1 My thanks to my colleagues Robert Kolesar and Jeremy Elkins for their comments and suggestions on this paper. I also thank the Research Committee at JCU and for providing leave time for research in Brazil. JCU also provided for my travel expenses through a grant from the Kahl Endowment.

2 Studies in the Colonial History of Spanish America, trans. Richard Southern (Cambridge, 1975)

3 Jawdat Abuelhaj, "Democracia Estamental: Raízes do Estado e do Cidadão no Brasil," manuscript

4 These terms "communal" and "associational" are references to Ferdinand Toennies' (and Weber's similar ideas regarding) Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. I am no doubt stretching this point. In an actual "traditional" patrimonial society it would probably be a mistake (or at least a disservice to Weber) to suggest that the "subjects" are necessarily more likely to be engaged in "associational" relations. However, as taken up in the text below, in contrast to those "members" of a patriarchal "community," "subjects" are outside of the communal umbrella that covers members in a patriarchal community.

5 Electoral data used here is from the Federal Tribunal Superior Eleitoral.

6 The issue of rural movements being connected to the state by official corporativist or clientelist ties and those seeking autonomy from the state or patrons (often, then, connected to the PT) is take up by Maybury-Lewis (1994).

7 That national alliance of PSDB-PFL was not the model for the state politicians. In the urbanized state of Ceará, for example, the PFL was so weak that the PSDB did not bother to follow the national level alliance of PSDB-PFL.

8 Survey carried out by IBOPE

9 Morse (in Wiarda, 1992) argues that the recessive ideology, that occasionally becomes dominant, is based in Machiavelli. The two come together to support or justify a state leadership acting for the "common good" or individual caudillos who seek to create and dominate that space (which, if the "great man" steps aside and other conditions are met, can be perpetuated or routinized as a "republic"). Glen Dealy, Claudio Vélize, and Howard Wiarda--who put these authors together (1992)--argue the existence of a dominant conservative political culture and political practices that exclude the Lockean liberal ideology and political practices associated with "pluralist" politics.

10 By this term, which seems to have taken on several meanings, I mean the tradition of thought stemming from Comte that society can be advanced through the application of scientific thinking. One form of political structure that this ideology supports I call "technocracy." A state run through a technocracy or technocratic bureaucracy may be viewed as a kind of patrimonial-based state.

11 In a 1977 piece Wanderly Guilherme dos Santos develops the major tenents of liberalism and demonstrates the lack of liberal practices in Brazilian political and social history.

12 Neoliberalism is probably best not labeled conservative as some commentators have so labeled it. Clearly there are separate strands of conservatism. But that term in the Latin American context should be reserved, I think, for the classic conservatives who among other things believe (or hold attitudes and values consistent with belief in) an organic society in which social inequality is a natural and good thing, private property is not absolute but entrusted to those who can and will use it for the good of the society. Within this belief is much room for all sorts of strands of belief and social behavior. Nonetheless, this should be kept analytically separate from belief that the state should be limited because civil society is formed by individuals who know their own best interest and that the pursuit of those interests in an unfettered marketplace (in the most general sense) is the best way for society to operate.

13 The state of Ceará is such an example. Because of low fertility as well as the initial attitudes of the land owners of Ceará, this state makes a good location for colonization and land redistribution efforts.