Table of Contents

Chapter 12: Rejecting the Government's Offer

Early Results of the Consultations

[from a photocopy of the original, signed communique received via the Nicaragua Solidarity Network]

June 1, 1994

To the national news weekly Proceso:
To the national newspaper La Jornada:
To the national newspaper El Financiero:
To the local newspaper of San Cristóbal de las Casas Tiempo:

Gentlemen:

The following communicates to you the early results of the consultations. The wind and the gray already inhabit their June, some shreds of May will come for several of its days. The wind, the real captain of the world, rules again in these lands. We, as is appropriate, obey it.

The jump from the fifth to the sixth month was with memorable rain and wind. I did not know it, and now I read it. It was Juntacadáveres [gather cadavers] coming through for the last time...

From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast,

Insurgent Subcommander Marcos
June of 1994

P.S. of Torricelli [US Senator (D, NJ) who went to Chiapas but was denied meetings with the EZLN and other campesino groups]: We discussed whether we were going to receive him or not. What happened is that the "tendencies" in the EZLN faced off again: Some said that we should receive him and we could trade him for an aircraft carrier (to carry those water cannons in the anti-riot trucks). Others said that he could remain captive and that Lieutenant Serapio could have dart competitions with him to see how many dollars he could get out of him (this tendency was defeated almost immediately when we wondered in what exchange bureau we could change the dollars). Some others said that he could stop by and we could detain him for a few years (let's say 30) so that he could see what it feels like to be surrounded (or blockaded, as the case may be: "it is not the same thing, but it's the same.") The minority said that he should stay and, when the airplane fell, he should be the first to taste the hard aluminum, to make sure that it is not poisoned. The discussion was at the tastiest part (in other words, when they were serving the meal), but then, after lighting my pipe, the lit match fell on the two pieces of fax paper and, in the face of the flame, the enthusiasm spread; they brought tostadas to heat up, stale cookies and a guitar. They started to sing, and of course, to dance. The "tendencies" were diluted in the dance of a cumbia, and the first drops of the first rains put out the embers... So went the 133rd night of the encirclement, and the moon was a red and large hole in the wounded nighttime of May. I set myself to one side. That was the last dry match...

P.S. of "THE OTHER CONSULTATION": I have looked over the portion of the external correspondence addressed to my ski mask. There is everything: drawings, famous people (of the mind and others), death threats, and challenges to duels. These are the preliminary results:

--97.98% of those consulted think I am a big fool. 2% think I am not a fool, but a clown. 0.02% did not answer (they were telling a pepito joke).

--87.56% think that I will end up selling myself to the government. 12% asked the price. 0.44% looked in their wallets for change.

--74.38% say that I don't write the letters and communique's, and that with this face, they doubt I could put together a pair of coherent ideas. 25% indicate that I do write them, but that they are dictated to me. 0.62% preferred to read "el chahuistle."

--69.69% say what they say. The rest don't say it but think it. Several did not answer, but turned their eyes away and sighed noticeably.

--53.45% say that I have never been in the mountains and that I send things out from a public desk where theses and letters are typewritten [untranslatable word play follows here]; 46% said that I had been in the mountains, but those of Vail, Colorado, Iuesei [Spanish phonetic for USA]. 0.55% are lining up for the ticket to the roller coaster.

--49.99% say that I have never picked up a weapon, and that I am "a desk soldier." 50% say that the only weapon that I have picked up is the one god gave me, and who knows about that, they say. 0.01% maintained a prudent distance. (Hey! Don't splash!)

--33.71% say that "I lost ground" with the criticism of the PRD and the veto of "important newspapers"(?) . 66% say that I never had any ground at all, and that they would surely evict me. 0.29% did not bring their land tax ticket.

--26% said that my ski mask was too loose, and that it showed EVERYTHING. 73% told me to close my zipper. 0.38% went to get their binoculars.

--13.64% said I am egocentric. 86% said I am very vain. 0.36% switched newspapers and now read Nexus.

--99.99999% say to hell with meetings and consultations. 0.00001% went to the bathroom and are coming back (note: They took the consultation sheet, don't leave with it).

Well, that is how things are going. To stop the adverse tendencies I need to support the "serious" work that they are doing, such as the polls rating the popularity of Zedillo, or a voter register which they will use in August, or a carousel with the most loyal troops. Benito says that instead of tamales we can try "operation tostada." Mario cuts shells and says that "the crazy rat" is not necessary, that he will take charge of purifying the voter register. Pure modernity, then.

All right. Health, and (please) advice for the downfall of this system of computation. (Hurry! The Committee threatens with an "ad hoc" consultation on the sup-consultations.)

From some sup-electoral laboratory in the Mexican Southeast,

Subcommander Marcos

The sup, trying some alchemy to resuscitate even dinosaurs.
 
 

On Groups Claiming Connection to the EZLN

[La Jornada]
June 3, 1994

To the people of Mexico:
To the peoples and governments of the world:

Brothers:

The Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee-General Command of the EZLN addresses itself to you in order to declare the following:

First: It has come to our attention that people who say that they are members of the organization Revolutionary Workers Clandestine Party-Union of the People (Partido Revolucionario Obrero Clandestino-Unión del Pueblo, PROCUP) have declared in certain places in the United States that PROCUP has links with the Zapatista National Liberation Army, and that the EZLN is the "armed wing" of PROCUP. These people have gathered funds implying that "they are for the EZLN."

