing, the authority and prestige they have, and the experience being accumulated at the base level which will also be transferred to the ANPP. I believe that the quality of the ANPP is going to rise greatly. These two things are the two great changes of a political nature and with regard to improvements.... [pauses] Many things have been done, but this electoral law, this electoral system, and the people's councils are the two great steps forward we have taken. 31. I am very happy that we have had this discussion, because we must be clear about this, and we must clarify the opinions of all those comrades who may have doubts or may wonder about these issues. -END-