Second: The Zapatista National Liberation Army declares that it has absolutely no relationship or link with the PROCUP. The EZLN has never had any contact with PROCUP, it is not part of PROCUP's structure, it does not have anything to do with PROCUP. The funds gathered by PROCUP were in no way gathered for the EZLN.

Third: In several townships in the state of Chiapas, members of the organization called Workers Party (Partido del Trabajo, PT) have tried to convince the campesinos to vote for them in the upcoming elections in August by saying that the PT is in contact with the EZLN and that "they have an agreement from Insurgent Subcommander Marcos," to support the PT in August.

Fourth: The Zapatista National Liberation Army declares that it has absolutely no relationship or pact with the PT. Leaders of the PT have never met with Insurgent Subcommander Marcos, nor with members of the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee of the EZLN. We do not support the PT in the upcoming elections in August.

Fifth: We urge these different organizations not to use the EZLN's name for their benefit, and we ask them not to lie about supposed relationships that they do not have with the EZLN.

Sixth: We call on the Mexican people and on the peoples of the world to not let themselves be deceived. When the EZLN has contact or a pact with an organization, we will let it be known publicly in a communique', as we have done before with CEOIC and Conac-LN.

Democracy!

Freedom!

Justice!

Respectfully,

Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee-
General Command of the Zapatista National Liberation Army Mexico
 
 

First Communique' on the Results of the Consultations

[La Jornada]
June 3, 1994

To the people of Mexico:
To the peoples and governments of the world:
To the different non-governmental organizations:

Brothers:

The Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee-General Command of the Zapatista National Liberation Army addresses itself to you in order to declare the following:

First: The CCRI of the EZLN, as we have have recently reported, has finished its consultations in all of the communities that make up the EZLN.

Second: In order to inform the Mexican people about the details of the internal and external consultations that we have carried out regarding the peace accords that the federal government presented to us during the dialogue in San Cristóbal de las Casas, the CCRI of the EZLN wants to report the following figures from the internal consultations:

--The consultations took place in every community and ejido where there are members of the EZLN.

--The study, analysis, and discussion of the peace accords took place in democratic assemblies. The voting was direct, free, and democratic.

--After the voting, official reports of the results of the assemblies were prepared. These reports specify: the date and place of the assembly, the number of people who attended (men, women and children older than 12 years old), opinions and principal points discussed, and the number of people who voted.

--Of the Zapatista population who took part in the consultations, 100% were Indigenous, 49.54% were adult men, 42.13% were adult women and 8.32% were children over 12 years old.

--After studying, analyzing, and discussing the peace accords, those in attendance could vote on whether to sign the peace accords or not sign them.

--In addition, after voting yes or no to the peace accords, proposals were made about what actions we should take.

Third: At this time we are counting the votes of the internal consultations and analyzing the results of the external consultations. We will continue to inform the Mexican people about the results.

Democracy!

Freedom!

Justice!

Respectfully,

Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee-
General Command of the Zapatista National Liberation Army
 
 

Results of the Consultations

[La Jornada, 6/12]
June 10, 1994
To the people of Mexico:
To the peoples and governments of the world:
To the different Non-governmental organizations:
To the commissioner for peace and reconciliation in Chiapas:
To the national and international press:

The Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee-General Command of the Zapatista National Liberation Army addresses itself to you in order to report and declare the following:

First: The CCRI-CG of the EZLN, as we have recently reported, has finished its consultations in all of the communities that make up and support the EZLN. By means of official reports from assemblies in the ejidos and communities, we have learned the opinions that are in our people's hearts.

Second: The CCRI-CG of the EZLN has now counted the votes concerning the peace accord proposals presented to the EZLN by the federal government during the dialogue that took place in San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas.

Third: The result of the free and democratic voting in the assemblies is as follows:

In favor of signing the government's peace accord proposals--2.11% of the total

Against signing the government's peace accord proposals--97.88% of the total

Fourth: The result of the voting about what actions we should take in case it was decided not to sign the government's peace accords is as follows:

In favor of renewing the hostilities--3.26% of the total.

In favor of continued resistance and the convening of a new national dialogue to be attended by all of the independent and honest forces in the country--96.74% of the total.

Fifth: Therefore, in accordance with the majority of the Zapatistas, the CCRI-CG of the EZLN wishes to inform you that:

It rejects the peace accord proposals presented by the federal government.

It considers the Dialogue of San Cristóbal to have ended. It calls on the Mexican people to attend a new national dialogue to be attended by all of the progressive forces in the country. The central themes of this dialogue will be democracy, freedom, and justice for all Mexicans.

In order not to impede the search for a political solution to the conflict and so as to not interfere in the electoral process that will take place this coming August, the CCRI-CG of the EZLN orders its regular and irregular forces in national territory and outside of Mexico to respect a unilateral offensive cease-fire.

The EZLN guarantees that it will take no offensive military action against the Federal Army.

The EZLN will not interfere with the upcoming elections in the territories under its control. It will permit the installation of electoral polls in these territories under the supervision of the different non-governmental organizations and the International Red Cross.

The EZLN will accept absolutely no aid from the municipal, state or federal governments. It will resist the military siege by its owns means, and with the help of the Mexican people.

Sixth: The CCRI-CG of the EZLN thanks the Commissioner for Peace and Reconciliation in Chiapas, Manuel Camacho Solís, for his true efforts in search of a political solution to the conflict. Unfortunately, the historic blindness of the supreme government kept it from seeing that its unwillingness to give in to the democratic impulse will bring about painful conflicts and unforeseen consequences.

Seventh: The CCRI-CG of the EZLN thanks the National Mediator, Bishop Samuel Ruiz García, and his working group, for their efforts and sacrifices in attempting to mediate between the parties involved in the conflict, their integrity in withstanding pressures and threats, and their willingness to listen. We hope that in the new dialogue that we are calling for today we can count on his honest participation in search of political solutions to the national demands for democracy, freedom, and justice.

Eighth: The CCRI-CG of the EZLN thanks the honest and independent media for its commitment to the truth, and for having presented the truth to the Mexican people despite threats, pressure, and blackmail. We would like to publicly apologize if we have doubted your profession at any point with our clumsy media policy. We hope that you understand that this is the first time that we have tried to carry out a revolution, and we are still learning. We would like to reiterate that, thanks to the efforts of the press, it was possible to stop the military phase of the war. We sincerely hope that you understand the difficult conditions we found ourselves in, and our unfair selection of media that we allowed to approach us. We hope that you continue publishing the truth.

Ninth: The CCRI-CG of the EZLN especially thanks the different non-governmental organizations, the vanguard of civil society. The NGOs have carried out a selfless work in order to bring about a peace with justice and dignity for our people. The government's siege keeps us, for the moment, from arriving at a pact with these organizations. We are still open to dialogue and are willing to continue down the path that the NGOs have pointed out to us with their commitment: a political route in the transition to democracy.

Tenth: The CCRI-CG of the EZLN thanks all those men, women and children, people without faces, throughout the country and outside of Mexico, who have given us their solidarity and who have joined our just cause. Our struggle and death is for you, brothers and sisters. We will not take off our masks until every Mexican--the Indigenous peoples, campesinos, workers, students, teachers, housewives, squatters, artists, intellectuals, retirees, the unemployed--men and women without voices or faces--have everything they need for a dignified and true life. Everything for everyone, nothing for ourselves.

While the national flag waves without democracy, freedom and justice above Mexican soil, we, our tender fury, will continue fighting.

Democracy!

Freedom!

Justice!

Respectfully,

Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee-
General Command of the Zapatista National Liberation Army From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast
 
 

On the Zapatista Response to the Peace Accord Proposals

[La Jornada, 6/12]
June 10, 1994

To the people of Mexico:
To the people and governments of the world:
To the national and international press:

Brothers and Sisters:

The Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee-General Command of the Zapatista National Liberation Army respectfully addresses itself to you to make known its response to the peace accord proposals presented to us by the supreme government during the Dialogue for Peace and Reconciliation in Chiapas.

First: The Zapatista National Liberation Army, the majority of whose members are Indigenous peoples, rose up against the supreme government on January 1, 1994. The demands of the EZLN can be found in the Declaration from the Lacandona Jungle: work, land, shelter, food, health, education, independence, freedom, democracy, justice, and peace. These demands are supported by the majority of the Mexican people, and the EZLN is fighting for the fulfillment of these demands for all Mexicans.

Second: After bloody fighting between our troops and government forces from the police and Federal Army, a national civil movement obligated us to stop the fighting and enter a dialogue with the supreme government. This dialogue took place in San Cristóbal de las Casas at the end of February and beginning of March, 1994.

Third: During the dialogue, the EZLN presented a list of 34 demands whose resolution would lead to a peace with justice and dignity.

Fourth: The list of 34 demands addressed national and state concerns, some of which affected the entire population, and some of which only referred to campesinos and Indigenous peoples. The supreme government tried in vain to reduce the importance of our just struggle to local, Indigenous concerns. They even tried to reduce its importance to concerns in four townships in the southeastern state of Chiapas.

Fifth: Among the national demands that affect the entire population:
A: Free and democratic elections. These should be held with equal rights and obligations for all political forces.

B: In order to guarantee freedom and democracy, we demand the resignation of the head of the federal executive power, as well as the resignations of the illegitimate heads of the state executive powers. Upon the resignation of the president of the Republic, a transitional government should be formed that will organize free and democratic elections. We also demand the passage of legislation to guarantee the rights of citizens and groups of citizens, regardless of their party affiliation, to participate in the electoral process, as the highest political authority.

C: We demand a new federal agreement that will end centralism and permit autonomy for Indigenous communities and townships.

D: We demand a review of the North American Free Trade Agreement signed with Canada and the United States because the agreement doesn't correspond with Mexico's reality.

E: We demand dignified work and a just salary for all workers in the country and in the cities. We also demand that the Federal Labor Law be applied and respected for the benefit of the workers in the country and in the cities.

F: We demand an end to the looting of our national resources.

G: We demand the cancellation of all debts brought about by credit, loans, or taxes.

H: We demand solutions to the national problems of hunger and malnutrition that affect the Mexican country and cities.

I: We demand immediate and unconditional freedom for all political prisoners and poor people unjustly held prisoner in jails throughout the country.

Sixth: The supreme government avoided responding positively to these national demands of the EZLN, demands that are shared by broad sectors of the Mexican people. The events that happened after the dialogue in San Cristóbal have shown the reason behind the EZLN's demands for democracy. The cowardly murder of Colosio, the imposed designation of Zedillo as the PRI's candidate, and the new enterprise with which the government hard-liners have been advancing, demonstrate that it would have been best for the nation if Salinas de Gortari had resigned as head of the federal executive after January 1. His keen desire to stay in power has kept our country in a permanent state of insecurity. His desire to continue his usurpation through election fraud, and now with Zedillo, has pushed our nation to the brink of civil war.

The electoral reform was incomplete. The continuing existence of a corrupt electoral process allows electronic fraud, and reinforces the usurpation of the people's will.
The reinforcement of the government's repressive apparatus, and the attempt to force the Federal Army to assume police duties, allows us to see very clearly that the goal of Salinas's group is not a transition to democracy, but to fraud.

The Zapatista National Liberation Army confirms what reality points out: There is no democratic impulse on the part of the supreme government. The state-party system must be destroyed. The EZLN reiterates the demands expressed in points one and two of the list presented in San Cristóbal:

One: Free and democratic elections.

Two: The overthrow of the usurpers in the federal government and in the governments of the states of the Federation.

The EZLN broadens its demands:

A democratic transitional government and a new legislature are necessary. These new bodies should ensure, in law and in fact, that the fundamental demands of the Mexican people are carried out: the demands for democracy, freedom, and justice, demands that have been voiced by those without a voice, that have taken on a face in those who have no faces, and have taken on life in our deaths.

The government tried to reduce the demands for autonomy to the Indigenous communities, and thereby leave intact the centralist power structure that magnifies the power of the federal executive in a dictatorial manner. The demand for the autonomy of the townships was tossed aside. The law promised by the government to recognize the political, economic, and cultural autonomy of the Indigenous communities follows the usual line: a law that doesn't resolve the deep-rooted problems, that isn't consensed upon within the Indigenous movement, and that is to be approved undemocratically. Violating its own offer that the General Law of the Rights of the Indigenous Communities would respond to "the demands, opinions, worries, and political consensus of the Indigenous communities," and that it would be enhanced by "a group of specialists," the law merely focuses on an expedient application of Article Four of the Constitution.

To the demand for a review of the North American Free Trade Agreement, the government responded by continuing with an economic project that has done nothing but increase poverty in our country and deceive their foreign business partners by promising them economic stability and social peace in Mexico. The government agreed to make a "careful evaluation of the effects of NAFTA" within 90 days. This "evaluation" hasn't been carried out, but the government doesn't have to spend time or money on an "impact evaluation commission." The impacts of NAFTA can be observed in any poor household in Mexico.

As a response to the national demand for dignified work and a just salary, the government continued with its economic policies; these policies increase unemployment and underemployment and reduce workers' purchasing power. The corruption of the unions is still the base that sustains the neoliberal economic project. The demand for an end to the looting of our national resources is tossed aside, and the government's response tries to reduce it to an ecological problem. A national policy to defend our country's natural resources does not exist. To the demand for the cancellation of all debts incurred by the impoverished classes of the nation, the government responded with a promise for a study, the result of which would surely be to postpone the problem.

As with the aforementioned points, the government tried to reduce the demand for a solution to the problem of hunger and malnutrition to certain regions of Chiapas. As if hunger only affected the Indigenous peoples of the mountains and the jungle, and as if social programs could be eaten, the government promised infant nutrition programs.

They laughed at our demand for freedom for all political prisoners and for all poor people unjustly held in jails throughout the country. They promised to set up a commission that would study the cases. The unjust Mexican judicial system, a system that only favors the rich, will remain intact.

In all, the EZLN's just national demands were not in any way answered by the federal government. Therefore, the EZLN rejects points 1, 2, 4, 7, 18, 29, 21, 22, and 23 of the government's peace accord proposals.

Seventh: Among the EZLN's demands on the part of Mexican campesinos were:

A: A demand that Article 27 of the Constitution respect the original spirit of Emiliano Zapata: The land belongs to those who work it.

B: A demand for the construction of hospitals and clinics with doctors and medicines in every rural community in the country.

C: A demand for a just price for products from the countryside, an end to the current middle-man arrangement and an end to the direct exploitation of campesinos as rural workers.

D: A demand that the Army and police stop acting for the benefit of landlords and caciques in rural communities.

Eighth: The supreme government refused to answer the campesinos' national demands. The government's refusal to change Salinas's reforms to Article 27 of the Constitution, and to return the right to land to the Constitution, was repudiated by broad sectors of campesinos throughout the country. The current reforms to Article 27, the base of neoliberal policies in the countryside, should be changed. The Political Constitution of the United Mexican States should reflect Emiliano Zapata's struggle.

The government's response to our demand for hospitals, clinics, doctors, and medicines for the Mexican countryside was limited to offers that only would have affected the conflict zone. The rest of the Mexican countryside would have been forgotten.
To our demand for just prices for products from the countryside and an end to the current middle-
man arrangement, the government responded by offering the services of Procampo, an agency that is only efficient at corrupting campesino leaders and buying their votes for the state party. The government's solution to the problems of Mexican campesinos, campesinos who are fighting for survival, is promises of projects.

To our demand that the police and military leave rural areas, the government responded by promising changes in the justice system. These changes would mean an increase in troops in the countryside and an increase in repressive measures. They still intend to force the Federal Army to assume police powers. The power of ranchers, backed by the economic strength of the government, is holding campesinos and Indigenous peoples hostage.

In all, the EZLN's just demands on the part of Mexican campesinos were not satisfactorily answered by the government. Some of their responses pointed to partial or local solutions. Therefore, the EZLN rejects points 8, 9, 19, and 24 of the peace accord proposals.

Ninth: Among the EZLN's demands on the part of Indigenous peoples were:

A: The right of Indigenous peoples to timely and true information by means of an independent Indigenous radio station.

B: Complete and free education for all Indigenous peoples.

C: The official status of Indigenous languages. They should be taught at all levels of education.

D: Respect for the culture and traditions of Indigenous peoples.

E: An end to discrimination and racism against Indigenous peoples.

F: Cultural, political, and judicial autonomy for Indigenous peoples.

G: Respect for the Indigenous peoples' right to freedom and a dignified life.

H: Social and economic support for Indigenous women.

Tenth: The supreme government partially answered these demands on the part of Indigenous peoples.

Although the government promised Indigenous peoples their own independent radio station, their response to our demands for education was limited to offers of selective scholarships that would leave most Indigenous peoples without an education. The rest of their response to our demands was limited to promises of studies and programs. These were to be carried out in time-
frames that have, for the most part, already passed.

In all, the partial responses of the government to our demands and their failure to carry out previous agreements lead us to reject points 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 27, and 29 of the peace accord proposals.

Eleventh: Among the EZLN's demands at the state level were:

A: General elections in Chiapas and legal recognition of all political forces in the state.

B: Electricity for rural Chiapas and the use of a percentage of state profits for the commercialization of oil.

C: Indemnities for victims of the war.

D: Elimination of all limitations on political movements in the Penal Code of the State of Chiapas.

E: An end to evictions and the free and voluntary return of those who have been evicted to their land, along with compensation for damages suffered.

F: Political trial of Patrocinio González Garrido, Absalón Castellanos Domínguez and Elmar Setzer.

Twelfth: The supreme government failed to respond satisfactorily to the EZLN's demands at a state level.

Electoral reform in Chiapas doesn't permit groups that are not parties to organize and take part in the elections. To our demand for electricity for rural Chiapas, the government responded with programs and promises. Evictions continue and those responsible are still not punished. There are only promises of economic support for Indigenous peoples in the state, and when some of these promises are carried out, it is in exchange for votes. A political trial of the three ex-
governors who are responsible for forcing us to take up arms was omitted from the proposals.

In all, the government's unsatisfactory answers, and our lack of trust in the government's willingness to carry out their promises, lead us to reject points 5, 6, 25, 27, 28, 29, and 30 of the peace accord proposals.

Thirteenth: Finally, the EZLN demanded its recognition as a belligerent force by the government. The Mexican people, by means of different organizations, has given us this recognition.

To our demand for recognition as a belligerent force and for the recognition of our troops as true combatants, the government responded by offering respectful and dignified treatment for all members of the EZLN. It also offered us legal registration as a political force.

The government can't even guarantee the security of those who are part of the government. We cannot hope for a respectful and dignified treatment of those who have taken up arms in a just struggle for democracy, freedom, and justice. The EZLN was formed as an army to demand respect for the will of the people. The usurping government still refuses to respect this will.

The reasons behind the birth of the EZLN still exist. The EZLN will continue its armed struggle until our demands for democracy, freedom, and justice are achieved. The EZLN agrees to follow international treaties that regulate combat and warfare. The EZLN has held true to these treaties and we will continue to do so.

The EZLN reiterates its demand that it be recognized as a belligerent force, and that its troops be recognized as true combatants. To this end, the EZLN will go to different international forums to demand this recognition from the peoples and governments of the world.

The recognition of the EZLN as a belligerent force is necessary for the dialogue process to have a firm base to develop from.

Fourteenth: The supreme government presented its peace accord proposals during the dialogue in San Cristóbal de las Casas. The EZLN responded by explaining that it had to consult all of its members; the people who make us up are those who gave us the order to go to war and only these people can order us to make peace. After a period of time, we have finished with the consultations. This is our response to the government's proposals.

Fifteenth: Through the foregoing communique', and in light of the free and democratic vote of those who are part of the EZLN, we say NO to the supreme government's peace accord proposals. We see this as a close to the dialogue of San Cristóbal. We reiterate our disposition to continue in search of a political solution that will lead to a peace with justice and dignity. We call on all progressive and independent sectors of society to attend a national dialogue for a peace with democracy, freedom, and justice.

We will not surrender!

Democracy!

Freedom!

Justice!

Respectfully,

From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast,

Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee-
General Command of the EZLN
 
 

Second Declaration from the Lacandona Jungle

[La Jornada, 6/12]
June 10, 1994

"Today we say: We will not surrender!"

"... Those who bear swords aren't the only ones who lose blood or who shine with the fleeting light of military glory. They aren't the only ones who should have a voice in designating the leaders of the government of a people who want democracy; this right to choose belongs to every citizen who has fought in the press or in the courts. It belongs to every citizen who identifies with the ideals of the Revolution and who has fought against the despotism that has ignored our laws. Tyranny isn't eliminated just by fighting on the battlefield; dictatorships and empires are also overthrown by launching cries of freedom and terrible threats against those who are executing the people... Historical events have shown us that the destruction of tyranny and the overthrow of all evil governments are the work of ideas together with the sword. It is therefore an absurdity, an aberration, an outrageous despotism to deny the people the right to elect their government. The people's sovereignty is formed by all those people in society who are conscious of their rights and who, be they civilians or armed, love freedom and justice and who work for the good of the country."
--Paulino Martínez, Zapatista delegate to the Revolutionary Sovereignty Convention, Aguascalientes, Mexico, on behalf of Emiliano Zapata.

October 27, 1914

To the people of Mexico:
To the peoples and governments of the world:

Brothers and Sisters:

The Zapatista National Liberation Army, on a war footing against the government since January 1, 1994, addresses itself to you in order to make known its opinion:

Mexican Brothers and Sisters:

In December, 1993, we said, "Enough!" On January 1, 1994, we called on the legislative and judicial powers to assume their constitutional responsibility and to restrain the genocidal policies that the federal executive imposes on our people. We base our constitutional right in the application of Article 39 of the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States:

"National sovereignty essentially and originally resides in the people. All political power emanates from the people and its purpose is to help the people. The people have, at all times, the inalienable right to alter or modify their form of government."

The government responded to this call with a policy of extermination and lies. The powers in Mexico ignored our just demand and permitted a massacre. However, this massacre only lasted 12 days. Another force, a force superior to any political or military power, imposed its will on the parties involved in the conflict. Civil society assumed the duty of preserving our country. It showed its disapproval of the massacre and it obliged us to dialogue with the government. We understand that the ascendancy of the political party that has been in power for so long cannot be allowed to continue. We understand that this party, a party that has kept the fruits of every Mexican's labor for itself, cannot be allowed to continue. We understand that the corruption of the presidential elections that sustains this party impedes our freedom and should not be allowed to continue. We understand that the culture of fraud is the method with which this party imposes and impedes democracy. We understand that justice only exists for the corrupt and powerful. We understand that we must construct a society in which those who lead do so with the will of the people. There is no other path.

This is understood by every honest Mexican in civil society. Only those who have based their success on the theft of the public trust, those who protect criminals and murderers by prostituting justice, those who resort to political murder and electoral fraud in order to impose their will, are opposed to our demands.

These antiquated politicians plan to roll back history and erase the cry from the national consciousness that was taken up by the country after January 1, 1994: "Enough!"

We will not permit this. Today we do not call on those weak powers in Mexico that refuse to assume their constitutional duties and which permit themselves to be controlled by the federal executive. If the legislature and the judges have no dignity, then others who do understand that they must serve the people, and not the individual, will step forward. Our call transcends the question of presidential terms or the upcoming election. Our sovereignty resides in civil society. Only the people can alter or modify our form of government. It is to them that we address this Second Declaration from the Lacandona Jungle.

First: We have respected the international conventions of warfare while we have carried out our military actions. These conventions have allowed us to be recognized as a belligerent force by national and foreign forces. We will continue to respect these conventions.

Second: We order all of our regular and irregular forces, both inside national territory and outside the country, to continue to obey the unilateral offensive cease-fire. We will continue to respect the cease-fire in order to permit civil society to organize in whatever forms they consider pertinent toward the goal of achieving a transition to democracy in our country.

Third: We condemn the threats against civilian society brought about by the militarization of the country, both in terms of personal and modern repressive equipment, during this time leading up to the federal elections. Without a doubt, the Salinas government is trying to impose its will by fraud. We will not permit this.

Fourth: We propose to all independent political parties that are suffering from intimidation and repression of political rights--the same intimidation and repression that our people have suffered for the last 65 years--that they declare themselves in favor of a government of transition toward democracy.

Fifth: We reject the manipulation and the attempts to separate our just demands from the demands of the Mexican people. We are Mexicans, and we will not put aside our demands nor our arms until we have democracy, freedom, and justice for all.

Sixth: We reiterate our disposition toward finding a political solution to the transition to democracy in Mexico. We call upon civil society to re-take the protagonist's role that it first took up in order to stop the military phase of the war. We call upon civil society to organize itself in order to direct the peaceful efforts towards democracy, freedom, and justice. Democratic change is the only alternative to war.

Seventh: We call on all honest sectors of civil society to attend a National Dialogue for Democracy, Freedom and Justice.

For this reason we say:

Brothers and Sisters:

After the start of the war in January, 1994, the organized cry of the Mexican people stopped the fighting and called for a dialogue between the contending forces. The federal government responded to the just demands of the EZLN with a series of offers that didn't touch on the essential problem: the lack of justice, freedom, and democracy in Mexican territory.

The offers with which the federal government responded to the demands of the EZLN are limited by the system of the political party in power. This system has made possible the continuation of certain sectors in the Mexican countryside that have superseded the power of the Constitution, and whose roots have maintained the party in power. It is this system of complicity that has made possible the existence and belligerence of the caciques, the omnipotent power of the ranchers and businessmen, and the spread of drug-
trafficking. Just the fact that the government offered us the so-called Proposals for a Dignified Peace in Chiapas provoked tremendous agitation and an open defiance by these sectors. The single-party political system is trying to maneuver within this reduced horizon. It can't alienate these sectors without attacking itself, yet it can't leave things as they are without having to face the anger of the campesinos and Indigenous peoples. In other words, to go through with the proposals would necessarily mean the death of the state party system. By suicide or execution, the death of the current Mexican political system is a necessary precondition, although it is not sufficient, for the transition to democracy in our country. There will be no real solutions in Chiapas until the situation in Mexico as a whole is resolved.

The EZLN understands that the problem of poverty in Mexico isn't due just to a lack of resources. Our fundamental understanding and position is that whatever efforts are made will only postpone the problem if these efforts aren't made within the context of new local, regional, and national political relationships--relationships marked by democracy, freedom, and justice. The problem of power is not a question of who rules, but of who exercises power. If it is exercised by a majority of the people, the political parties will be obligated to put their proposals forward to the people instead of merely relating to each other.

Looking at the problem of power within the context of democracy, freedom, and justice will create a new political culture within the parties. A new type of political leader will be born and, without a doubt, new types of political parties will be born as well.

We aren't proposing a new world, but something preceding a new world: an antechamber looking into the new Mexico. In this sense, this revolution will not end in a new class, faction of a class, or group in power. It will end in a free and democratic space for political struggle. This free and democratic space will be born on the fetid cadaver of the state party system and the tradition of fixed presidential succession. A new political relationship will be born, a relationship based not in the confrontation of political organizations among themselves, but in the confrontation of their political proposals with different social classes. Political leadership will depend on the support of these social classes, and not on the mere exercise of power. In this new political relationship, different political proposals (socialism, capitalism, social democracy, liberalism, christian democracy, etc.) will have to convince a majority of the nation that their proposal is the best for the country. The groups in power will be watched by the people in such a way that they will be obligated to give a regular accounting of themselves, and the people will be able to decide whether they remain in power or not. The plebiscite is a regulated form of confrontation among the nation, political parties, and power, and it merits a place in the highest law of the country.

Current Mexican law is too constricting for these new political relationships between the governed and the governors. A National Democratic Convention is needed from which a provisional or transitional government can emerge, be it by the resignation of the federal executive or by an electoral route.

This National Democratic Convention and transitional government should lead to the creation of a new constitution, and, in the context of this new constitution, new elections should be held. The pain that this process will bring to the country will be less than the damage that would be caused by a civil war. The prophecy of the Southeast is valid for the entire country. We can learn from what has already occurred so that there is less pain during the birth of the new Mexico.

The EZLN has its idea of what system and proposal are best for the country. The political maturity of the EZLN as a representative of a sector of the nation is shown by the fact that it doesn't want to impose its proposal on the country. The EZLN demands what is shown by their example: the political maturity of Mexico and the right for all to decide, freely and democratically, the course that Mexico must take. Not only will a better and more-just Mexico emerge from this historic synthesis, but a new Mexico as well. This is why we are gambling our lives: so that the Mexicans of the future can inherit a country in which it isn't shameful to live...

The EZLN, in a democratic exercise without precedent in an armed organization, consulted its component bases about whether or not to sign the peace accords presented by the federal government. The Indigenous bases of the EZLN, seeing that the central demands of democracy, freedom and justice have yet to be resolved, decided against signing the government's proposal.

Under siege and under pressure from different sectors that threatened us with extermination if the peace accords weren't signed, we Zapatistas reaffirmed our commitment to achieve a peace with justice and dignity. In our struggle, the dignified struggle of our ancestors has found a home. The cry of dignity of the insurgent Vincente Guererro, "Live for the country or die for freedom," once again sounds from our throats. We cannot accept an undignified peace.

Our path sprang out of the impossibility of struggling peacefully for our elemental rights as human beings. The most valuable of these rights is the right to decide, freely and democratically, what form the government will take. Now the possibility of a peaceful change to democracy and freedom confronts a new test: the electoral process that will take place this August, 1994. There are those who are betting on the outcome of the elections and the post-
election period. There are those who are predicting apathy and disillusionment. They hope to profit from the blood of those who fall in the struggles, both violent and peaceful, in the cities and in the countryside. They found their political project in the conflict they hope will come after the elections. They hope that the political demobilization will once again open the door to war. They say that they will save the country.

Others hope that the armed conflict will restart before the elections so that they can take advantage of the chaotic situation to keep themselves in power. Just as they did before, when they usurped popular will with electoral fraud, these people hope to take advantage of a pre-electoral civil war in order to prolong the agony of a dictatorship that has already lasted decades. There are others, sterile nay-sayers, who reason that war is inevitable and who are waiting to watch their enemy's cadaver float by...or their friend's cadaver. The sectarians suppose, erroneously, that just the firing of a gun will bring about the dawn that our people have waited for since night fell upon Mexican soil with the death of Villa and Zapata.

Every one of these people who steals hope supposes that behind our weapons are ambition and an agenda that will guide us to the future. They are wrong. Behind our weapons is another weapon: reason. Hope gives life to both of our weapons. We won't let them steal our hope.

The hope that came with the trigger came about at the beginning of the year. It is precisely now that the hope that comes with political mobilizations takes up the protagonist's role that belongs to it by right and reason. The flag is now in the hands of those who have names and faces, good and honest people who have the same goal that we yearn for. Our greetings to these men and women. You have our greetings and our hope that you can carry the flag to where it should be. We will be standing there waiting for you with dignity. If the flag should fall, we will be there to pick it up again...

Now is the time for hope to organize itself and to walk forward in the valleys and in the cities, as it did before in the mountains of the Southeast. Fight with your weapons; don't worry about ours. We know how to resist to the end. We know how to wait... And we know what to do if the doors through which dignity walks close once again.

This is why we address our brothersand sisters in different non-governmental organizations, in campesino and Indigenous organizations, workers in the cities and in the countryside, teachers and students, housewives and squatters, artists and intellectuals, members of independent political parties, Mexicans.

We call all of you to a national dialogue with the theme of democracy, freedom, and justice. For this reason, we put forward the following invitation to a National Democratic Convention:

We, the Zapatista National Liberation Army, fighting to achieve the democracy, freedom, and justice that our country deserves, and considering that:

One: The supreme government has usurped the legality that we inherited from the hero of the Mexican Revolution.

Two: The Constitution that exists doesn't reflect the popular will of the Mexican people.

Three: The resignation of the federal executive usurper isn't enough and that a new law is necessary for the new country that will be born from the struggles of all honest Mexicans.

Four: Every form of struggle is necessary in order to achieve the transition to democracy in Mexico.

Considering these things, we call for a sovereign and revolutionary National Democratic Convention from which will come a transitional government and a new national law, a new constitution that will guarantee the legal fulfillment of the people's will.

This sovereign revolutionary convention will be national in that all states of the federation will be represented. It will be plural in the sense that all patriotic sectors will be represented. It will be democratic in the way in which it will make decisions by national consultations.

The Convention will be presided over, freely and voluntarily, by civilians, prestigious public figures, regardless of their political affiliation, race, religion, sex, or age.

The Convention will be launched by local, state, and regional committees in every ejido, settlement, school, and factory. These committees of the Convention will be in charge of collecting the people's proposals for the new constitution and the demands to be completed by the new government that comes out of the Convention.

The convention should demand free and democratic elections and should fight for the people's will to be respected.

The Zapatista National Liberation Army will recognize the National Democratic Convention as the authentic representative of the interests of the Mexican people in their transition to democracy.

The Zapatista National Liberation Army is now to be found throughout national territory and is in a position to offer itself to the Mexican people as an army to guarantee that the people's will is carried out.

For the first meeting of the National Democratic Convention, the EZLN offers as a meeting-place a Zapatista settlement with all of the resources to be found there.

The date and place of the first session of the National Democratic Convention will be announced when it is appropriate to do so.

Mexican Brothers and Sisters:

Our struggle continues. The Zapatista flag still waves in the mountains of the Mexican Southeast and today we say: We will not surrender!

Facing the mountains we speak to our dead so that their words will guide us along the path that we must walk.

The drums sound, and in the voices from the land we hear our pain and our history.

"Everything for everyone," say our dead. "As long as this is not true, there will be nothing for us.

"Find in your hearts the voices of those for whom we fight. Invite them to walk the dignified path of those who have no faces. Call them to resist. Let no one receive anything from those who rule. Ask them to reject the handouts from the powerful. Let all the good people in this land organize with dignity. Let them resist and not sell out.

"Don't surrender! Resist! Resist with dignity in the lands of the true men and women! Let the mountains shelter the pain of the people of this land. Don't surrender! Resist! Don't sell-out! Resist!"

Our dead spoke these words from their hearts. We have seen that the words of our dead are good, that there is truth in what they say and dignity in their counsel. For this reason we call on our brother Mexicans to resist with us. We call on the Indigenous campesinos to resist with us. We call on the workers, squatters, housewives, students, teachers, intellectuals, writers, on all those with dignity, to resist with us. The government doesn't want democracy in our land. We will accept nothing that comes from the rotting heart of the government, not a single coin nor a single dose of medication, not a single stone nor a single grain of food. We will not accept the handouts that the government offers in exchange for our dignity.

We will not take anything from the supreme government. Although they increase our pain and sorrow, although death may accompany us, although we may see others selling themselves to the hand that oppresses them, although everything may hurt and sorrow may cry out from the rocks, we will not accept anything. We will resist. We will not take anything from the government. We will resist until those who are in power exercise their power while obeying the people's will.

Brothers and Sisters:

Don't sell out. Resist with us. Don't surrender. Resist with us. Repeat along with us, "We will not surrender! We will resist!" Let these words be heard not only in the mountains of the Mexican Southeast, but in the North and on the peninsulas. Let it be heard on both coasts. Let it be heard in the center of the country. Let it cry out in the valleys and in the mountains. Let it sound in the cities and in the countryside. Unite your voices, brothers. Cry out with us:  "We will not surrender! We will resist!"

Let dignity break the siege and lift off of us the filthy hands with which the government is trying to strangle us. We are all under siege. They will not let democracy, freedom, and justice enter Mexican territory. Brothers, we are all under siege. We will not surrender! We will resist! We have dignity! We will not sell-out!

What good are the riches of the powerful if they aren't able to buy the most valuable thing in these lands? If the dignity of the Mexican people has no price, then what good is the power of the powerful?

Dignity will not surrender!

Dignity will resist!

Democracy!

Freedom!

Justice!

From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast,

Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee-
General Command of the Zapatista National Liberation Army Mexico June, 1994